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Full text of "United States' telegraph--extra"

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UNITED S TATES TE LEGIlAPlI-~7^.r^r^/. 

This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential lilcctioii, and l)e published weeUlv 
until the 15th of October next, for Ont DotUir, 

BY GREEN fy J^RJ'IS. 



VOL. I. 



WASHINGTON, MARCH 1, 1S28. 



No. I 



(From the Kentucky Argus.] 
y« THE PEOPLE OF KENTUVRY. 

Fba-ikpodt, Pebriuiry IG^ 183S. 

Ediow Citi.:ens .■ 

An address of Henry Clay to the public has 
been lately disseminated, in which he endea- 
vors to prove tliat no proposition was made by 
hini or his iVicnds to i;encial Jackson, previous 
To the late Presidential election, and that there 
u-as no UTidcrstandiuaf betft'een Uitu and Ktr. 
Adimi. , •; . 

Almost every member of the. Leglilature rs- 
ceived a copy of this pvod^ct'iOit frankfdif/ Mr. 
Clay himself. As soon as they had time toV'Uid 
it, Mr. IJeatly of the Senate, offered, in Coin- 
rnittceof the Whole, a number of resolutions as 
a si'bstitutc for others reported by the Commit- 
tT"j on Internal Improvements, and then under 
consideration,' which embraced not only the 
subject of the orijjiual resolutions, but also aa 
eidog;y on the present administration and a cen- 
sure upon its opponents. These resolutions, it 
Was well understood, were drawn by Mr. Den. 
Hardin. The fifth reads as follows : 

*' This I.eg'islature view8,« ith deep conceno, 
and feehngs ot just indignation, the efforts that 
are now makinjj throujyliout the United States, 
to blast the reputation of the distiii,?uished mem- 
bers of Congress from tliis State, wlio voted for 
.lohn Q.. Adams to be Presidint of the United 
titates. They have no hesitation in s:iyintf, that 
it is their coniirmed opinion, from great deliber- 
ation and a full examination of all the facts and 
evidence adduced, that the charj^es of bargain, 
sale and corruijtion in the election of John Q. 
Adams, are utterly false and malicious; that they 
are brought forward and endeavored to be sus- 
tained for party purposes, and to elevate Gen 
.lackson to the office of President of the United 
States." 

Tlie friends of Gen. Jackson objected to this 
resolution, because it embraced subjects not 
within the scope of the legitimate powers of 
the Legislature. The Legislatiu-e rejiresents 
the people, and, under certain restrictions, is 
tlie sovereign power of the State. When Ken- 
tucky speaks as a jj,overnmcut, she speaks 
througii lier Legislature. Ail the acts of that 
body which come within the scope of its legiti- 
inate power.s, bmd the people, tf the Senate 
or House of Kepresentative.s attempt an act 
which docs not bind their cor.stiluents, that :'Ct 
is not within the Innit iji their powers, and is 
either wholly nugatory or an usurpation. Test 
this resolution by that principle. I>oestheo))i- 
nion of the Legislature as to the motives if 
those members ot Congress who voted for Jolm 
Quincy Adams, bind the people'. Or, when 
the Legislature declare that the friends of Gen- 
CTal .i.ackson are slanderci-s, .actuated by parly 
jnirposes, arc the people hound by the derlara- 
tion* Have they delegated tiieir right to lliiuk 
anil form opinions nlM'ive to pii!,l;e ir p^ii ;i'e 



men, to their Senators and Ite])resentative9 of 
the General Assembly' Are they bound to 
take tlie opinions oftlie.se surbordinate servants 
as conf'liisive of the character aud acts of the 
general ailministration, and vote for him as Pre- 
sident or ni'^mber of Congresi whom they may 
designate in their nesohitions' Such assertiooB 
would be repelled with indi°;nation by every 
freeman of Kentucky. 

If, therefore, tiie .Senate as.sumedto speak ii^ 
the name of the {people, they were gudly of 
g,TOS3 usiirpatioii. The people h^ve uol yet giv- 
oo up. their right to think for J^Cjmwlves, and 
rcBoIve in their rjjrn mindi^, iipui\ the character 
and prete'sion of men in (iffice, ftiid candid,itc!< 
for promotion, wilhoutreceivlng the mandate of 
(he honorable Senate or Genei'al Assembly in 
the town ofl'ranktort. Biit iftHe Senator who 
inirodui'ed this resolution and those who voted 
for it, were acting for themselves, they mistook 
the time and place, as well as the proper slylr 
of their acts. They were sii ting in a house ]>ro- 
vided by the people, were paid with the peo- 
ple's money, and assumed to resolve in the naiue 
of the General Assembly of tlicCommonwealtU 
of Kentucky. Had they been honest, would 
they not have first adjourneil, found their own 
ho'ise, lived on their oivn money, met in open 
and avowed Caucus, and resolved In the name 
of "this A-ssemhly'" The people might then 
httve laughed them to scorn; but tluy could not 
have complained, as tliey do uow", that these 
men used their house, wasted their time, iinA 
squandered their money, in discussing, for days 
and weeks, resolutions, which, if ushered forth, 
in the name of the people, are a gross usurpa- 
tion, as ridiculous as it is extravagant. 

These resolutions are not in principle like 
those of 1824, requesting our members in Con- 
gress to vote for General Jackson. A sove- 
reign act was then about to be pei-formed; the 
vote of this gre;»t State was about to be given 
for President. The Legislature, the only re- 
presentative of that sovereignty, requested the 
^votc to be given for General Jackson, assuring 
the instruments who w'''re to speak Kentucky's 
voice, that such was the v,ill of the people. 
That ought to have been received as a mandatCj 
and implicitly obeyed. I>ut it was disregiu'ded; 
and r.ow what do we see.' Tlie same men, one 
of whom said after the election that we were 
sold as a \'irginian transfers iiis ])lantation and 
negroes, bow in luimble submission to their nesV^ 
master, turn round and tell the people aU'n well, 
and endeavor even to usurp their power of 
thought! 

Tlic friends of the right of instruction and 
of Jackson, wannly protested against the right 
of the Senate to give opinions for the people; 
but finding the majority determined to march 
forward, they insisted, that an opinion ought not 
to be ex|>ressed witliou; the adoption of eiiicient 
means to test its correctness. 'I'he resolution 
spoke of " a full examination of ;ill the facts 
niid evideiic' a(V!ur,>;l," amlifi.h \ vrnn'Id ^r- 



■on, it v«is t'xcirUuT)- lu grycur.eaiKi cxasiiiieill 
the evidence wiOyii tlieip reacli. On tlie next 
morninff, General Jillen accordingly offered the 
tbllowing resolution: 

"Whcrea'", in n resolution now before the 
Committee nf tin- Wliolc FIoiiKt to wliicli \vs3 
refcrrcJ the report aJid resolutions of the Com- 
mittee on Internal Improvemrnis, the following 
subjects are bvonj;lit nefoi-c V'.\r: conrntte.', up- 
on -.vhich they arc i-qnired to decde, to \rit: 
'This I.tjfislainre viev. \riih dcg concern and 
feeling of just indijfnalion, the efforts whxli 
"are now making (lirmgliont the United States, 
to blxst the lepnU'.ion of the distlngiiinhcd 
members of Coiijji-ewifi'om t"ii" Stale who voted 
for John Q. Adams to be President of the 
• United States, niey have no hesitation ia 
saying:, that it is tlieir coiifmne*! opinion, from 
jjreat diliberatitm and a fiill exafliinntii'n i^fail 
the facts 9ii-Je7fdcnoe adtiucc'!, thiitlhectiarges 
of bargiaifr, s«!e, autrcorruptioit, m the election 
of Jolii^ (i. Adains, arc uttcriy false and ma'i- 
rious: that they arc hruiii^ht fiinvard and en- 
deavored to j)e sustained for piirty purposes, 
and to ele\*ute (itn. Jackson to the ottice of 
rrcsidcnl of the United States." Therefore, 
to enable the Coniniittee to examine into and in- 
'♦(■estigate the transactions embwced in the fore- 
going rcsoliiticn, lirxohed. That said Connnjt- 
tee be authorized and iiistrticte<l to send for 
persons anS paper?- " 

The A'-iams men affected to consider this 
proposi'ion as a mtie jok'-, and la:J it on the 
■table. rhouji;h their rt-solution, in its very 
terms, spoke of the exaniination tif evidence 
aikhiccd, notiiing was further from their 
tlioujjhts than to ad In cc* any evidence at all. 
But iiothinjif tt-as more plaiu, than tliat if tfiey 
had a r'ljlit to pass tiitir r^.olutioti, ihey h-id a 
riijiil tt) brin;^ befoi'o them all the evidence 
which might conduce to a correct opinion. 
•It became ciiri-eni that they imended to aot 
w'ilhout erideiH-i, bt cause tliey dared not in- 
troduce it, and they be&ime alarmed. Not 
knowinp what to ilo, ilreading- to go forward 
and afraid to fjo back, finally, Mr. lieattypie- 
sented his reMilution in the Senate; .Mr l.ock- 
ctf, one of their oaii partj, c.illed up Ciencral 
Allen's, which tiny so anunded as to bring the 
evidence bcfme tlie bar of die Senate, and ge- 
nerally voted for it.s adoption. The time allow- 
ed to pixicurc \ritnes-ies from all parts of the 
Sta'a, was but Si.x da^•^. 

The day set for (lie inquiry arrived, and 
"scareoly a Ukui tif tlicse v/lio had been sumnion- 
od out of Frankfort, uwde his Appearanci'. The 
triends of Geniral Jacfcsnn, still unx'ouii to get 
rid of the wnole siihjec!, the resolution of Mr. 
ijeatty as well as 'he rimniiiKitioji of witiit-ssiii, 
•proposed to postpone Ihe.wLole nutter to a day 
l)( yond tlie session. Tije .^d.mis men, rcl\ ing, 
■we presume, upon the absence of witnesses, 
appeared now lo h.ive become bold, and deter- 
mined logo immediately into the inquiry. But 
they never coiiieui;)lated any thing like a full 
»nl coiTipUte iuvestig-.itiou. They had gone. 
ihto it because they d;ircd not ^tfu^e, and rely- 
ing < II tlv.ir ni,iiont>, tUey intended to e:cclud<! 
whatever the) thought it d,ingerous to :idmit,iind 
under some p.etext, p-jt a stop to it, if its pro- 
gitss w ■J J likely to prove fatal to theirparty vews. 
Yttu u-ill .see full evidence ot ill this in the iiici- 
' ".•.- whi.-!i occurfjj ifjrinj» Ihs iuveslj^tiOn. 



Xlic txaiuinajiaij «f wilawses cuiuiueii^eo', 
and the friends of truth and the people will 
find nuich ca'isc to rejoice that the viokit'on of 
principle and right in the Senate, ha.s leJ to 
distlosures which lia^a covered (he perpetrr- 
toiN w:lh confusion, and will hasten the downfal 
of the reign ot iiitrijfne and cornipt'on. 

In relation to Mr Francis Johnson, it wa^ 
jrov^'d, that before the Preaidentisti election he 
Ifad spoken agy.inst .\Ir. Adams; tliat after Mr. 
Cliv 'v:is e.tclud«l from the floose l-i receiv- 
ed a parcel of le'lers from hon;e, ;rhich in* 
st-ucted him to "stick to Old Hickory — give 
usu western President whatever yon do;" tirat 
nirt'.r "Oting for Mr. .\d«ms in dcfi.incc of &\ 
this, a.s well as the instructions of the Legisla- 
ture, he came home and ga'/eas his reason, that 
it was "lugel Mr. Chi/ viadc- Seeretarf/ o/'.Vo/P." 
See the evidence of Mr* Hitt and James M'Mil- 
lan, F.sq. 

In relation to Genefal Metcalfe, it was prov- 
ed, that 'iariy in Junuary, 18*35, i.i speaking oV 
the election and iU-- li',-nt'jcky delegation, hi; 
said, •' / knoui tiitlt^ utori, iha.t when J came hcr^ 
— VK&liinil uneuiuiniltcd — wn ntiut Ifnoat smur^ 
thirty uhi/iii hi,w tkc cnb^/tH is io btJitUd.*^ Af- 
tifr the election, when told by Col. Johnson) 
that voting for Mr. Adaras would be an up-hill 
business in Kentucky, he replied, " / fear icc 
iui'C iSonr tiio MurJtfor our fritnd " To remove 
all doubt who this friend was, iie stated after 
his '•eturii honie, that " we couUi not pmsill^j 
gti M'. (lay in t/tC cabmet, wil/ioul inting for 
cmdekain^ Mr. jidaiis," See the evidence of 
Mr. Hitt, j.T. Johnson, Esq. and the state- 
ment of Mr. John Dt^-ha. 

In relation to Mr I>avid Trimble, it is proved", 
that in Ib'ii, he ahiisot John Q. Adams as a 
tvone pid:tic'(i» than hii, father, an tipmlule ftdt. 
ratiif, an eitcnti/ (fine went, whii offered a! Ghinl 
to barter atvn'/ tlie nitois'Jtioii ,f ike Af^imi.'tgtppi 
tn tbe DrUiali for a tM.\3 fif cintjiili, -iMA. said "// 
he ewf vnted fur him he tviruld agree io be called n 
frdfralint us /<irg m be heed." Vet in the face 
of his •)wn declareil opinions, as well as the 
will of the people and the req^iest of the Le- 
gislature, did he vote for this man, whom he 
had so violently denounced. What wjs his 
upnlogv ' He gave it himself — "WE DIS- 
TINCTLY ASCEHTAINED, that Mr. Adams 
would matte. Mr. Clay Hecrctary of State, and 
thjit ill all probabiHti/ General Jackson would 
rent." ■ See the evi<li nci'? of Mr. John Masain 
jr. the statements of .M. Han-ison.&sq.aiid eleven 
citi»<iis of Kkming count; , tha letter of 
Jesse Hummers, Ksq. andthe affidavit of MeSSrj. 
Qciiry Italbert and Jesse Hainrick. 

1.1 it possible that u bai'gsin cotild be more 
clearly proved, without the production of a wri- 
ting sijrned and seilod by ti.o cjntracting par- 
ties' liLie was an act done by one party in ecu- 
ibtlerutioa of a.i act to he done by another. A 
part (itthe Kentucky delegation a70we<lly stood 
unconmiitted for the pi:rpi>se of anfr'taining 
bitu) the caiinet wu.^ io be filled; tliey did ascer- 
tain that Mr. Ad.-ims eould make Mr Clay Scc- 
rctiuy of State; I/kJ was the coiiaideralioii giveh 
for their vote.';, .and they came homo and said so. 
Mr. Adams did jMif tlm eoiiaideratinu by n^akiiig 
Mr. Clay Secretary of State, and the contract u-as 
thus fiilfilled by both of the high contract! r- 
parliea! We are- sure that no hotiist jtiry wotil ■ 
rfftjiiire Stroir^r evidence to prmfc a fto/r'in-.' 



lilt; t'rituJs fci t.eati-;jl Xi^kifea sfferi'd to 
prove before the Senate, the confessions of D. 
White, Ksq. one of the metnt 19 of Congress 
implicated in voting for Mr. A Jams. It would 
have been an insult to iir. V.'hite, as well as a 
violation of the constitution, to introduce bim 
to pur^e him'Jelf on oath, or to te:-t;fv sgainsf 
himself; yet rhd ihc A.lams m;ijority, anJer pre- 
tence thit Mr. White shotilc'i be himself made a 
witness, vot<; to exclude all evidence of hscon- 
fission;, whetiier niajc bct'oL-e .jr since t'le 
PresiJential election! This step v.as ivithout 
right .".r precedciiti il was an act of rirbitrary 
jjoir'T for the p-i.pose of s!nittl:;p o.it anirrkonit 
Iml'^i. UxA Mr. VViiito'i conCe -.sions been ad- 
mitti-d, we ar<- aatliorized tt,- say, it would liave 
been proved, tliat while at Washington, and 
ever since his return, he h;ui i;n-foraiiy said tluat 
he- v^i.'xl foi- Mr. Cl/y, ai A not lor Mr. Adu.iis, 
that Ml. .\da.iTis would never have been Presi- 
dent, liad not Mr. Clay been Secretary of State; 
tilat aUh jujh lie knew of iio direct and positive 
bar=pa:n, a ^rt of ti:e Kentucky d^-legrvtion held 
a tanc.is, in wh.ch, after c.onsuitins' Mr. Ciay 
hiinscif, they deta-mlned to iujiport .V!r. Adams, 
bein? perfectly satisfied that he would make 
Ml-. ';lay SecretaiT of State; and ihat thi---, and 
liotiiin^ else, was his motive in lotiiig for >fr. 
Adams. It was 'iirse damnir.g facts, which the 
niajori'v did not wish to hc.-ir, and therefore ex- 
cluded all evidence of Mr. V.'nke's declarations! 
T!iis inqu ry, c.naectcd with facts already 
before t!ie ijublic, has placed Mr. Clay in a 
most awkward attitude. He ha.5 publicly de- 
nied, that there W;!S evei any serious di.ler- 
ent- between hiin and M.-. Adams relative to 
the r.,:vctiaticns at Ghtiit, arid his friend, .Mr. 
Wicl-.hfiV, ve:itured to assert the sair..; tn'ng 
i;l llie most positive ttnns on the floor of the 
>ena1e, 

.V series of letters was written and publish- 
ed in the Ar<jus in 182.2 and ia'25, reviewing' 
Mr. Adams' Book .m the Ghent negotiation, in 
which he was charg-ed with violating in»tr.ic- 
tions, with deadly hostility to the Western 
country, with injustice' to Vlr. Clr.; , w'tli at- 
tempting to sell the blood ot" the West for the 
ptivi'etje of fishing- in Brirish waters, with dis- 
in.5en'.iov.jness, falsehood, and ignorance! It 
was pi-oved, that after the publication of these 
letters, Mr. Clay protnolrd their republication 
in pamphlet form, and acttially paid JlOO of his 
own money for that p-irpose! See the ev'dence 
of ilcssrs. Tanner and Kendall. Capt. Uareiss 
asserted in debate, and dt-clsred the proof was 
at hand, that Jlr. Clay liad himself received in 
juarmscvlpt and«ent to Ohio for pui»licfltion, ar- 
ticles containing- the ssme aei-ious charts 
ajraiust Mr. / dams, and the friends of Mr. Clay 
neither denied it nor called f'rr 'he -proof, if 
the charges i;mde ?t;-ainBt Mr. Adams were uu- 
tiuF, Mr. Clay staniU convicte<l as his sluiir/errr 
■.i.\v\ HbeUar ; if tiiey were true, t!ieu he has al!ie<l 
himself with a man whom he krirw to be capa- 
ble o*' «;'i/i.i^ //<£ WimJ 0/ //-c Wett. la cither 
•alternative, what mutt t'le world think of Mr. 
Clay' 

The attitude in which Mr. Cl.iy has placet! 

himself and his friends, was fully exposed in 

the Seii.itc. .Mr. Pope o#'ereJ an amendment 

^|.to thj white-washiTiK re.<;olution, declarinij 

/.'all these chargi^s a;,'-ainst .».!r. Adams pnl;- 

■ 1 -'.;-J i:i.lB2-J-i', to b-j ■ utter!-- I'ai- .-.' I !.-• 



frjc'nds of Mt Ci»y were piacei* in a sad diieu,. 
ma. If they voted for this amendment, with 
the evidence before them that Mr. Clay had 
himself circulated these charges^ and paid for 
their circulition, they would vote tli,at be was 
s shandi'i-er and a libeller ; if they voted .against 
it , they would vote that Adams -a-is an eneniy 
of the West, ready to sell its blood ! In this 
pr^dicayent, they divitled ; some voted th,a* 
C. -.y was a libeller, and others that Adams was 
d knave ; but the amendment was rejected by 
the castinj^ vote of the Lt. Governoi'. This 
sliows that '.he party CMC notJiin_!^ for Ml' Adams; 
they will vote him a knave wl'.en he staiulsalo.ie,- 
but an honest man, when' connected with Mr. 
Clay ! IJis makhigf Mr. play Sea'ctary of 
State, is the conridi^allon of their support, as it 
w as of tiie votes of Br. Clay and his friends hi 
Coiigret.i. 

Notvvithftandi.-ig the tremendous ch'Arges 
wiiich Mr. ChkV had circulated agaiust Mr. Ail- 
ams, he muleavoi-s to prove that h-j liad matle up 
his mind to vote for hiinasc-<uly asthe fall of 
ly24,and never wavered in hisdetermination. It 
is prnvetl by the statement of .Maj. Carneal, that 
at the very time it. CUiy was saying to i. .1. 
Crittenden and others, that he should vote fur 
Mr. Adanv-i, he told liim that he was trhnVy 
•tn'omiiiillcJ. To Major Carnea', to another 
disting lishtd member of the Lc-s^slature, and 
to 0. A. Wickhffe, Esfl- he did, about the .'-■imi: 
lime, convey tie impression, that there was no 
obstacle to his voting fi.;- General .lackson, and 
that he had not made up his mind ! To Majo-,- 
T- P. Moore he used the same languagtj aflcr 
his arrival at Washington Cltj'. ^ 

Whjt shall we think of this > Had he iir>t 
matle up h!s mind to vote for Mr. Adaais ; 
Tlien he stated falsehoods to Jlr. Ci-ittenden. 
and others. Had he made up his mind, as he 
now asserts: Then he was playing the hypo- 
crite with the fi-iends of Gen. Jacison in our 
Legislature, and a portion of our members of 
Congress. W'nich position will he take .' ll'e 
cannot escape from both. 

It is easier to perceive Mr. Clay 's motives 
than to vin.dicale his cause. While he was telling- 
one set of individuals that he shoidd vote for 
Mr. Adams, he was assiu-ingthe friends (if Gei;. 
Jackson in the Legislature that he was unctjui- 
mitted and felt no repugnance to voting fo'- 
tiieir favorite, with the object of preventing Ihr^ 
pw^!);!: of tesoluii one of instruction, keeping Ijim- 
selffree to make the it'6.' biirgain ke could ana a,- 
cnpe from future emharrassnient. M'ith thesam; 
view, he Xirged ihe members of Congress to re • 
mt'.in uncommitted, and conve) ed the impres- 
sion that he stood in that attitude hi'iiisclf. Uli 
langut-.ge wa3,rfo rto/ inbiruci mc;land ntyfri'nd<- 
in (rmgress remain unaimmiitej; [ hope ymt liav''. 
confidence iiX^eue Ih-iit Iv]'.ll do my duty; there ■•$' 
no olistnck to my roting fi,r Gen. Jackson. Noh-. 
why ail this fear of instructions and committals' 
!Mr. Clay told Maj. Cai-rica!, "1 stand uncomniit- 
/(:/;" he advised Mcssi-s. Wickhlfe .am! Moore 
to remain ttncommi'Wtt/,- Gen. Metcalfe told Mr. 
Uitt, "wc stand uncommitttJ." Now, what was 
the object of all this.' General Metcalfe has told 
us — "wc must know .wnxthing uhout liow the 
ciihincJ is to be filled. ' The object of Mr. Clay 
and his friends is here distinctly avowed. \V£i;, 
did they find out huwllie cabind ici^ to befilitv,-' ' 
I •■ ^' -. ■!" '..-:' ' ■ ::, ■ —..••Wi. I'lSi I.> LT'-i >- ' 



H tuTi i>ED llittf Mr. iW-ujw wjuld inal-e Mr. Clay 
i^eerctari/ ofStute." AVe tlius have, in the con- 
fessions of Mr. Clay'i own friends, a full cxpla- 
liation of his movements; he wishcil to avoid in- 
struclions and jjrcvent committals until Ueconld 
"know how the cabinet u-as lo be filled-" but as 
soon as it was "distinclly ai^ccrlaiiied" that Mr. 
Adams would make him Secretary of State, and 
wangementswere made to transfer to him the 
Votes of the west for that consideration, th^M, 
and not till then, did Mr. Clay come out openly 
or Mr. Adams. 

Whether Mr. Clay made up liis mind to vote 
«r Mr. Adams as early as tlie fall of lb2-i or not, 
s wholly immaterial. If he had, he Wus re- 
solved not to let Mr. Adams know it, until he 
" knew something' about h^w the cabinet was 
fo be filled." In plain lane^uag'e, /i- (tic* aV'er- 
nuTitd to get the best price he coul.l; and for his 
vote and injluence lie dld^el the oj/ice nf S( aet,iri/ 
of Hiate. His declarations to Maj. Carneal and 
others, and his letter to General Jackson in tiie 
fall of 1&24, induce the belief, that lie woul i 
just as soon have voted for General Jackson, 
could he have ftcured hif price. 

It is proved by t!ie evidence of Sir. Kcnilall 
and the statement of J. Dudley, Ksq lliat in 
januarv 1825, several v.eeks before the Presi- 
dential election, K. P. Rlair, Esq. ah intimate 
•and confidential friend of Mr. Clay, told tlieni 
that Mr. Clay would be Secretary of State, if 
.Jtr. Adams was made President, and rtqncsted 
t^em to write to the representative from t'lis 
district to vote for Mr. Adams, for tlie purpose 
!jf securing that oifice to Mr. Clay lie predi- 
cated his assurance to Mr. Dudley upon letters 
fyqiti Wasliiui;t-.n_City. During^ the late inquiry, 
-J!r. "Blair was called before the Senate for the 
■'mirpose of pvovin:;' from whom he got this in- 
formation. He refused to be swoit., on the 
.ground, amonj- other thing-s, that he received it 
ii "private tornuuMiications and a confidenlial 
coirespondence" vihich the Senate bad no ri^'Ut 
'to extort from liim. It was believed, that the 
correspondence alluded to, was witli Mr. CIviy 
himself, and now the Senate seemed to be ap- 
proaching to direct and po.sitive proof, 'I'liis 
the Adams men were as little desiroLis tdssee as 
they were to iicarlhe confessions of Mr. 'Wliiie. 
'I.liey immediately took the gro.md, tl>at tiiey 
M ould force uwbndy to swear, declaring- in posi- 
tive tene-;, that tiiey w:i7;ted to hear r.one iuit 
willing witnesses. Thu?;, after goinj;- into tlie 
iuquiry becaiise tbty dared not refuse it, ao 
alarmed were they lest tiie w/wle Irulh slioulJ 
come out, that they openly countenanced and ap- 
J^lauded a conti-iniil c'' their autliori'.y, and en- 
dt-avo.-ed to yiduce e\ erj- v.itu;-.«s lo refuse hi.s 
•eiiiniony, I'^st lie should be deninuiced as a 
; tre Vuhmicer.' Yet, tliese are tlic men who 
■adcrt.ike to denounce tiie friends of Jackson 
a< slanderers, because we aasert tliat which tlicy 
know is already proved, and would have been 
• proved in a manner to silence even knnverij il- 
.■xff had they maintained the dignity of tlie Se- 
nate, and extorted the testimony, which was 
...".htady before them. 

The country will judg-e what chance the 

friends of Jackson bail to bring out the proof 

befovo a tribunal so partlsl in its decisions and 

' So wanting in refpect for itself. In some in- 

.sriaoes, testimony wliieh was obviously legal 

tills projMJr, ■ MTw arjitianiy- cxiifftcfed, itfiu'iu 



others the majority oot only CDCOurje'cd cu(.- 
tenipts of the Senate, but to make themselves 
complctr ly ridiculous, in one case entered them 
upon their Journals. Posterity will with won- 
der find on their records the protest of Mr. 
Blair, a perpetual witness that they were con- 
scious of the error of their proceedings, or were 
a partial tj'ibunal, submitting, with the utmost 
tameness, lo contempt and indigmity, rathej 
than bring out important evidence wliicli thgv 
knew to exist. That such was their real cha> 
ucttr, all their proceedings evince. Perceiving 
that the proof of a bargain was coming in by 
piece meal as the evidence arrived, they ha* 
teued the inquiry to a close bffiire wilnuse.^ mutt" 
iHoncd by thtm'-etfVi had lime to anit\ &nd thco 
attiinpted to turn the • hole into ridicule. Mr. 
Ben Hardin, instead of actin? the part of a 
grave Senator, fn;4aged in important public 
concerns, converted the Senate Chamber into 
a Theatre, and |)lKyed the buS'oon with gr<rat 
applause, b_\ attfmpting to imitate and ridicuTc 
each witness who either testified or refuwd to 
testify, aija.n.st Messi-s. Adams and CU_\. The 
evidence is now before the world, and the peo- 
ple will decide the great cause, ptgnriDcss of 
Ills rallleiy. 

Important hs the eridencr i» which this in- 
quiry has elicited, it has pointed to that wliicli 
u still more irjportant. Although Mr. lltiil' 
refused to be sworn, it wm distinctl) asrerlHin- 
ed, from his apologies and otiiercircnm.staiicv^ 
thr.t lie procured the information which he 
communicated to Messrs. KenJ dl and Uud'ey, 
in confidential letters from Mr. Clay lumself. I 
Indeed, we are informed throiiirh a cliunnel olil 
which we confidently rely, that Mr. Clay's 
friends in Krantt'ort now have a copy of such '.\ 
letter. This may account for their readiness iiii 
excusing Mr. liUir. Tlu-y ni:iy have preferretlj 
to submit to any contempt of their autiiority,' 
and even enter it on record, rather than see thi^ 
damning lUicument. Hut how willthey ixcusi 
themselves to their toiistitiients or their con 
sciences for adopting a resolution, when they 
had the most positive evidence of its falsehood, 
in their possession' How could they say Jlij, 
uj;on a resolution declaring the charges <»f bar 
gain to be " utterly false, and circulated fiii 
party purpo.^es," when thov kn. w that the ori 
piiial document proving them true, was in sigh 
of tl>t: ca]>itol' 

Their etiVoiittry is equfd to all emerg'<ncie.<. 
They nOjr say that Mr. Blair refused to sweij 
because he had nothing to tell ! They charf 
him with uclina a purl ^ and pretending to iia% 
important secrets which be has not. How weak 
an attempt to deceive ! Cannot tliev put tht: 
niat'er to the test' Could they not have forces 
Mr. Blair to tell all he knew' Cannot tlicv no\ 
get Mr Clay to leieaie him from all emilidenc! 
and call on him to come out with " tlie truth 
the whole truili, and uotliing but the truth ' 
1 his is what llie people will dem.ind of Mr 
Clay. Ifheniaive tl Js call, and Mr. IHair (!( 
not disclose any thing of inipoiiaiiee, tli>n riu;' 
tiiey, with some proprieiy, hold him up to th- 
scorn and derision of tiie country. Foroi:'- 
selves, we do not doubt that full proof of a <''. 
Feet barg;'.in is in the hands of Mr. Blair. 

How elianged is Henry Clay fruin .what t 
once W!ts! Once, he was the o;?en and fVank set 
■^aMot'tFje'pffOf;jp; rPittiV rD(^ffi(»1r n'ilK n 



lyaitsity wbat means it came lo liis knowledge. 
Siiici; h'n retiiin Trom Kuropc, he has heen a 
changed man. lie sought to d.stroy Mr. Adams 
by secretly stimulating attacks upon liinl while 
he bore towards him an e.terior of civility, if 
not ot'friendship. He taught us and the peo- 
ple of the wes' to hate Mr. Adains as our great- 
est enemy; yet to secure an olHce lo himself, 
ho rushes into his bosom. The voice of t!ie 
people which it was once his pride to obey, he 
has attempted to stifle, iind then treated it with 
contempt, lie sought to prevent an expression 
oflhe voice of Kentucky through her legisla- 
' tare, lest it .sliould embarrass him in his selfisli 
rfpsigr.s. .\tter tint body had spoken with a 
voice almost unanimous, he sought to defeat 
the public will thus expresseil, by procuring 
firivate letters to be written lo members of 
Congress Hdvinirig ihem todisrcgtrd it. If he 
Had desired to obey the punhc » ill, why <lid l.c 
not get his friends to c«ll meetings oflhe peo- 
^yle and take their voice' This would have 
rttfeutedhis object. He was determined la 
jxiPiue his own will, regardless of that of the 
])e<iple, for the purpose of pL^cing himself in 
Ihetine of ' SAfe precedent-,' and then, by in- 
ti»g\ieandmanBgcm<Mii, power and patronage, 
&end the public wiil to his own selttsh pur- 
poses. 

We thought this Address due to the people 
of Kentucky on this inler'--sting occasion. A 
fidl replv to Mr. Clay's Address is s!iorlly ex- 
pected from Washington, the circulati'.n 'T 
which we shall promote to the extent of oir 
power. The people need but « true knoivlei ge 
of facts, lo bring to a sijecdy elose, the reign of 
trargtiin, intrigue ami falsehood. 

Bv Older oflhe Central .lackson Cominittee 
Of Kentucky. 

SAMUKI. SOUTH, Chainimn. 

f-L-ivis Si>D>:ns, .Ik. Stcnlari). 



KKNTUCKY LF.Gl SLA TURK. 

IVom the Western Kentucky Arg\i». 

Tlir. INVESTIGATION. 

Tauusu.ir, Jan. SI. » 

liie Senate took up the resolutions on the 
- • iject of Internal Improvements, together v. ith 
he amendment oftcred by Mr. Beatty declaiiiig 
the distinguished members of Congress from 
this State who had voted for .Mr. Adams, iiino- 
Aent of bargain, &c. and th.at all the charges 'o 
that effect, made against them, were faU'e anA 
malicious. After some desultory discussion, 
which we did not hear, Mr. Mnupin called for 
the pixvious question, which, it was supposed, 
would have the effect of ridding the Senate of 
tjie whole subject except the original resolu- 
tions relative to Internal Improvements. This 
iDotiOii was seconded by Mr. M'Connell. 

Mr. Btally oppose<l the previous (piestion, 
A\hich was advocated by Mr. yFConwll. 

Mr. Daiehs moved a recess for an he.ur and a 
half, ihrA the niembtni might consult together 
•and come to some undel'staiidiiig> i^c. which 
^1. motion pi'fvailed. 

-X After tile rectus, Mr. Hlrkll^c opposed :lie 
previous ((ucslloii, and maintainei', thai the pro- 
s'- ■pofjjiou (br on invest'ga'.ion '.vus an i'ulrDen'Jent 



one not embraced by it, antl ttat itistaccsss. 
would not rid the Senate of the inquiry. He 
also contended that the hearing of testimony 
was the order of the day, and not the consider 
ation of these resolutions. 

' tr. I'upe concurred in the suggestion tha'. 
the Senate were wrong in taking up the reso- 
lutions, and that the proper business of theda\' 
was the hearing of evidence. 

Mr. Maupiit withdrew the call for the pre- 
vious question. ' 

Mr.^i(/)s then moved that all the resolutions 
before the Senate embracing the subject of tho 
pr«[)03ed investigation, be laid on the table un- 
til tiic last day of .luly next, and said he woulil 
then concur in striking fru;n the .loiirnals the 
resolution providing for an investigation. 

Mr. M'Connell stated tliat he was now fo 
going into it. 

Mr, W'cki'JJ'e moved to by down the resol.n- 
ti<HH for the purpose of going into the invest!-- 
gallon. This motion prevaled. 

The resolution or icring an investigation was? 
then taki^n up, and the following- evidence oi' 
tercd: 

Jitmes }PMill(m, of the Hou-e sf Heprcsci*- 
talivcs, stated in reply to~nternigalories, that 
Mr. Kra!ic;s,fohnson was at [oiniikinsville, il> 
Monroe county, alter his relii :i home subse- 
quent to the I'residcntial clect'on, where he 
was asked how he caine to vote for .Mr. Adams''" 
Mr. .lohitsoi answered, that he voted fop Mr/ 
Adams to get Mr. Clay rrade Secretary of State. 
lie made this declaration repeatedly ill convej- 
sation, an<l witness l>elieve<l in a ]iubl;c speech*. 
He Siiid, tliat .Mr. Adams f.)r Hiesilciil and Mr. 
Clay his Secretary would conduce tnore to tho. 
interests of the west than Ccner d .Juckson I're . 
sideiit, vM\ we knov not wliom for his Secrci 
tary, an I that Mr. Cl.iy might perhaps succcefl 
hirn. fie did not hear Mr. .Irlmuon .say, that- 
Mr. ,\dams made any promises to appoint Mr. 
Clay Secretary of State if he would siippwt_ 
him. Previous to his goii.g on to Centres.;, . 
.^ir. .lolinson spoke against .Mr. A ian.s and ii\ 
favor of Mr. Clay; but witness ni.-ver he.artl hiDi, 
say for whom he intendeil to vote, il Mr. Clay 
WHS excluded from Congress, nor ilid he, pre-, 
vioua to that time, over hear him .s'ly a word 
ag^Kt General Jackson. Witness wii^iu. Jack- 
sonffiian. 

Henry Gridtr, of the Hoitee of Representa- 
tives, said, Mr. I', .'ohnson in all convei-sations- 
and speeches in his presence had denied all. 
corruption, bargain and sale in the Presidential, 
election, and said he neither knew nor bellevetj 
tlnv such thing. lie had disclaimed all know- 
ledge that he wor.ld appoint Mr. Clay Secretijlv" 
of State, or who was to compose his cabinet. 
He said he supporte(i Mr. Adams, because ho 
believed hm devoted to Internal Improvements 
and Domestic Manufactures, and that his doc- 
trines and policy were such as would suit tho 
west. He said that General .lackson would not 
suit us, because he was a soiitheni man, and 
would pursue a southern policy. Mr. Jf-hnsoii, 
sniil these things uflcr lie was charged with bar- 
gain, .sale and eorr;:ption; but witness supposed 
the papers coiuaining those charges gotto Ken 
tiicky as soon a:i Mr. Johnson did after the elec- 
tio!\. He lives in the sirne toivii with Mr. Johu- 
.son, and has cnnvci-sed with hin> frcquen(^_(' 
from tU';; t';n'; ho csine lioino, ^l!d b» U'<5 ''X ■■ 



(i 



'..rmlv made Oie same dechcaJion. AVitiiess he wo.ild again be csiUed Ip «oUier pyw.t, >.;.d 

..^vcr'heard him sav he preferred Gen. Jack- witness retired lo his scat 

%Vltne»s said lie was an administration it was insisted that the cxanimatjoa of the 

friend of InUrnal Improvements and ■R-lmess should he completed, before he ■ttas 

lJomesl:c Manufactures. ' pcrmittt d to retire. Some remarks were made 

Witness said ho knew not why he was called, which seemed to reflect on witness as not huv- 



son. 
man, or a 



unless it was from a remark he made in Frank- 
fort, that they need not send to Howlinff-grreen 

for testimunv, for he knew as much about it as -.,,,,.,, t 

Inv bo<b^th;i;e, meaning that there was nobody inquired whether he had told ad he knew = 

.here v ho knew any tnin^ ab.ut it. ILwas .11 bargain, sale aad corn.ption, and if so, 1. 

e jVe ince of Mr.' B. Johnson and xS Een- nothing further to ask. Tlie ^^tness retumetl 



v.g tuld all he was bound to tell, when he ob- 
served that he wa.s ready to answer questions 
if there were any to be asked. h'lV. John C.reeii 

about 



as 
Mr Een- 
dxU! [The Utter recollcctK the remark, but 
did not procipe him to be summoned.] 

tt'illiam 'I\inuf.r was called and sworn. A 
i.amphlet was shown to' him, entitled "Letters 
to John Quiiicy Adams, relative to the Fisherus 



bargain, sale aad cornipticn, and if so, he had 
nothing further to ask. 
no answer and sat down. 

JOr. Po/^ again called the witness, and asked 
l-.iin what h^ ha<l heard Mr. David While say- 
as to his motives for voting for Mr. Adams? 

Mr: Hardin objected to this question heiiiJJ 



;iiui the Mississippi, first published in the Argus ansM-rred. A diseiiss.on arose in w hich Messrs. 
of Western Amenca, revised and enl.>rged, by nardin, M'Counell and Wici.hfie contended 
\mos Kendall," and he was asked whether he jj,at the question ou.Sfhtnot to be answered, and 



printed it. lie replied th..t he did. !ie wan 
asked, whether Mr. Clay paid any part of the 
expense. He replied tlut he did pay flOO; 
ttiat he, Tanner, undertook to print the pMuph- 
let by subscription; that Mr. KencUll told liiin 
Mr, Clav had proposed to him to print it and of 



Messrs. Pope, Daviess and Alien maintained 
that it ought. The former insisted tlut Mr. 
White himself was a competent witness, and 
that he o'l^lit to be sent for; that his cuaructer 
w.is not under investigation, and that ii he knew 
any thing in relation to a bwgain between 



f.ired to'pav a \wi\. of the expense; that lie had A^j^rns and Claj, he ought to be brought in to 

taken a letter from Mr. Kendall to Mr. Clay; ...... 1.- 

tliat Mr. Clay conversed with him as to the ex- 
pense of printing the pamphlet, and the sub- 



scription for it; that he told him to go to Mr. 
Thomas Smith, who would Land him f.r5, and 
that if he shouhl not he ri.munerated by the 



st;iteit himself, as he is not more than twelve 
miles off, instead of proving his declarations 
when net on oath; that they -were willing vhe 
declarations of those members of Congress who 
vcre not here, and coidd nut be goth.cre, siio.dd 

.. „ . . be proved. On the other side it was maintain- 

subscriptions, to call on him and he would pay j.^ jj^^t the conduct of Mr White was hri-ught 
him the bah.nce of the expense; that he called under invostijation a^ much a.s that of any other 
on Mr. Smith, who paid him the money; that .jjember of Coi-.jrrekS IVom Kentucky who vnt- 
the subscriptions falling short, he again oidled ^j fv,_, i^j,. Adams; that his dechiations 
on Mr. Clay, » ho sent him to Mr. Smith for ^^,.f^ pood evidence against himself, ai.d to that 
?25 more." The pamphlet was printed in tha point orjy were thiy offered to be pr.ived; 
latter part of 1R23. • Ibat he could not c»iisistentiy, xi'iih any rule oTf 

Jlmos Kendall stated in reply to interrogato- bv/ or propriety be introduced to purge him- 
iics, tliat after the charges against Mr. Adams self upon oath; that the principles as«imcd i-.cTe 
relative to the negotiation at Ohent h;id cbaic would exclude the declarations of every mem- 
iicfore the puhiic, he wrote and pubhshed an ber of Conj;ress, who voted for Mr. Adams and 
article in the Argus upon that subject, contain- put an end to the inquiry; tlinti; could be con- 
ing a view of it which Mr. Clay deemed erro- sidered as urged only for the p'lrpose of ex- 
neous. Mr. Adams seized upon the article, cop- eluding evidence which gentlemen knew would 
i?d it into his book on tlie Fislieries aalthe prove <lie trulli of the charges made by the 
Mississippi, and made a Gommenlary upt^H m friends of Jackson, and Mr. Tope, in emphfitic 
vliich he insinuated that it came trom Mrlroiay. terms, told the Senate, that he viewed it as an 
The latter afterwards called upon witnes.s. cu- 
ten'il into a narrati\c nf the transactions ;* 
Client, including an exphmation of the princi- 
ples involved, and satisfied v/itriass tJiat the 

view he had tik; n was errone-iius. Wi'neas the question be aiuwcred'' and decided in tire 
then took up Mr. .\ilaiTis' Book tipon the Fislic- negative. The Senate then adjourned. 
lies, &c. and reviewed it in a series of Letters 



eflort of the majority to exeh.det'ie truth in an 
investigation wliieh themselves had sought and 
urged,, and so he would tell ihe pi oplc. 

■i'.ie 1 otc vras taken upOn the question 'shall 



published in the Argus, add re.sseu to John Qui:i- 
cv Adams, .\fler most of the scries Lad been 



FniUAT, February 1. 



tieen Sickness prevented our attending the Senate 
published, Mr. CLay conversed wiUj witness on this day, and consequently we can only give 



pbout publishing iheiii in pamp'.det, and oflered 
to pay ¥50 of the expense. \\ itncss dechncd 
puuhshuig them, but told him, that if he or 
liis friends thought proper to publish (Jiem else- 
^vhere, he would revise and prepare them for 
the press. Lfariunsfiom Mr.'Panner.thatliehad 



the evidence iis we h;ive writteii it out from thi 
notes of otjiexs. 

Hiomus n. Ci^rncal, a Senator, at the request 
of Mr. Pope, bt;ited, tliat he knew noth^ig of 
any bargain, s;dc or cumpt'onin the I'resJdcn- 
t'la! election, njr did he believe in it, but he be- 



ilelermineil to iirlnt them, witness gave him a lieved there was management in (■.ti.gi'-«s, such 

letter 10 .Mr. c;lay. soliciting him to pay Mr. u< is toinmoli in all such bo.lies for the purpose 

'lariK-rwha' l]r had piomisCd to witness. '•\it- ofcairying a point. Had he betiltiere, lie 

nes> did revise the Leilersand thej' Were pub- would not have voted for Mi. Adams UiOess he, 

lnhed by Mr. Tanner. had first agreed to appoint Mj-. Clay Seci-etary 

M- /*o/7f toI'l\vitne.''s to stand asitle, and that of State; for lie f^nsidered it the duty nf n»v 



..f their State. 

Il» had a conversation with Mr. Clay at his 
i:aoni a few davs before lie started for AVaaliing- 
tonCity, in tJie full of 1824. Mr. Clay said, he 
did not like to be instructed by the I.ejjislature 
as to hi« vole, should he not be returned to the 
House as one of the three highest whicli be 
thoa^lit doubiful, bnt \i--sh<.'d to be left entirely 
fte*. .Mr. Csnicai toKlhi.n, hehad iiivended to 
ihtrc hict resolutions of inftruclion intothe Sen- 
ate bimseifrtquestipR tr\e KentvicKy dele^a'ian 
ti) vote for Ger.erelJa^l^son, but projnised, on 
aecoiut of tile objectloiui of iJr. Cl«y, not to do 
rt, altbpugh he said ne must vote for theru 
should 'Ijey be introciiced by others. Mr. Clay 
saui, in cane be \v are e.\cli\i3cd from the House, 
hve was \7hol1y uiicommitte.i aa to his vote, and 
\<islie<l to be leftfi-ee. This conversation took 
place while the Le^slature was in session iu 
the fall of 1824. 

Oliver Kt-tJte stated, that in the fidi of 18;?4, 
ciirht or tin days before Mr. Clay st.u-ted for 
AVashiTigton City, iie aske<l .Mr. Clay in conver- 
sation, whether iie hal cTJtten to Goneraljkck- 
Sfln to come to his house and go on to Washinjj- 
ton with him' Mr. Clay said he had. Witness 
\vas a warm suppurler of llr. Clay, but prders 
,I;ickson to Adairts. 

/iW;nc('« McJilear slate<?, that on the morning; 
Mr Clay started for WnBhinjjiun, in the fill of 
I824-, in the presence <jf several gentlenien^ he 
heard Mr. Clay say he liHd written to General 
Jackson to come through Le^iiifrton 9.ni go on to 
Washington with him, but had received no 
answer, and had g'iven him out. Witness was a 
warm advocate of Mr. Clay, until he voted for 
Jo.'in Quincy Adams. 

Hr. Shackitford sai<l, he trns present when 
Mr. David Trimble made a speech after his re- 
tlirn from Congress in 182.5, and heani him say 
that he voted against General .(ackson and for 
Ml-. Adams, because the policy of the ft>rn:ei' 
was not favorable to the interests of the west- 
ern conntjy, tnd the policy of the latter was. 
He also said, he thought the people wo'jld be 
pleased with Mr. Clay for Secretary of atate. 
Witness "S an Adams man. 

John T. Johnson stated, that he U'as at W'aslj- 
ijij^tonCity in 1834, and at the time cfthe Pre- 
sKientialele-ction ia February 1S25. Af*.erthe 
election, he and his brother (Col. Johnson,) 
were in company with General Metcalfe, who 
told them he had a letter from Kentucky which 
stated, that the people would be dissatistied 
wit'.i the result. His brother told the General, 
that "his votmff for Air. Adams »'ould be an up- 
hill b.isiness in Kentucky. The General re- 
plied, I fsar we have done too much for oui 
friend. 

He knew of no direct boisfain, nor of any cor- 
ruption, nor had he ever beJievcd there was 
any. He had very fittje intercourse wl'h the 
members of Con»rre«s v.lio voted for Mr. Ad- 
ams, it being well known that he intended to 
vote fov General Jackson. 

He was asked to state, whether he did not 
hear Mr. White, one of the mtnibeis of Con- 
gT!?ss who voted for Mr. Adams, say, a tew ilay^ 
after the election, that he coi sidered when vo- 
iiiJg for XIT. .^ifanTstt'St lit \r pv vtjtiitir f^t- Jt?. 



Tills question was objectcfl to luiil overruiti., 
14. to 15. 

VVitness wms further, aslcecl, whether he di.i 
no hear Mr. White s.iy, either on Km way to 
Congress or at any time before the Presidentird 
election, that ha would vote for Generaljac'k- 
son in pi-eierence to Adams or Crawford? 

This was also oveniilcd, 14 to 19. 

WitnesB was fiirtlier asked, did or didyou not 
hear Mr. White .say, tiiat if fir. Adams weie 
elected, Mr. Cl.ay would be mads Secretarvf of 
SUte.> 

Th'.S V as also overruled, 13 to 19. 

Mr. Clay was in his room a few days before 
the election, and said, he thi>u(»htthe Kentucky 
delegation ruipn; vote eitheiway", and Keatucfcy 
would be s.dislied. 

Ii December, at a public diimer, he saw Mr. 
Adaras and .\Jr. Clay sitting' together, and ob- 
served thitthey ,1'eie very social and friendly. 
From this oircumsi. nice he .said to his bro'Jier, 
that iie was persuaded .Mr. flay intended to 
vote for Mr. Adams. Mr Clay told witness he 
had been instructed by a few of his constituents 
in a part of his Ui.sirict above Le.vington, to do 
as he pleased. After .Mr. Clyy was appointed 
Secretary of State, he asked witness w'hether 
he oiij^ht to accept, and witness told him, he 
tho<ii<'ht he ou^ht. 

Josiph Secret, a member of tlie House o" 
Kepresentatives, stated, that he heard Mr. Da- 
vid Trimble say in a speeofe or speeches mada 
in 1824, that John Q. Adams was a noted fede- 
ralist; that he was inimical to the west and want- 
ed to sell to the Uritish the navigation of the ' 
Mississijjpi. After liis return from Congress in 
1825, he heard .\?r. Trimble give as an apolojjy 
for votinij for Adams, tba; if Mr. .\dams had not 
been elected, Mr. Clay would not have been 
Secretary of S'ate, and that if General Jackson 
had been elected, Mr. .\dam9 woald have been. 
Secietai-y. Witness did not like his apology, 
and did not wait to heur all he said about it; 
Trimble since explained to him, alleg-ing; that 
he said Mr. -.^dair.s w:k a reputfd federalist, and 
not a noted fedcr*;st. Gen. Jackson is not wit- 
ness' first choice for President, by scyeralibut 
Adams is his last. 

SiTCHDAT, FrBnrAiiT 2. 

•9vmf KendaH being" again called, was askeil, 
whetner he was not informed, three or four 
weeks before the Pi esidential election, th.at Mr. 
Clay would be Secretary of .State, if Mr. Adams 
were made President.' 

Mr. Jffordin objecl(?<i to tlie qtiestioti bei^g 
answered, unless it were iirst stated from wbi^m 
the iiifoiination came. 

Witness said he was embarrassed, because to 
state from wiiom the in'ormation came, w.a6 to- 
s"»v he had the inforniRtioo; and on the supposi- 
ti'.nhe hadnot the infonnation, it cdtild have 
come tVom nobody. 

He was told to answer, and accordingly an 
swer'Ml, that 'is had -such information from 
Fi-incis P. Blair, Esq. of Frankfort. 

Mr. John Green asked, if it was the same F. 
P. Klair who \va.=i Chrk ot tlie New Court '' 

AVitiioss answev^d, that it v. as thesain',- who, 
in tlie days of tlie Vow Court, was Ihe Clerk oi 
the C Durt of Appeals. 

Ml*. TTarim as"ked, wTiethp'r Mr. P.Tair ha 



vui Bciiu, (bv luauy vciij's, tlie iiitiin.ite aud cou- a little conveisaticiu upun tlje espcjiat! (rf' Uk- 
iideiit'uil fViend of Mr. Cuiy ? iiiR at VVaihiiigtiin, witness declined Mr. (;la/'s 

Tliis question, as well as tlie question and an- otlcr, stating that he had several children for 
swer Hrst above tfiven, were objected to, and whose support and education he must provide, 
voted to be impi-oper and inadmissible, by a and could not accept a place which woiild afford 
vote ot 10 to 20. him but a bare subsistence. Mr. Clay said. 

Witness siiid, he felt bound to state a circum- tliere v,Ai none more valuable then within h6 
stance whicli lie could not hi-4p believing had gift, unless he were to make a vacancy; buttha.t 
some bearing- upon the subject of th.sinquii-y, probably an opportunity'might offer to give w!& 
upon which'the Senate might draw tlieii" own nes» a place which would be acceptable to bin), 
inferences. Witness told him then and informed him m 

After Mr. Clay was cxchukd from the House, other times, i hat he would accept such a pl^'C^ 
and previous to tiie f rvsidenlial iJection, he always with tlie understanding that be shoulB 
rsceived a letter from Mr. Clay, cinimunicat- take no pai-t in the politics of the day. 
iiig his intention to offer wltnes.^ some situation Some time after this, witness met Squice 
at Wasliingion, contingent, a; lie understood it. Turner, of Madison county, in the streets rf 
upon the resuk of tlie Fi-csid. ntiil election. Frankfort, who accosted him and said, I undeT« 
't'he expressiiiiis of the letter, so fai- as he could stand you are going to Washington city to■^rrlt^ 
recollect, were, that he, Mr. Clay, .had hoped for Adams and Clay. Witness asked him wbeito 
fo have it ia his power to offer him, witness, a he got his information ' Mr. Turner said, sudt* 
situation at Washington more ajfreenble to iiim was the talk up in his section of the countiy. 
than the one be. occupied in Fi-uoki'r.rt, but that Witness told him, it vas not true. A few dajs 
there was then some d0.i')t as to tne rpsult of after, he understood that George Robertson liail 
atliii^ there. Witness thinki it was written said, at the Mercer Court, tliat thev, the OlS 
and received in January, 1825. Tjie lettei con- Court party, would not have witness to contend 
tainerl no other subject, and \rituc33, not per- ■«'ith much longer, saying or implying tli»t he 
cciviitg-any other oliject in it, took it merely as was bought up to goto Washington city. Kno\y- 
,a« indication o-f Mr. Clay's friendly designs in ing that no informatinii of Mr. Clay's offer hiuj 
! elation to himself. ' gone from him on which this rumor could be 

After tjie Presidential election, and after Mr. predicated, witness supposed it must have coine 
flfay ■u-as made Secretary of State, v/ittiess re- from Mr. Clay. He therefore wrote to Mr. 
.i:cjve<l another letter from him, stating that he Cl>-y, informing him of tlie rumor then in cir» 
i[;Jtendetl to otTer him a situation at Wa-abingtoii culalion, and stating that he presumed it musj 
tjlty ; btit it wcs vrhoUy indefinite at, to the na- have come from some person to whom he hsj} 
■Oijie of the situation intended to be offered. 
AVitna.'iB imagined Mr. flay wanted him to 
write ic support of Mr. Ailuiiis and liiinself, and 
10 aiicerUin whether lie whs authorized from 
\&e letter and circumstances, to take up such 
t'.n imprc-'ision, he- showed this letter to two of 
•i^. Clav's and his own friends, separately, and 



communicated his intentions toTaids witness^ 
and under those circumstances, witness muSI 
ft;el himself at liberty to detail the wliole tiuBCa. 
action whenever he thought proper, xyhich bis- 
had done. Mr. Clay answered, that he was to- 
tally indifferent to what was said on ttie subject 
as bis motives in relation to him bad been pure. 



askfid euch of them to read it, and say what and he had only -wanted to engage his semcea 
.situation Mr. Clay inte.-ided. Thev read it, in the Department of State, 
and eiich gave his opinion, that Mr. Clay desir- ' After t)ic elections in 1825, u-hen the party t» 
ed to place witness in a sit nation to write" in sup- whicli witness belonged, were so effectually dfj. 
port of Mr. Adams and himself Witness then feated, he informed Mr. Clay of the result, and 
ii-rote to him, communicating tiie impression he tliat gentleman in his reply again offered hito 
-fiad taken up, stating tliat he In^ been for some the same Clerkship . Witness declined accepr- 
-t rars writing ag-ainst Mr. .Vdanis, and v.ished it ing it, and informed Mr. Clay 'chat so much its- 
id' he uuderstooel, before any offer ->v(|pnaue, justice had been done him in that year's canva.ss» 
that he could except no situation in »ich it that be was" determined to have another cam- 
wctild be expected of him to take up his pen paign with the Old Court Party, and that no of;' 



ui siipiioit of Mr. Adiims ; but that in relation 
ij him, Mr. Clay, tlie feelings of witness were 
wholly dilTereiit, and it would give him plea- 
sure to vindicate him agaiii'it the slanders which 
were afloat against him ; fur he then believed 
jiuich But Viiis said a^g.-iiiisl hlin, to bo slan- 
ders. 

Witness hea-'-d nothing more -irom Mr. Clay, 
iti relation to this subject, until he Ciime out to 
■ti'iitiicky, lie thinks, in tlie foUouin^ Jt, 



fice- he could offer, would take hiro from KeiV- 
tiicky until that was over. 

Mr. Clay never made any other specific offif^ 
although he still expressed a disposition to bK- 
friend witness jn that way. 

itr. Hardin asked, if witness kad the letttt? 
alluded to' 

Witness said, bo had bttwit flieoi all tSB^^ 
tbe last. 

Mr. H. asked, if bo was in flio habit of btnji- 



Oiling upon Mr. Clav at his room' ia\\'ci6iger'B, Ingletteis' 
one of the hrst ren.a'rks made to him by tiiat lie said he was, such as be did not WiSl t(J 

gentleman was, that witnefj had totally mis- fell into the hamU of friends or foes. 
COnt.cived his object; that he did iiot wish him .VIr. K. said, you 

ro go to Washington fur the purpose of engag- their contents? 
inn- inpolitica, but to 'ccure his services in Witness said, he h-ad beeti reminded QJ Ols 

• r' Uepa-.traent of ii'atc-. lie then Offered wit- diitv bv the gentleman from Linc.-iln; that ha 

•IVJS a Clcrk3ii!))witha.s;dai-v of SIOOO, -uith '.lie should not ha .« mentioned this affair il he bid 

exorcss injunction, that he'sliould s.^y notliiiii,' not now believed the tirst letter had son.e coji- 

an'the subi.-cUanJ not leave Kentucky until -.^ itjexion witatbc apphcationmade tohiin by.Slr. 

-.... ♦f,.. r<-.ra-:"-!>-.lv^Tr>Mif CfHdriiif .t-TV-i^*> -G'-> Ufaii- b-etjire tffc. ifr^S?n?7Tpt,5 €r!!t;ti.0H> m ivla- 



bui-n letteis aud theo i&\ 



liiiu I" vhieli U»e Seuate mig^t di^w tieir own 
inferences. 

Mr. H. asked, whether witness had not toist- 
cd Mr. Clay since the Presidential election. 

Witness answered, it was very likely, al- 
though he did not recollect it; for his feelinjfs 
were frieTuIly towards Mr. Clay for some time 
after that event. 

Mr- H. asked, whether witness had not ap- 
plied to Mr. Clay, jefore his first letter, to get 
him an office' 

Witness answered, never, although he had 
B&erwards frequently expressed his readiness 
to accept one, if it were such as lie could ac- 
cept. 

Mr. n. asked, if Mr. Clay's taking the print- 
ing of the acin nf Congress from witness had 
(lot made him hostile to him. 

Witness said, it was impossible for him to 
tfSJl how far Im feelings had been influenced by 
tliat act. 

Mr. H. asked, if it had made witness more 
ftiendly to Mr. Clay' 

Witness presumed not, although he fros very 
glad Mr. Clay had done it. 

Mt. Pope asked, what made witness glad (hat 
5Il'. Clay took the printing from him' 

M'itness replied, that he came to Kentucky 
fcirly 'n the year 1814, while Mr. Clay was in 
Europe; that it so happened, that Mrs. Clay em- 
ployed him to live in her family one year and 
toach her children; that he remained there 
^bout a year, and then settled in Georgetown; 
that shortly afterwards, he went to Lexington 
on business and was taken sick In a boai'ding 
Jiouse; that Mi's. Clay,hearing of it, sent hei car- 
H.ige for him, and as soon as he could be remov- 
l;d,hiid him carried to her house,where she nurs- 
ed him with the utmost kindness until he was 
able to return to Georgetown; tliatMr. Cky had 
not yet come home and witness had never seen 
tim; that this kindness of Mrs. Clay laid him 
Ouder a veight of obligation to her which he 
always fck and acknowleilged; that when Mr. 
■C4ay casie home, he received a very cordial 
r&tter from him, thanking him for !im «_-rvice 
in his family, &c. that an acquaintance was 
fbrnied shortly after, wiiich was kept up with 
the most friendly feelings until since the late 
presidential election; that he had been stimula- 
ted in his exertioiis to promote Mr. Clay's views 
by his obligations to Mrs. Clay; that to Mr.Clay 
llimself he owes no obligations and never did; 
that he hadlaboi'ed greatly ^nd spent miicli of 
las time and some of his money in efi'orts to ad- 
vance Mr. Clay, without asking for recompense 
or remuneration, until the advances made by 
Mr. Clay himself; that in taking the printing 
from witness, Mr. Cloy on his part exhibited a 
personal hostility towards him, which relieved 
l^m from the restraint his feelings were under, 
and left him to take that course which he thought 
<iuty pointed out, perfectly unrestrained. 

F. P Blair wa.s then called. He refused to 
he sworn, and offered the following protest in 
Vriting: 

I object to be sworn to give evidence in this 
i^tqulry. I hold that the jth resolution of the 
S<^nate, declaring certain charges "to htuitei'lf/ 
ffifst and mui: i-irrux, and made Ihroughtiul t.'iC 
iTuitcd ^t'lles tu h/uit the n putatiunti of Ihs dis- 
tinguished hietjibem of Congrrns Jrvm this Sluie 
ri^Ktvo/alJt^ .Kiflil i(fu7try Jldahwi" u,^on wlitcti 



this investigfatian is Jbuuded, does D»t fuatitiu u 
subject con.stitulionally cugnizable by this Seli- 
ate, either as a branch of the Legislature or as 
a judicial tribunal. But while I deny the ri^H, 
I submit the ^oiocr of the Senate, and will abide 
its ultimate decision 

I also object, because the information 1 havci 
tnuciiingthis inquiry, was obtained in the course 
offriendly communications and aprivate corres^ 
pondence, which I deem confidential — such at 
least as was never designed forpublication. 

I assure the Senate, that I am not actuated to 
withhold my testimonj' by any consid'-ration fl# 
the efi'ect it might have on the reputations oV 
the persons "alluded to in the resolution, or (nj 
those inculpated as havingf made false charges 
against them. I oppose myself to a precedent 
wliich goes to violate confidential correspon- 
dence, and to render unsafe all friendly, soei-ifj 
and intimate intercourse among men. This ob« 
stacle it is not in the power of the Senate to re» 
move, and I trust it will not exert its power t(» 
punish tliat good faith which would presene ii 
principle that should be held inviolable, unles,"i 
where tlie laws of the counlrg dctaanded the soou- 
Jlre. 

Some conversation took place among tijfc 
members, when Mr. Hardin offered to the Sen- 
nate a paper declaring that the Senate woulu 
hear whatever evidence might be offered, baj 
would use no compulsory means to extort it. 

Mr. J5«ffws called on the majonty totakethCi 
necessary steps to bring out the evidence. Tlui 
friends of Mr. Adams have the majority in the 
Senate; they enter into an investigation to as* 
certain the truth; the minor;ty offer a witness 
to prove a most important fact, he refuses to 
swear, and the majority pat him on the ba(& 
and say, yes, my good fellow, keep it back, antl 
we will protect you in it. Is this the way gea- 
tlemen intend to airive at the truth and procure 
the means of forming a correct opinion? Is it 
by encouraging the witnesses not to swear anfl 
refusing to compel them, when they know, froco 
the very objections offered, that the -testlmoi^ 
is of the utmost importance' It was turnitig 
the »i,oi. ""hjcct into mockery, and woulH 
make the Senate the langi^^ ^^^^^ ^f ^jj^ 
world. The majority have refused lu i^. -.-. 
declarations of one of the members of Congree,? 
who voted for Mr Adams be proved, and th{Q? 
now say to this witness, for God's sake, keen 
back what you know. Does not this 1 jok as It' 
they were afraid of the truth' He called on 
the majorlty.and especially the gentleman froni 
Fayette, who had yesterday said if they brougM. 
a witness there who refused to swear, he wouw 
take the means to compel him, now to adopt 
the measures which are necessary to bring tho 
truth out of this v/itness. 

.\hr John Green observed,that he had expectt 
ed a blow-out when he saw Mr. Blair introduce 
cd. He remembered a time when a body, calleU 
by the gentleman from Fa) ette, the Fungu<i 
Court, sat in this very house, and by their ofii, 
ccrs broke open the house of poor old Sni^e<i . 
and seized his (lapers, and perhaps took hirn 
into custody. The witness, he believed, was 
Clerk of that Court; but he was glad to see hiin 
now on the side of tlie constitution. He ditl 
not enter into this thing for the purpose of heat- 
in;^- any oilier than !(i//i'aij; witnesses. It was 
tr> give an op'^rortunity for tirosc vvliTi 11t<1 ^>'i 



tnimpet'.iiL,' te tbc woi'.u liic CJ;ir!C<'s of barjain, 
smIb. and corruption, to coint in and sliovj- on 
what ground thone charges )intl been founded. 
He was g-!ad^ there was some faith' !cft in the 
world, Slid niaintanied that tlv.^ Svnatp had no 
rig'iit to extort from til •■ •Vitnesscomnmni-'.ations 
made to him in confid encc. I'or himselr, he 
had had no conversation with Mr. Blair; hut he 
presumc<l he must U-.-.ve spoken of l-ttcri ironi 
ilr. Clay or made corr.nunrications of some kind 
to some bodv: .3r he n 'luld not h-ive beer, called 
here as a witner^b, and surely he mJRb* dia«lo«e 
o the'S'.nitc wlvitever he had s<iid iclat've to 
his corfidintiu) corrcBpondenoe to any other 
pti-sor, 8;c. 

Mr. .Sl'iir brjifed leave to exijlain- He said, 
in siihstancc, in rcpir to Mr. Gneii's remarks, 
that Mr. Kendall's letters to Mr. Clay had 
pointed out him to the pubi'C as one who knew 
sometlung- in relation to the subject now before 
the Senate. These letters referred to a con- 
versation which he had with Mr. Kendall in 
.Tamiary 182.5, in \vh;L-h he stated that Mr. Claj 
would be Secretary, if Mr. Adams wer<- made 
President. Mr. Kendall supposed that the ia- 
forrnation was received in letters from Mr. Clay 
to Mr. Crittenden or myself, and as Mr. Critten- 
den bad declared he received no such letters, it 
had pointed inquiry directly to him. Mr. Blair 
said, that Mr. Kendall liaJmade his publications 
without consultation or authority from him, and 
that his inferences were not founded on any in- 
formation, or warranted by any communication^ 
he had made to him, otitev than that before 
mentioned. He had not communicated to any 
one the grounds 1>n which he had made his 
statemenL to Mr. Kendall, nor had he shown the 
letters to which the gentleman alhided to any 
pcfbon to whom they were not addressed. 

A few remarks were made by other membei'S; 
but e.vfreme ill health compeiled us to leave the 
Senate befon- the matter was decided, and not 
being in an attitude to take notes, we may not 
liave reported what passed while we were there, 
with cntii'C accuracy. 

The question was finally put — shall Mr. Bluir 
bo sworn ' and dtcidect in the j^JB '—-*•' ^• 

ST n/„;- tt — .-.raBed to be sworn peremp- 
;^.'.rj-,'iinrt said he woidd sooner go to jail. 

Finally, on motion of Mr^ Pope, he was dis- 
charged. * 

Mltigali Harrison was then called, and fie also 
refustfi ti5 be sttorn, on the ground that what he 
knew was communicated in confidence. 

Itwasmovedtoconin.it him unr.i he would 
sub'T^it togiv.- evid>-nr,e before the Senate,which 
was flecided in the negstive, only six voting' for 
it. He was then discha'ged. 

Jnhi Maion, fr. was Lhen call ed, and stated £s 
follows: 

Jof:fi Mo-ion of Montgomery states. that before 
David Tjimble went to Congitas in 1824, .say 
Sept Court 1824, he was contending with wit. 
ness, that Mr. Kowan Otig-ht not to be elected 
Senator to Congress, because he was an apostate 
federahst, and that he would be smpri-sed if 
witnt-ss voted for him. 'Witness said, tliat the 
Pre^idi, ntial election was coming on, and fr.om 
the number of candidates lie expected that tlie 
election would come hci'irr Congress, and said 
io Trimble, suppo-.^- tlist you vi,t>' for .Mr. Ad- 
anre, who is also an apostate federalist. Trimble 
lied, he tnew Adallis to be an iipl»st:1te fed- 



eralist, and that if he ctc.r voleii tpr him, w.- 
ness mi^'ht call him a federalist as long as he 
lived. He also said, that Adams had agreed Io 
give up the navigation of the Misaisaippi river 
for whales and mackerel, and that he, Adams, 
had alw.ays been an enemy to the West. When 
witness heard that Trimble had voted forAdams, 
lie was sui prised; and lOon after his return, he 
had a conversation with him about his vote, in 
which negnve as his reasons, that we ascertained 
if Mr. Adams was made President, .Mr. Clay would 
be ninde Secretiuy of State, and that if General 
Jackson was made President, Mr. Clay would 
not be made Secretary, and that it would be 
hetlai for us to have Adams with Mr. Clay Sec.< 
r.etary, 'htn General J;.cliscn writLcut iiim. He 
aUo said at that time, or in some cfinvcrsation 
after that General Jackson was apposed to tUe- 
tju-ifi"on hemp, bagging, 8tc. and therefore op- 
posed to ti'.e Kentucky interest, and he also 
gave as a resson, tjiat Gen. Jackson had dis- 
graced the iientuckians at Kev Orleans in his 
report. He thinks ne heard Maj. Trimble m- 
press some of the same opinions in his public 
speeches. Witness is a Jackson man, and as 
w;u-m on any side he espouses as he thinks is 
right and justifiable; tliat he has had divers 
conversations and arg-uments with Maj. Trimble, 
and what he said as to the Tariff and the other 
objections, except the one in which he said that 
they had ascertained or discovered that it 
Adams were elected, Cluy would be made Se- 
cietarv, opd if GentnJ Jackson were elected, 
that he would not be Secretary, were made in; 
those after cjnversatioiis. 

MosraATf, FEjnffAiiT 4. 

Some discussion took jilace upon a motion to 
take up tlie resoluticm from the Committee on 
Intern.il Improvements, with the amendments 
offered by Mr. Be.itfy in favor of the AJramis^ 
tration, which wa.s onjected to on the grounrl 
Kiatfurt'iereri lence w.as e.tpected in relation 
to the subject of the fifth resolution. The re- 
solutioMR were, howev.r, taken up ; but the 
hour of tife-ivt, o'clock having arrived, the 
Speaker called for the orders of the day. A 
motion was made tc dispense with the oinevs 
for the purpose of go'ngon with the resolutioos) 
but it was negatived, alshough a majority foteii 
for it, the rule of the Senate requiringtwo thir33 
to dispense with the orders. 

Tdesdat, FBIini7.*ET S. 

Mr. Wietdiffe offered a res<jIution rescinditvg 
the rule of the Senate requiring two thirds to 
colour in diepensin _; with the ordti s of the day. 
This motion waa oppostd by .Messrs. Dariesa^ 
Pope and Dudley, on the ground thn* '» w.^s in- 
tended to operate on the spcc;al -aase before 
the Senate, and tliat all such legislation is ini' 
proper. 

Tilt hour of 12 o'clock having arrived, the 
Speaker.called up the orders of the day. TTie 
resolutions in relation to Internal Improve- 
ments, ami the Administration, were first in the 
orders, and were consequently taken up. 

Mr. Jheiess moved to admit and examine cer. 
tain witnesses now in attendance. Some dis- 
cu-ssion took phice on this subject, in which it 
was insisted, that the inquiry onglit to bt: 
brouglit to an end, because the sexton i.? a'p- 
proachin|» to ils ^l}tSl>alvrt it is [TfopfT thai tin.- 



11 



V.'-y.s.l;iture ii\oulJ express it's •pinion upon tbe 
subjects involved, beiore its ailjourii.nent. It 
was generally acceded, that the examinatJon of 
witnesses ^^iioiild flusL <m Ibis day, unless testi- 
mony tiioukl be introduced on the AJrninisti'a- 
' ion side, when rebutting evidencJ miglit be 
introduced. 

John S. lint, of Bourbon, stated, that in 1835, 
on the 4th or 5th of January, he went into 
Wa.-r.ington City in t'le evening', and was In 
company wi'.h Gen. Meicalf, and asked himfot- 
Inforniation relative to l!ie PresidejiiiaU-leciion' 
Ite s».d he knew little more tliaii when be first 
aiTived, or than v.'itnejs ; that the friends of 
Jackson woidd come to us and say, we hear you 
are goiiig to vute for Mr. Adams ; and the 
friends of .\.!anis would come to us and sjiy, we 
Understand you are g'oing; toVotefor Jackson, 
and so of the Iricnds of Cnnvford ; that >vc stand 
unconiinittcd, and we nuist know so.nething' 
about how the cabuiet is to be filled. He left 
the City on the 8th intlie evening', and had not 
ascertained before he left there, how the Ken- 
lucky delegation would vote. While at the 
<;ity, Fr. Jol:nson said, in his presence, he had 
received a p;,rc<-l of letters from home : he was 
asked what was the news ' He repl'ed. they say, 
stick to Old Hickory — give us a Western Presi- 
dent whatever ) ou do. 

Duel. J. Jr. Si'k, of Bourbon county, stat- 
ed, that at Slutniate's Tavern, in MiUei-sburg, 
in tue spring of 1825, in company witli several 
persons, Gen. Metcalfe, '^-jjon being asked by wit- 
ness, denied and disciaimed that tiiere was anv 
bargain, sale, or corruption, :n the Fresidsutial 
<dection,but did not doubt triat there was a great 
deal of logr.iihngar.iongs'L the friends of all the 
candidates. Fropositlo'is he said, might have 
been made in a jocular mani.er. by tiie friends 
of the respective candidates for the Presidency, 
but that he knew nuth-.ng which « as seriously 
intended. Witness then related the substance 
of the testimony of Mr. Hitt, as what had taken 
place between come person and a nieriber of 
Congres; from Kentucky. This seemeu ,.. -i 
tract the attention of the General verj much, 
and h.e pressed witr.ess to know wliicl. of the 
members had been saitl to have ma.U: such re- 
marks, stating, tint he felt solicito is tokr.ow.to 
whom the allusion was, as he was unwilling to 
divide the responsibility. If attributed to hiir., 
he did not wish others to share it with him; if 
not, he wished to s^and clear of the impiitat'on. 
Through motives of d'-lirsey, witne?? declined 
any definite explanation on account of the com- 
pany present, with the intention, at a future 
time, to explan his allusions. AVitness was, 
before the last Presiilential election and still is, 
in favor of Geu . Jacks jii for the Presid. ney. 

Jui^ph ilil/er was present at the conVi-r.sation 
stated by.Ur. Bills and confirmed his statement. 



JOHiN DESHA'S STATEMENT. 

A statement of the c .nvtrsation «'h ch took 
place between Gen. Metcalfe and John Desba, 
in the apriiijr of 1!>25, in Carlisle, shortly af- 
ter the General returned from Congrcas. 
After the conim.in s-ulutation took pUce, I 
said : Well, General, you have made us a Pre- 
sident. < 
tie aiTSw^red, yes. 



Bo you think the petple of Kentucky will be 
pleased with your vote ' 

1 think they will, when they he.ar my reasons. 

What ai'i your reasons, Sir? 

\Vh)', we could not possibly get Jlr. Clav in 
the cr.hine' w.thoui voting for and electinif Mr. 
AdaniF, and we could not do without Mr. Clay's, 
talents. 

I told him 1 thought very highly of Mr. Clav, 
but T supposed there were a good many equally 
qushiicdin the United States, and we couivl do 
without hlni if he were dead. But, General, 
did n >t General Jackson go into Congress with 
fifteen more votes than any other Ciodidate' 

Yes. 

And besides, did 'lot t;.e Kentucky Legisla- 
ture inform you that a inajority of the ptiiple of 
tha Stale wished you, if li'.ej couidnot get Mr. 
Clay elected, to certainly vote for Genci-al 
Jackson > 

He answered, he thought he knew as well as 
the Legislature, as he left Kentucky some days 
a'fter Ih; Legislature had convened. 

But, General, you could not know as well as 
they, as they were immediately from even' 
eotmty in the State. 

Let it be as it may, I did as I pleased; and I 
have auollier reason. 

What is that. General > 

We might have been all the time engaged 
and h.aie risen without making a President at 
ail, without we elected Mr. Adams. 

So much the better, I said, for then we would 
have Ml . Calhoun to administer the govern- 
ment, and I would much rather, and I believe 
the peijple of Kentucky would ratiier have him 
at the iieim or government than Mr. .\d-ams. 

I refer feu to Mj-. Joun .Miiler, of Nicholas 
county, as lie told me he (Meicalfe) gave him 
the very same reasons he gave me. 

JOHN DESHA. 

Nov. mil, 1827. 

Mr. Bexnixo: 

'V'c — I am, and have been a loner tinife 
Zlm^e-ifoS^i'^'-tU ^^Z''' ''''^teyore my 
be good f.r my health to travelTSWiL^L^JSL 
lish this if you tliir.k p"i.|)er. ^ 
I am yours, &c. 

JOHN DESHA. 

ST.\.TEMF.XT. 
I do certify, that some time previous to the 
las' Presidential election, I heard David Trim- 
ble -.ay, in a speech on the Court-house steps in 
Flemingshurg, tliat the elder John .\dams was 
tlie most difngerous man in governriient in his 
day, and that young lohn Q. Adams was a chip 
of the old Mock, if any odds, woi'3e; that in the 
treaty at Client, he wanted to barter away the 
navigation of the Mississippi, the key stone of 
the We.itern country, for a mess of Codfish ;tliut 
he was al',va\s considered an apostatt f^xierahst: 
that he ahvavs hud been hostile to the AYest, 
and that we ijevcr will have an equal chance 
with the eastern people, until we get a Western 
president; that we now have a chance in the 
West; for we have two candidates fur the I'res- 
ideiicy; and that he thought Henry Clay was 
the strongest; and if we could not get him, we 
have ai'oth-.:r chance in the West, to wit. Gen. 
,^ac'ks^n. 



V2 



1 believe the above to be the sum and sub- 
srance of his speech, ifiiot tlie piecise words. 

£. B. Earl/!, 
William S/iockki/, 
Aquilu Sdvipson, 
Jesse iSitnimei'S, 
Cut. John Inylor, 



Richnrd R. Lee, 
Ttirpliy Taylor, 
Charles Spencer, 
Mortlecai Wlliams, 
T. IV. Jones, 



James, .ilexunder. 



September 21, 18^ 



MR. H.VRRISON'S STATEMENT. 

Afrer the most illiberal course pursued in the 
Senate ..y Mr. Hardin towards Mr. Harrison, 
■we deemed it necessary to his own vindication 
tefcre the world; tliat he should disclose what 
he knew. We accordiuifty adLircssed liiui a 
note, to which we received the following answer: 

FnANKFoQT, 7th Feb. 1328. 
Jl Kendall, Esq. 

DeabSie — Your letter of this date is re- 
ceived. You state, that it is due to myself, as 
well as to my country, to say wliat 1 know upon 
the subject of the 'resolution wliicli has been 
Scted upon by the Senate, in regard to the late 
Vresldential election. 

I had refused to give evidence before the 
Senate, under the presumption of llie communi- 
cation bein^made to me freely andin confidence. 
I observed under this impression, the most scru- 
pulous silence, during the last election, although 
opposed to the gentleman's election from whom 
I received it. Had a respectful politeness been 
observed towards me by an honorable Senator 
from Nelson, wliich a man deser»ii-g such an 
Jionor would have observed, I shoidd not now 
•disclose to you, ai\d no doubt through you to 
the public, what I refused to disclose before the 
Senate. Without entering into ui/ the minuta: 
of conversation which took place, ( will state 
tliat the Hon. David Trimble observed to me, 
«■' that we, (meaning I supposed the Kentucky 
Belegation) had rfuf/mrf.'y ascertained, that if 
if. Adams were eJected^Pr^e^den. g'^ ^ ^'^^ 

woy,'?. fel'h'^Tackson were elected President, 
Mr. Clay would not." 

Tluat ni anotlier conversation, not long pre- 
vious to the last election, upon my oliserving to 
Jlr. Trimble, that if Mr. Clay coukl have dis 
missed his prejudices against Gen. Jackson, and 
Jfladhim elected instead of Mr. Adams, General 
.lackson would not have been a candidate for 
p5-clection, in my opinion, and Mr. Clay would 
Ilave been his successor. Mr. Trimble replied, 
"you are mistaken; that, abliough (iun. Jack- 
spn might not wish lo serve a second term, yet, 
Sis friends would have impressed the necessity 
of his election; tliatthe good of his coiuitry I'c- 
truired it; forit is necessary that the President 
should be elected a second term to iill offices 
with his friends, or toplucehisfrier^dsin otHce." 

Tlie foregoing is substaiilinlly what I should 
iiave deposed to, had 1 been sworn before the 
Senate; and Iregrel, tli.at \.\\k extremely illiberal 
observations made use of by honorable members 
of the Senate, have imposed tlie painful task 
of saying any thing upon tiiis subject uluch 
fiiuy go lo the public. 

|<L;m resijec'.viiiv. vcur ob't. sen 't. 

^t. H.VKi.'iSO'N. 



J. DtiBLEY'S STA-rKMKi:v'r- 
J. Dudley, Esq. a Senator from Franklin and 
Owen counties, being called upon, made the fol- 
lowing statement on the floor of the Senate. 
One day in .Tanuary, 1825, F. P. Blair came into 
the Senate Chamber, seated himself near me, 
and inquired my opinion on the resolutions pass- 
ed requesting our membersof Congress to vote 
for General Jackson as President of the United 
States. Mr. B. desired that I wpuld write let- 
ters requesting the members and particularly 
D. White, from this district, to consult witli Mr. 
Clay and vote as he might desire. To this i 
objected, and g,avemy reasons therefor. Mr. B. 
appeared surprised that 1 should raise any ob- 
jections, particularly as 1 was opposed to the- 
resolutions. He said', that a number of members 
of both houses, who voted for the resolution, 
had written such letters, and that I could do it 
with mor.- propriety. He said, if Mr. White 
could be induced to vote for Mr. Adams, he 
would obtain the vote of Kentucky, and witli 
it the votes of most of the \^ estern States, which 
would elect him, in which case Mr. Clay would 
obtain the appointment of Secretary of State. 
I then inquired how that fact had been ascer- 
tained? His answer was, that letters had bee-n 
received from gentlemen of undoubted veracity, 
at Washington City, containing such infornra- 
tion, that 1 might rely with confidence on that 
statement. I replied that, although I was op- 
posed to the resolutions, I had no doubt they 
contained the truth, and therefore 1 could not 
sa) one word to induce our members of Con- 
gress to believe otherwise. I further protested 
against Mr Clay's accepting any office under 
Mr. Adams, whom 1 considered a federalist of 
the Boston stamp, in 1798 and 1800, and thence 
forward an enemy of the west, and gave it as 
my opinion, thati'f they were united, they would 
sink together. I preferred that Mr. Clay should 
maintain the high attitude in which he thtij 
stood, by which means he wonid be the molA 
prominent candidate at the next election. 

Extract of a letter from Jesse Summers, Eif/', 
to General Jllen, giving his reasons for not. 
attending at the bar of the Senate, dated 
Fleming county, Kentucky, February Stliy 
1828. 

I have heard Mr. David Trimble say, it was. 
ascertained that if John Q. Adams was elected 
President, he would appoint Henry Cl.ay Secre- 
tary of State; and he aUo stated, in all proba- 
bility, if General Jackson was elected, he woul3 
not. At the same time, Mr. Trimble stated, 
that the representatives from this State, or a 
majority of them, thought tliatit would be bet- 
ter for us to have John Q. Adams President and 
Henry Clay Secretary of State, t'nan to have 
General Jackson President and some other per- 
son Secretary. This may not be verbatim what 
Mr. Trimble saiil; but in substance it is ror> 
rectly what J understood him to say, accurdiHg" 
to the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Trimble had made it necessary for him to 
give some e.xplanation for his vote on the presi- 
dential election, on account of his having pre- 
viously rep.'esented John Q. Adams to be a 
liaiigcroBs man, and an enemy to the western 
country. He said, that Adams had voted, s' 
t?,e treaty' of (iTheiit, to give up the ip.vjgatior 



13 



•:if Oie MisL,is3ip]-i to llie British for a raess of 
rnilfish. Mr. Trrmi)le liaviny thus spoken of 
Mr. Adams previous to his voting for him, is 
what made me somewhat astonished at him for 
voting- for the man lie h.ad so denounced, and 1 
5e!t \ ery anxious to hear his apology, and when 
it came it was in part as above stated. 

N. It The above statements can be proved, 
if nectjisary, by maiiy witnesses in this congres- 
sional district. 

Mr. Trimble stated, \n his speech at Lewis 
court house, in October, lb25, that we, (thi. 
members of Congress, as was understood,) as- 
certained that if General .lackson was made 
President he would not make our friend, Henry 
Clay, his Secretary of State; bv^t that if Mr. 
Adams was made I'rasident, he would (nake 
Mr Clay his Secretary; and fticn said, if the 
people expected him to vote for Gen. Jackson 
under such circumstances, they expected from 
Ilim wh.at he could not and would not d >. He 
said, that there was no other man in Kentucky 
who «ould do for a Secretary of Stale but Mr. 
CJay, and if Jackson were elected, Kentucky 
would have no voice in the cabinet. 

HENliY HALBERT, 
JESSE HAMlilCK. 
»eb. 9th, 1828. 
Svrorn to before me, a Justice of the Peace 
for Franklin countv, this 9th day of Feb. 1828. 
H. WINGATE, J. P. 



Bx)m the Kentuciy Central Watch Towen 
?b tfte Editor: 

WisniKOTON C\i-s,Jcia. 25th, 1828. 

Srn: In pursuance of your request, I have 
taken pains to inform myself, so far as it can be 
done from public documents, of the accuracy 
of the statements contained in the newspapers 
last summer, relative to Mr. Adams's accounts. 
To o,.t;o!y y^ii. -.n<l th:it norlion of my consti- 
tuenUs who :ire readei-s of your paper; o.. vi._ 
subject, I shall gi\'e literal extracts from the do- 
cument now before me, accompanied with 
such explanatory remarks as tlie subject may 
seem to require. You will recollect, that when 
Mr. Adams was appointed to aid in negotiating 
the treat)- of peace, he was Minister of the Unit- 
ed Ht;ites, at the Co-,irt of St. Petersburg, where 
he had been ever since 1809. It appears by the 
public documents, that his duties as minister to 
nigotiate the ])eace, conmienced 29th .\pril, 
1813, and ended the 27th Ftliruary, 1815; hav- 
ing continued one year and ten months. 

In the contingent account of Mr. Adams,.laid 
before the House, February 21st, 1825, imd 
printed in document 79, page 103, 2d vohmie 
mibllc docimients, 1824—5, are the foUoiaring 
iwms: 

ISll, Jtiiie 30th, E.tpenses of a journey from 

" St. Petersburg to tiheiit, $ 886 8(3 

Sept. Exjjenses at Ghent, 1037 36 

" Dec. 31, do. 1384 65 

1815, Januarj", do. 640 00 

licre we li.ave $ 3,052 01 for Mr. Adam's ex- 
penses at Ghent, for <)nl\- three niontiis. What 
■\j-as the natui-c of these expenses, has never 
been disclosed. An effort will be made at this 
yjiasion of Congress, to obtain an ex])lanation of 
■ iliis most extraordinary expciidfture. liutlrtns 
ntiTrn tf> rt<? d?u-^imntt. 



" This sum allou-cd for his espeuses, bac"k t(>' 
St. Petersburg, equ:d to the sum allowed on his 
journey from St. I'etersburg to Ghent, $ 886 86. " 
This jouniey back in St. Peterstnirs, Mr. Adams 
nf.Vf-r travelled. He went from Ghent to PariSj 
andtlience to London, where he remained about 
two years as minister, and then retui-ned to the 
United States. 'I'his statement n the document, 
taken I presume from the books of the Treasu- 
ly, is wholly deceptive — not aa to the payment 
of the money, fur Mr. Adams took care' to sd- 
cure that, but as to the services for which it was 
paid. So far as I can learn, the true histor)- of 
this item is as follows: When Mr. .Adams weiit to 
Ghent, he left his family in Russia, and aftertlie 
close of that negotiation, they joined liim at 
Ghent, and travelled to Paris." The travelling 
expenses of his family, fi-o;n St. Petersburg to 
Pans, he charged to the United States; but the 
accounting officers of the Treasury could find 
no law which would justify or palliate the pay- 
ment of this item. Whether the idea first o'c- 
cun-edtothem or Mi-. Adams, 1 know not; but 
so it was, that inasmuch as Mr. Adams might 
have gone b.ack to St Petersburg, although" in 
fact he did not, it was considered, that the tra- 
velling expenses of his family from St. Peters- 
burg to Paris, might he p:ud under cover of this 
pretended journey back, and neither Congress 
nor tile people would be the wiser for it! So 
Mj-. Adams received the money, under tliis 
false pretence. The accounting officers make a 
false corresponding entr)' upon the public book.s_, 
and the consideration for which the money waS 
paid, is wholly concealed in the report made to 
Congress; and the people, as well as their re- 
presentatives, are deceived in relation to the 
real objects for which their money is paid. But 
let us again return to the document. The neSt 
item is as follows ; 

"This sum p.aid liim for his travelling expen. 
" ses from St. Petersburg to Amsterdam; frort) 
" thence to Ghent, Piiris, and Havre, seeking a. 
'•' si^r"?° '° ^'"' '^'"*"^<^ States; it being impos. 
" in'consequ'^nceofe^^">- P"'-* >" ^^t'^^^^^h 

Here is another journey paid fov o;' ...i „ „ 
people, which requires explanation. It ha3 
been sa.d, and probably with truth, that such a 
jouniev was performed by the Secretai*}' of Le- 
gation, AVm. S. Smith, Mr. Adams's nephew, 
there IS no law .anthorizin(^'the all iwance of ti-a- 
veiling e.xpensesto Secretaries of Leg'ation; but 
Mr. Adams being Secretary of State, procured 
tins extraordinary rllowance, which is also dis- 
guised upon tile books in the manner I have 
stated. 

The next item reads thus: "This sum allow- 
" ed him for his expenses at Paris waiting tlte 
" .answer of the British Government to a propo- 
" sition to treat on commerce, and the instruc. 
"tions of his own Government on this subject;, 

$830 19." 

These expenses were incurred at Paris, at the 
very time when Mr. Adams is supposed, in a pre- 
vious and subsequent .tcm of the account, to be 
travelling back to St. Petersburg; but the datca 
of these items are carefully omitted in the re- 
port to Congress. Had they been given, it 
would have appeared on the face of the docu- 
ment, that Mr. Adams was travelling back to St. 
Petersburg, and residing in Paris (.'/Mf.vHmc /(/Tit, 
antl eh-:r -'jii;- Kiixi Oovcriiment wuh bdili tltf. t=T- 



14 



^je^Bes of ^is journey, and the expeilses of liis 
residence in Vans! It would seem that the d;\tes 
t;ould have beun omitted only to conceal the 
fals'.-iiood of tl.c pretences under which some of 
the itenis wrt allowed! U should be here re- 
marked that Mr. Adams was allowed iin oiitiit 
of $9.'M0 on his appointment lo Engdand, and 
that h;s salaiy for that mission, commenced on 
the 28ih Febniary, 1813, whereby he was re- 
ceiving' not only cxpenst fur travelling' back to 
St. Pvt^-rsbui'g', ind expense for detention :n 
Pari.s, but his s'llary as Jiiuister to London, all 
at tiie sane time! ! The i^ext item reads thus; 

" This sura beinjf the amount heretofore 3U&- 
" i:ended from two contiiigeiit accounts, bvit 
"wliich, on further explanation ;md coivsidera- 
" tion.is admitted, §90 35." 

Of this 1 know nothl.ng'. But now comes a 
\tT\' (jxt.'aoitlinaiy item: 

•' This sum, aliov/eel him as equivalent to his 
'• e.vpen.'jes from Ghent to St. Petitrsi)iin;-, after 
"the conclusion of the treatj- of peace witli 
"Great Britain, he being sccrediled. and con- 
"sidered Jli'!:st--.i' o,t the Russian Co'jrt until 
"the receipt of his appointment to that of 
'• (Jreat Biitaiii, f 1,566 54." 

"Ded'icthis sum, sllowed hi.r fur tlus ob- 
"ject, for report No. 282, under an i)Xipres.sion 
"that the saiiie sums ciiarped by him fur the 
"journey fi-oi.i St. PeterslKii-tj to Ghent, would 
" be equal to the expenses of his reiu'.n, but 
" whic!i iio'.v a])pi:ars .voalj net havi' been the 
"■ ease, ;u5 that joiu'iey wasipade chiefly by wa- 
" tei', l>ut his retui'n m'-i.-it Ivave been by land, 
" ami by the saipcr:,ute as that '-.ikeu by iviessra. 
" Gallatin and Ba'.aid, and equally expensive, 
'• ."oS oC, ' §6,-9 68." 

llei''-' is .motlic! allowance for the jciu'iiey 
back from Ghent to St. Pe',eviibm'g', accompa- 
nied by the ino5t disg-.isting' and disg'racefal 
falsehoods. As i'ur as I c;m leai-n, tiie yroimds 
of ihi.s second ..Uowance. were as ;bllo><'s: The 
travelling; expense-;; e*' Mr., Adams' fa'.nily, from 
St. Petersburg to P;ms, were chai'sec! at the vun>- 
- .." 1 *T^A ' u *' I *u ' r—i-^t^-^vance or 

01 1,500 nallars, so tnat the * — , 
886dolla!'sS.>--'-;::,— ^'^':'"';"r<^nJ-etcnce 

____j-^miey from Client to St. Petersburg', was 
not sutTicient lo cover ihiin. After the iil-st al- 
lowance was made, Mr. Adarns discovered that 
Jlessi-s. Bayard, and perliaps Galb.tin, had 
charged and received 1,566 doILi-s 54 cents 
eacli, for te.e exp.inses of their journey from 
St. Petersburg' t(. Glienf, and he forthwith pu.s 
ill a further claijn to an e<ju:d allowance for I-is 
preicnu'cd }oufaL-yy in order to co-.-er his fiimdy's 
tr.ivelhng- expenses! Tnis also is allowed, de- 
ducting- the previous aliowance! Mark the false 
reasons K"'-"^ -^or this additional allov.';'.nce! I' 
is said Mr Adams's joiuiity from St. Vetei-sburg' 
to Ghent, was made chielh by water, "Indhin 
return iuu.it liuvr bttn hy'hud," when, in fact, 
lie never retiuned at at! li is adtV-d, " u.nl by 
the same rout" .is tlict tikcn ly Mejsrs GuHhU'i 
and JBnyurd. and e:/ually cj:pcn.slvc." A mere 
pretext for oiitaimng- 6i'2 dcUare o8 cents 
more than it had cost him, by liis own ac 
count for travelling' over the same g;round! 
From wliich it appeu-s tliat the allowance 
of 886 dollars 85 cents originally made 
under false pretences, was afterwards en- 
l;irg'e<l to 1566 dollars 54 cents, under accumu- 
lated fictions! He finally gets, under pretence 
of a direct journej: b^ck to St. Petersburg- from 



Ghmt, wbicU be never peifuoncil, as lUucU a.'5 
Mr. Bayard g'ot for a circuitous journey from St. 
Petersburg by Ghent to London. How Kir. 
Adsins could des..end to procure from the pub. 
lie Treasmy his fmily's Iravelling expenses, 
which he knew couldnot b» legall) allowed, liy 
filling' 'he records of his counti'y wit.u poss and 
repea'.fd m;sstateme..ts Ilea^eto his supper, - 
ers to exiikin! i , ^ 

Wl'.en Mr. Adams was appointed to aid in ii-- 
go'iiatiiig the rreaty of peaci.in AprH, 1813, the 
President sent out to him ^13,500; 4,,50C dollars 
on account of Ir.s Sidary as Minister to Russia, 
and 9,000 doUiu's as an outfit for the peace mis- 
sion. Af^erwiU'vls die President asked an apprb- 
piia'ion by Congress to caver this outfit, but as 
the finances of liie country were exhausted and 
eml)arriis8<--d by the war, and 9,000 d(dlars outfit 
was considered rather extrav.ig'jnt for a iVIinistcr 
u!r';ae!y in Europe, that body apj-.ropriatcd cnly 
4,500 fur iir. Adams' outfit, and he was direct- 
ed to enter a credit on h's account in favor of the 
Government, equal to the other 4,500 dollar^, 
the baliinoe of the $9,000 senlhim by the Presi- 
dent. . This he refused to do, complsinir.jr bit- 
terly of Co.igress for their penuriousness, and 
declai-ing' that they had as much riglit to coniis- 
Cide his private property as to reciuire him ■*o re-, 
fund any poitiou uf the money whicii had been 
Sent to him by the Government. He never did 
refur.d the money, or enter a credit lor it, and 
lie stood charged with it en 'die books cf tJie 
Tre,asiu7 imtil 1822. To compel d_fii;lters to 
settle c.p tlieir lUTears with Government, Con- 
gress passed an act prohib!ti!\T the payment of 
anv salarj' or compensation to any officer of the 
VJni'ed States who was in arreare witii the Go- 
vernment. Mr. A-kuns was then Secveury of 
State, and in obecheiiee to law, the Tiea.sary of- 
ficers refased to pay him his siJiirv' until he ac- 
counted for this 4,500 doliai-s, -ivliich He !:ad re- 
ceived in 1813 He new reiterated his com- 
pliiir.ts, and appealed to ibe President, i^fho rc- 
i-_— — -1 iii>^ suDject to the Attorney General. 
Tliat officer g'ave a;-) .ipinion, that the President 
had a rsfht to g'ive the money, anil 'irt Adarns 
to k'.ep it, in despite of the authority of Con- 
g'ress, and without an -ippropriat.on, althoug-li 
the Constitution sfiys expressly,- "no money shall 
be dr^wn fiom tlie Treasury but incorjiequencc 
of appropriations made by law," &c. 

Mr. Adams ivtaineil the money and recei\'ed 
the creuit, altliough no appropriation has been 
made to this d?y Thus it was, tliat he realized 
an outfit of 9,000 dollars, when sent upon the 
peace mission. The peace mission commenced 
thij 29th of April, IPIJ, and ended t!ie 27th of 
I''e^rlLJ•J■, 1815, havini^ continued one ye:^ aa<l 
ten months, ilr. Ailams was then appointed 
Mn.ister to Great Britain, and Jus mission com- 
menced ?8th February, 1815. Upon this ap- 
pointment, he claimed anotl'.er outfit of 9,000 ~ 
doUav.J. The tioveinment heatated at making- 
the allowance, because there 'ifas un act of Con- 
g-ress which declai'ed, "thiitit sliall not be Uwfiil 
in any case for the Presl'^ent to idlow a ilinister 
Pl-mipotentiary or Chiuge d' A flaires o,< ^wn^' 
fror: t/ie Umitd .jtalc.t to any other fort igni coun- 
tn-, an outfit which shall exceed one year's sala- 
ry." It wa.s doubted whetiier any outfit could 
be lawfully Jlowed to a Minister who had been 
liduatly Jiitid out, and was alre-dy in a ii»eigii 
eouiitrv, upon u ti-ansfer from oue coilittoan- 



15 



oilier, liut it was tiuajly Jccided tkut Ikis I.t«- 
did not bsr im outfit in such a casi', and Mr. 
Adams r«o<-!Tt>d another 9,000 dollars on being' 
transfeired from Ghent to i.()ndon. Thus did 
he i-ec'civc", within two vars, two outfits of 
9,000*dollar8 ecch, making 18,000 dollais. 

It has bfvn said, diiit dur'ig- t!ic Ghent mis- 
sion, Mr. Adains chaigfLu and received a double 
tialary; viz. 9,000 dollars per yt:ai', s« Ministij' 
to Ghent, and ■>,0<X/ dollars pei- yt^' as Minister 
to Hussia. Th : document nr. h hich this cJiar^e 
IS predicated ;9 now btfore me. It orijj^'natcd 
:>s follows: in April, 1823, the House of Repre- 
sentstives adopt, d ii resolution, calln-.g' on the 
Sec.retiiri' of State, who -.vas none other tlian 
Mr. Adams tiimself, for "a statement exhibidn^ 
the amount paid for outfit, lelum, id;iri<.s, and 
conUngrnt expeiise.i, to each Knvoy lixtiaordi- 
iiaiT and Uiuister I'lenipotentiari', and CtiargTj 
des Affaii-es, frO/U the United States to tlie rc- 
spect'Te foreign co'.iits, irom l6t Jinnan', 1801, 
to ;U3t December, IbJl." M.-. Aaaiira crJied 
on the Ko^;3tcT of the Treasury to make out the 
diie-.jnient, walcli he accordiiigiy did, and com- 
mu:iic„ted it to Mr. Adaiu-i, by «kein it was 
sent to the Hoase of }!■ proientatives. Thisdo- 
ctiniciit cont.iin3 the fo^owing' account of the 
mnoiuit jidM to Mr. Adams, as Minister to the 

-vet^l courts tlierein mentioned, which 1 have 

■xactly copied: 



= =• s=r 



Tl§^. 



>2» = 



;=.(« 



S5?2 






M?5i e|. 



§3 

op 



c Z"! 

35i 



%P v? P^ 

'>' s-"' ^•"-" 
. c" -? .> 

e 2. "5 

f- "I -r 



= > 






S 8 
s « 






a s 



1 have copied all of this p.iper, just as it is 
printeel in document No. 120, vol. 7, of public 
documents for 18il, '32. It will be perceived 
th;it the mis.sioiis to Russia and Giknt ai'e i"opre- 
sonted as ending at the same time, viz. 27th of 
I'ebniary, 1815; that in the column of aalar)- is 
ptacf<l u f'jll sahiiy as Miuioter lo Ghent, if 
these statemei'.ls be accurate, Mr. .\d;tnis did re- 
i^nve a doubl ■ 3;ilar\-. But truth compels nie 
■•1 =-iv, tHat tMs '.rocument, liie diri.J.s reintins' 



to Mr. A<iai>is's accSunts, is very inaccurate, if 
not materially false. In the main document, the 
totals do not correspond withtlit item.s, and the 
recapitulation does not with either the totals nr 
the .ag-gregatc of the items in that document. 
I cannot tiierefore asseri, piisjtively, that Mr. 
Adam.9 did rsceivc a doul'lc st>!ar)-, or that he 
did not; but «hcn I reflect that this docu- 
ment, which, ,s<ems conti-iied rather to conca! 
than develop the tnitii, c?.me thr.nig'h his own 
hands, and must have pa.f;scdl.i3 inspection, there 
seems to jne reason to infer, th.it the worst re- 
presentation it mr-kes is the real truth of the 
case. Take this document corning tbrotig;'h 
Mr A'dams hims.^lf, as true in its woi'st suspect, 
and let us S'jc how much money lie contrived to 
pocket in t no yea:-s, commencintr with his .ap- 
pointment upon the Ghent Mission in April, 
181,3: 

Outfit on the Ghent Mission, S ^-^-^OO GO 

SaliOT do - - 2.},?9d oO 

CoPtinffencies, do - -, 1),j4o 69 

OutEt on Mission to Great Britain, 9,000 00 
Salary of Russian and Brit. Mission, 18,000 00 



!^62,G+4 90 

If this document be correct in the amount of 
Saley s.t to- each Mission, Mr. Aclr.nis muJt 
have charg-cd an«l received this sum for services 
and expenses between the 29th of April, 181.;, 
and the 29tb Apnl, 181. i, besides some eontii-i- 
g'encics Ht London. If indeed he did not re 
ceive any stdary as M'nister to Ghvnt, then t!ie 
amount paid to l.im for tlietwo years wai.^J, 345 
60. That he did actually receiie this latter sum, 
nmcli of It under false pretences and contrjj'rta 
law, there is no rooiu to doubt. What .■•.gency 
Mr. Adams had in sttthn^ iiis own account;; a;id 
directing' the allowances to iiims'ilf, I kn0\»' not. 
Certain it is, tliat the Secrct.j-y of State is the 
chief agent inm.akin.if all cxtraoidinary allowan- ,; 
cc-s to foreig-n Mln'stc-.rs. ?\Ii'. Adams wab Secre- 
tary of State from 1817 to 1325, and liis a^icounts 
must have been settld after his retuin home. 
He at least dirt not object to tl»e extravagant al- 
lowances made to him, some of tliem tor ser- 
vices and journeys not performed, for he pock- 
eted tlie money. 

I have now g'lven you all the information I can 
collect from the public documents upon the sub- 
ject of your inquiry. You may rely upon it as 
accurate in the manutr imd to the extent tjiat f 
have stated. 

I cannot foi-bear to mention that in this inves- 
tig'ation I have met with a key to tW feeling's 
which dictated the letter of Mr. Adams to Le- 
vitt HpjtIb, in which he pronounces our Govern- 
munijeehle anri pfiurious. Coii(;Tess had refus- 
ed to allow him a full outfit of 9000 dollars. In 
a letter to iiim f'Oiu Mr. Monroe, then Secreta- 
ry of State, dated Jime 2od, 1814, he is inforni- 
ed of this fact in tlie following words: 

" It is necessa'ry to 'appriic you, tliat. altho'- 
" a full OMifit wa.0 transmitted by t!ie N'epiune, 
" and Intended to be allowed you by the Kxee- 
" utive ns a member of the extra mission :it St. 
'* Petefsbuig', yet the I.eg'islattire, on a refer- 
" enee of rjie subject to them for an appropria- 
" tion, decided the principle, by the amount ap- 
" propriatedaiidtIiedisi'\i,sslon which took plae-; 
•'at the time, tiiat an .mtfitonly could be allow- 
" ed to a Minister under cii'cmnstances applica- 
" Id'- to -.'onr c.-.-e, )',! vourdrafts niit'ie 'v,;;',j,- 



10 



'•• rjs and in yonr future accounts, you will be 
" pk;ised to keep this deduction in vievv." 

But tlie Minister had tlie money, and although 
the Government was almost bankrupt, the ar- 
iny naked and stai'ving-, and the enemy, reliev- 
ed from war in Europe, was preparing to cany 
fire and sword through our country, and did 
soon after take tliis city, and burn the public 
buildings, he liad no conception of relinquish- 
ing his hold upon the c;.sh he had received. — 
To Mr. Monroe's iettci- lie returned an answer, 
dated Client, 23d Ai!g'ust, 1J)14, characterized 
by a tone and temper ill becoming- a rcpresent- 
r.tive of his country in that day o!' her g- eatest 
■u ant and peril. Among other tilings of a like 
cliaractcr, he says: 

" 1 allege, that, by an act of the E>:ecutive 
" ])eriectly confoimable tothe constitution and 
•' tile law, the sum whicli 1 am now required to 
*' deduct from my accounts and my drafts, was 
^^ my property as much a? tiie fKv.'lling liouse 
" of any nicniber ol' the leg'islature was ids, and 
" that the principle which Congress would set- 
" tie, by an ultnnate refusal to allow theappro- 
" jjrjation, could be no other tiian a principle, 
" to coutiscate, without any alletred Oi'iince, 
*• not halfthe outiit of a Miuis'.er undercircnm- 
•" btancvJ applicable to my rase, but so jiiuch 
" of my individual property." 

If 1 had more time I wnuld give the whole let- 
tei', from which you would not fail to ijerceive, 
that .Mr. Adams thought more of filtins'his own 
pockets at that period, than he ditlot the wants 
of his bleeding country. 

His famous letter to Levitt Harris is dated 
Ghent, ISth Noveraber, 1814. Among- other 
things not very creditable to his patriotism, lie 
ai)s; 

" Divided among ourselves, more in passions 
" than interests, with hah' t!)e njition sold by 
" their prejudicesand their(^j/<i,-«/(i-e toour en- 
*' cniy, with a. feeble and pentiriou.i giinrnmcuf, 
'■ with five frig-ates foranavy, and scarcely live 
•' efficient regiments for an amiy, how can it be 
" expected that we sboiiklrcsit the mass of 
■•' tOTCii vbii'i'''iaT gigantic power hascollected 
" to cruih us at a blow.". You will recollect, 
air, the events of that period. Our treasury 
Was empty and the capitol in ruins, whde Mr. 
Adams was grasping at outfits, salaries, trai'el- 
ling expenset and contingencies, without reason 
or hunt, and abusinglhe Governinfiit -as pcnuri- 
L'tis, because it would not yield to all his tx- 
tra-vagant demands! Mr. Monroe at Washing- 
lOB au^Genoral Jackson at New Orleans, were 
bon-owing on their own credit, and hazarding 
e^■e^y dollar they jiossesscd in the world, to 
liave their suffering countiy. In November 
18J4, when the letter to Harris was written. 
General .lackson was driving the Hritisii from 
I'lorida, and opening his way to New O^'lejiiis. 
K)n the 1st of IJecember he arrived at that City, 
pud used to the people a language which I beg 
you to contrast with that ol' Mr. .\danis. He de- 
clared "Ihat w/iQ isnot fur u.i is tigainst Uf," he 
informed those whom he commanded or was to 
liei'end, " lo remttnher t.'iut our ivutdtunnif is Vic- 
toria tjr dtath: our country must find .s7/ j// te de- 
fended. IVe will enjoy out- libLrly or perish in the 
hst ditch." 

Yont obedient servniit, 

T. V. MOORB. 



Out readers are tieft pititMTed with tie Jinr 
number of the United Slates' Tek^aph Extra, 
which is dedicated to all those citizeris of the 
United States who, at the. elevation of the Hero of 
New Orleans to the most responsible station iji 
their gift, expect a correction of existing' nhuses\ 
and an honest administration of tlicir public (Q^ 
fairs. More particularly is this paper dedicateS 
to the different corresponding committees through^ 
out the Union, who have been appointed for the 
purpose of disseminating puKt'Ciil truth, and re 
fating the varioiui shnders liy which, a corrupt 
cotili/ion are endenroriJig to jmd^iig zh-it pouxr 
vhieh they acquired by violutiiig iut public wiJJ. 
7%e publishers believe ihat a paper (ike the anr 
here offered, on terms that shnll rendtr it aeccis/t 
ble to even/ citizen, will tend spyatly to proncatt 
the cause of the PEOPLE. Ti^e patronage <&■ 
ready given to it is exten.nve, and greatly J7icreas* 
ing; and to meet this inrreresing dtmaiw., they inr- 
tend to print a Uirge edition oj the first ntimbei'S^ 
to acroni moilate tlicrefioith those whn.if orders nmf/ 
not arrive until afier their piiblicntion 

.111 the corresponding eonuiiitiees, and all thasv 
disposed lo aid the ccmsc of sound principles Iji/ 
the election of ANDREW JACKSON, are re 
quested to exert thenu^lves fur procuring sidjsrrib' 
trs, and tronsmitting their nahns to the nulilish- 
ers icilliout ikluy. Thty u\U perceive that, to io- 
drmnify the Editors for the expense of publico' 
iiim, all payments should be made in advance, 
and that they can, in no ease, prry postage. 

The editors would suggest to tho.HC who otr- 
tain suhscribers, the propriety of retaining the 
nionfy paid to them, until it shall amount io 
^fivt dollars at least ; for, besides the saving <^ 
postage to siibscribcr.% the editors would state that., 
bills of a lesser denomination than five ihllnrs are 
not current in Wushingtun, unless they be on Itit 
District Bunks. 

The Editors improve the opportunity afforded 
by this publlcution, to iiifor,a their palroiu that, 
df theUnited States' T,ki^rujih, tlicii yiMisli four 
papers. The first is a Daily I'aper, ivhich is of- 
fered for 'J'en thlliirs pecyiiir. The sccond'.a 
published three times per week during the sessioa 
of Congress, and twice per week during the re- 
cess; and is offered for Five DoUurs per year, and 
Tliree Dollars for six months. 'I7ie third is pub- 
lished IVeelily, and is ofj'ered for Four Dollars 
per year. If three sul/scribers unite and remit ten 
dolLrs, each will receive a Jl'elrly Taper for one 
year, 'llie fourth will be published weekly, from 
the Is' of March until the iStk of Uctober, far 
One Dollar. 

Concerning the political doctrines to the support 
of which this paper will be devoted, the idilars 
need .luy nothing. Tlit course hitherto pursuul in 
the United /States' 'Telegraph, tvilJ be strictly pur- 
sued in this Extra ; and hofo far that course has 
been approved by the great Republican party oj 
the Union, may be learned from the extensive, if 
not unexampled patronage which the editors htcee 
received from tht people and the subscribers, and 
tlie malgnant ubii.'ie Ihul has been poured upon 
tli-sm by tli£ agents of the coul'tion. 

GUEEN & JARVIS. 



03" We invite the pubhc attention to the let- 
ter of t'le Moll. 'I'tjomtis P. Moore, Member of 
Congres-s from Kentucky, concerning- the ac- 
counts of OIL' drsiittfrcyltd imd jpitrvitir Presi- 



UNITED STATES TELEGRAPH—^'af/,.. 

This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weeklv 
until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar, "" 

BY GREEN ^- JAR VIS. 



VOL. I. 



WASHINGTON, MARCH 21, 1828. 



No. 



SIX MILITIAMEN. 

The Editors of the United States' Telegraph 
beCeving that'hey could not render a more ac- 
ceptable service to their readers, than by pla- 
cing- within a compendious compass the facts 
and principles of Law connected with the case 
of the "Six Te.«nessee Militia men," have pre- 
pared, ami now publish in a pamphlet, from the 
report of the Committee on Mihtary Affairs, and 
the debate which took place in tne House of 
Representatives, on the 11th February, relative 



Coalition to liave made a more judicious selec" 
tion. This gentleman, with a happy insensi- 
bility both to shame and punishment, had just 
that darkling- malice which fitted him "for a 
mousing owl;" and in strict obedience to the 
orders he had received, the call was so shaped 
by himself, as to bring out merely what the CO' 
ahtion wanted. The seasonable amendment, 
however, of Mr. Wicktiffe, extracted a Ltde 
more, and tliis enabled the Committee on MUi- 
taiy Affairs to develop the true history of the 
to't'he printing of that report andthedocumems ^""saction. When the call was answered by 



transmitted by the Department of War in obe 
dience to the call of Mr. Sloane, of Ohio. 

The annals of the world scarcely disclose a 
circumstance of greater baseness and injusiice 
than the conduct of the Coalition, and its tools. 



tlie transi.nission of the documents from the War 
Department, it will be remembered with what 
pertinacity the fnemls of the Administration re- 
sisted their reference to the Conunittee on Mili- 
tary Affairs, because they knew tliat that Com.- 



throughoat the whole of this transaction. It ™"ee would give a candid and fair exposition 

will be remembered by our readers that it was °' *"^ . ""'^ ^^"^^ °*" '''<= case; and that, as tlie 

immediatel / after tite decided revolution in pub- P™ceedings of the court did not contain a re- 

lie sentiment, occasioned by tiie moral disgust v' °* 'he law under which it acted, the pub- 

and loathing at the infuriate and infamous at- ''=.«'" "'<> °<^ sure to be misled if it was not 

tacks on the character of Mrs. .lackson, that P^'^'^" o^it- 

this fiction of Generaljackson's illeg:!! e.xecu- ^^'^ need not refer to tlie dishonor.able course 

tion of the six militia intn was got up, and that pursued by the administration party when the 

Binns, /)arfJK//f/icf, the infamous Bini.s, forged Committee presented their report — the effort's 

the memorable letter of John Hams. Although made to separate this report from the doctt- 

the report of the Nashville Committee put down ments, and the still more reprehensible at- 

this fabrication, and suspended this slander for tempt to have them pubhshed as arranged, as- 



a. time, yet the Secretary of War, as the supple 
instrument of a more designing man than him- 
self, v/as too far committed in the dissemina- 
tion of this calumny to recede, and having con- 
sented to become the carrier of John Binns, he 
was obliged also to be his endorser. 



sm-ttd, and shuffled at the Department of War. 
These facts the debate will emphatically dis- 
close. 

We regret that the documents sent by the 
Department are so voluminous as to preclude 
our publication of them, for witli the tabular 
The consequence has been, tnat the archives statements of the muster-rolls they are equiva, 
of the War Department have been opened to '^"^ '<> about 200 print'-d pages; but what will 
every libeller of General Jackson, who might 'he public say, whtn we assiu-e them, that but 
desire to find materials to be tortured and per- °"^ single letter, (that of the Secretary of War, 
verted to the worst purposes of f;iJsehood and General Armstrong, to Governor Blount, of the 
maUce. But the chief manoeuvre in the tactical 1 1th of January, 1S14,) has any reference to 
operationof this movement, was to procure, du- the subject, excepting that froni Gov. Blount 
ring the present session, a call for the proceed- to the Secretary of War of the 19th Oct. 1814, 
ings of the court by which the six mibUa men ^-'^t all the rest of the correspondence serves 
were sentenc.-d to death, and such parts of the only "to overwhelm in its unwieldy masses the 
correspondence of the Department of War with t*^^ point at issue which the administration haa 
the Governor of Tennessee, during the late heen desirous of keeping out of view, 
war, relating to the militia drafts of that State, The muster-rolls, it is impracticable to pub- 
as m.ght be most serviceable. lish; they prove, however, uncquivocaUv, that 

The object of this call was too obvious to the r ' ' ' - 

c ' 

h- 




niethod which u^ijuly chiu-actenze the proceed, here subjoin the letter of Gen. Armstroi^'to 

■>"■ — - Liov. B;,y..nt, of the 11th of Januar)-, 1814.— 



ings of mihta courts-m-,.-t'al, (^how'% 't etr. du- 
ally subitant'.al justice may l)^ ui-iii.-,) sciie ir- 
regulanty of mere form might be se!.;>'d upon 
and made the most of; at all t.»ents, (v.>"itever 
might be the finding of the court, from tn- '=5- 
timonyofthe witnesses for the prisoners, eno-asi;h 
might be procured for the calumnious aliment 
of " the I'ress, by authority," during the ap- 
proaching campaign. 

This call was confided to the Honorable Mr. 
Ploane, cf Ohio. £t was impossible fnr tr.e 
O 



Gov. B.Oui.t's order of the 20th May, 1814, by 
wliich th.' rcirnient of Col. Pipkin was muster- 
ed nto service for six months, from the 20th of 
June, 1814. Generaljackson's order of the 
2jf.h Ma;, . t814, who was then a Militia Gene- 
ral, the letter of the Secretary of War, Augi:st 
20th, 1814, ^communicated to the House of Re- 
presentatives, under Mr. Sloane's second call 
of the Sth of February,) together with the let- 
ter cf the Hon. Mr. Biair, of Tennessee, ftan^.. 



ih 



ij a letter «f the H«n- Jlr. AieianJer, in 
Ion to the execution of the six mutineeTs. 

'T/ie Seerttwry of War to Governor Blount. 

WiB DupiHTMffNT, Jan. 11, 1814. 
Sir: Tou are authorized to supply, by militia 
"Ji'afts, or by volunteers, any deficiency which 
may arise id the militia division, under the com- 
niand of Major General Jackson, and withont 
voferring, on thie head, to tins Dopurtmciit. It 
'Tiay be well tliat your Hicellt ncv should •ob- 
sult 6enei%l Pinckney on such occmioim, «• he 
^an bMt judge of the whole ■umber ■esesmry 
tofbetcCtainniiM of th* public obj ecu. 
I bsTre t)ie honor, &c. 

J. ABMSTBOMQ. 
Jli's Bxo'y (^ QovaiiiQi of Tennessee. 

And 3gUJi> on the 31st of January, 1*14, lis 
■^:rDte : 

" Sir: Iil23 the hoiMir to receive your Bicel- 
t^ney's letier of the 5th inst. My letter of the 
^tli will have anticipated you» inquiries rcb- 
live to fiuther detachments of militia. The at- 
tention of the Paymaetef of the Ai-ray \rill be 
jjar-cularly directed to the payment of the 
UBopa \yho have be«n in SErrice from Tennes- 
•>e. 

I have {he honor to be, veiy respectfclly, 
'JDUP excellenc) "s mast obedient 9< iTant, 

(Sig'ned) i. AHMSTRONO." 

Tliii Esoellencj W. Biodst, 

Governor of linnessa. 

Tht Sittetmy of War to Oeneral Jacksm. 
War DbpartjMbnt, 

February 4,1814. 
b'jR; Since the receipt of your letter, of De- 
cember 30th, the Governor of Icnnemee has 
boen required to call out the militia to reinforce 
j-our command, and provide for the exigencies 
of the service in that quarter, in which he is 
also required to eonsiilt '.he commanding Gene- 
ral. 

J. ARMSTRONO. 
t^jltfjil AypBFv J'aokbos, 

Fort Stroihn. 

A'Ctaflg^ 49 we presume, under those instruc- 
tions, the Governor of Tennessee, on the 20th 
of May, 1814, isaued the following general or- 
(ler: 

"Nabbville, May 20, 1814. 

SlB: In compliance with the requisition of 
5Iijor General Thomas Pinckney, that the posts 
of Fort Williams, Fort Su-other, Fort Armstrong, 
Kort Boss, and Forts Old ind New Deposit, 
should be kept up, the lioing of which he has 
confided to you, until tlit- objects of the govern- 
ment in relation to the war agauvsi the hostde 
^reek Indians shall have been fully efl'tcted; 
and from tlie probable expiration of the time of 
service of the toops, now occupying those im- 
portant posts, commanded by Col. Bunch, prior 
to a final acconipUshment of the views of go- 
vernment in relation to the Creelj waj', you luill, 
uriHtout delay, order ot;i otie thousand niAitia iip- 
t'atUry of the 2d divi^sion, for the term of six 
nosTHs, unless sooner discharged bj order of 
tlie President of the United States, eg f m may 
accept a tender of service of the* )»■(, number 
of vrutlmteer liiiTmtry fJwro t?t»> % i<1»on foT 



the aforesaid tenn, Isr Uie puij^ose ot' garn:>Q4'.-- 
ingthe said posts, at your option: tu/iieh (atttnde, 
in relation to calls for men to act against tbr 
Creeks, in furtherance of the views of gnremmen/ 
in that behalf, is give7i to me by instrucHom from 
the War Department. Those troops will be 
commanded by an officer of the rank of colonel, 
and will be required to rendezvous at Favelte- 
vUle, OH the 20th of June next: thence thej- will 
proceed to the abovo-menfioned pofts, under 
your order, in such number to sach, as you shsll 
as'.i^i It is important to the pubhc intoiests 
that they should be at those posts between the 
lat and 10th of July next, ss about tluit time 
the term of service of th • troops now then!;, 
under colonel Bunch, \rdl expire, «D<t at whicii 
posts there ia much public property committed 
to their charge. 

You will order the oiustej- master to attenfl 
and muster the troops into service — you will 
call on the contractor for provisions, and on tile 
a'isistant deputy quartermaster likewise far sup- 
plies in his department. 

(Signed) WILUE BLOUJtT-'" 

To Maj. Gen. Ajtdbkw Jacksox, 

Second division of Tennessee Militia." 

General Jackson, then a Major General in the 
Militia of the State, issued his order on the 24th 
day of May, 1814, as follows: 

"Brate Tenneeuemis of the '2d Dimsimu The 
Creek war, through the Divine aid of ProvJ. 
dence, and the valor of those engaged in the 
campaign, in which you bore a conspicuou.'; 
sliare, has been brought to a happy termination. 
Good policy requires that the temtory C4)ri- 
quered should be gairisoned, and p.>sseesion 
retained until appropriated by the Government 
of the United States. In pursuance of this 
policy, and to relieve the troops now stationed 
at forts Williams, Strother, ana Arnvstrong, oi» 
the Coosa river, as well as Old and New Depo- 
sit, I am commanded by his excellency. Gover- 
nor Blount, to call from my division one thcru- 
sand men in the service of the United States, 
for the period of six montlis, unless sooner dis'- 
charged by order of the President of the Uniteti 
States. 

The Brigadier Generals, or officers command- 
ing the 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 9th Brigades of 
the 2d division, will forthwitli furnish ft-om their 
brigades respectively, by draft or voluntary en- 
listment, two hundred men, with two captains,, 
two first, two second, and two third lieutenants, 
and two ensigns, well armed and equipped fol" 
active service, to be rendezvoused at Fayette- 
viUe, Lincoln county, in the State of Tcnnesse^, 
on the 20th of June ne.xt; and then be organiz- 
ed into a regiment, at which place the field offi- 
cers, and muster-master will be ordered to meet 
them. 

Officers commanding the brigades compos^ 
ing the 2d division ot Tennessee militia, are 
charged with the prompt <ind due execution of 
this order. 

ANDRFW JACKSON, Maj. Got. 
Commanding 2d division, M. T:" 

Tilt Stetttanj of War to General Jucksmt,. 

AVab Depabtmest, 

JJugast20, 1514. 
Shi: VtJUiS of the 24th July, has been rpceiv 
jTd". Port Jactson sbouJU not b% sct»antfenci> 



]9 



tjfiireril PincknSy re]»eM.-i, tkat Ue Uas main- 
tained the guirisons in his district, where he has 
three companies posted, and he has been in- 
structed to continue tliem so long as lie sliall 
deem tlie measure advisable. 

If the report of your runner be true, a new 
military force from T'.-nnessee sliould be called 
oirt. liovemor Blount has orders to hol^ in 
reailiiiesrt twnty five hundred detached mihtia, 
bml wi& be prepared for lue'i aa evenl. 
1 have tfce hnno'-, 8tc. 

JOHN AB^^sTROK•. 

(XMi«m] Jaikcob. 

Coder thie call, Kturts and his asH iciftte« veoe 
pwwtered into serv ce lor six monllts, on the 
2»th of June, lbl4, nd dvicrted on the ^ith of 
SeptemOer foUownig': Col. Plpkiii says that, 
"A short time previous to this fthe 20tfi of 
" {kpUiinbir J tiie same party de;noli»!ie<i the 
*'bake hous«^, destroyed the oven, and did ma 
" ny other disorderly in 1 mutinous acts. The 
" ilay previous to their d^-st-rtion, a larg'e num- 
" ber paraded armed, and marctied towards the 
"cominissary stor s. I ordi;r;-d them to dis- 
" perse, bu: nny order was disregarded, and 
•^ they forced the guards stationed for tlie pro- 
*' tection of the stores. The Commissary anti- 
*^ cipated their design, closed and locked the 
'• door; but that did not restrain them; for one 
" of the m?n, (who wa.f afterwards shot by sen- 
**tence of the court martial,) immediatelv 
■■^snatched up i pick-axe and cut the door off 
" its hinges. They tlieu iMtf-red the lioase, 
*"• and took outelev n baiTels of Bnur, and made 
•^ public proclamation lo all who intended go- 
*^ ing honie, to c >me foruai'd and draw rations; 
" which they did. — They afterwards proceeded 
'• to the bullock pen, and shot down two 
" beeves, and the balance taking fright, l)roke 
" the pen and ran some distance, where they 
"tilled a third." 

Hall of Rephesbstatives, ? 
Febmary 2Ath, 1828. J 
Messi^. Greet; i,\D Jaevis: 

Oentkmen — Eudosed I send you for publica- 
■tion, an e.x'.~act frnm a letter, tpanly on busi- 
ness, ) addresised b\ D. .\lexandirr, Esq tome, in 
relation to the subject of the six militiamen. I 
am personally and intimately acquainted with 
Mr. Alexander, and know him to be a man of 
higlily respectable character and unquestion- 
able veracity. He is a member of the Tennes- 
see bar, and Clerk of the Chancery Court in the 
district which I have the honor to represent. — 
Vrom the pail wliich lie took i.i the transactions 
of which he speaks, I feel confident that his 
Statement will be calculated to .arrest the cur- 
rent of fdsehood, which has been mdustriously 
propagated oi tha' subject. 

Very respectfully, your ab't serv't. 

JOHN BLAIR. 
ExlToct from I). Jlkxander's Utter. 

"I have read with ndignat'On tlie resolution 
of Mr. Sloane of OhiO, with regard to the six 

militia men, and hiS remarks thtreon. 

The trutii ..s, Jackson w;iu"id have bjon very 
much to ulame, nad he dis;ipproved of the sen- 
tence of the Court MartiSl. At the time of the 
execution of tfcese men, and for some days be- 
fore and after, the British were just below us, 
at the Ptrtnt. thnmteniiTs- an atticck : and the 



militia under ijeu. Wincbesler tv ere tUreatcnuij. 
to mutiny (at least to go home, ) but when an 
example was made of these mutineers, which 
they acknowledged to be just, not a munnur 
was heard escape the lips either of the militia 
or regulars ; on the contrary, all said that the) 
would remain even for a longer time than si.v 
months, should their services be required. 1 
know all about this matter. I was acting as 
Adjutant in Forte Charlotte, it Mobile^ con)' 
manded th« guard which escorted the six nii- 
litiamen, and one regular, to the pUoe wkere 
the Army, congi«ting' of «he Tanaemce and 
Georgia troops were assembled, for the pur» 
pose of witnt'ssiny their eKecutioa i a»d the 
example had the mist salutary eStct, as rt pre- 
vented another mutiny. We were, at tbat time, 
in great want of provisions, our communication 
with Orleans being cut off, and our supphes 
having failed from above. All tie officere both 
of the regular and militia, approbated the con- 
duct of Gen Jackson, because they saw and felt 
the necessity of making an example, as we had 
not heard of the news of peace, nordid that in- 
formation reach us for many days after the exe- 
cution of these men. As to the celebrate 1 let- 
ter of H.arris, it is a base fabrication. I was 
quartered in front, and within ten or twelve feet 
of the Calaboose or Prison in which Harris and 
his accomplices were confined, and he could 
not have written any letter without the know- 
ledge and leave of the officjre ; he never dii 
write such a letter, nor was he cap>able of doing 
so ; nor did he ever mention to any one in the 
fort, that I ever heard of, that he was desirous 
of making an application to Gen. Jackson for a 
pardon ; on the contrary, he always acknow- 
ledged the justice of the Couftthat condemned 
him. This miserable fabrication sliows the dis- 
position of the enemies of Gen. Jackson. There 
never was a more unfounded, vile fabrication, 
than this much talked of Harris letter. I never 
heard an intimation m.ade, whilst I was at Mo- .^ 

bile, br during my continuance in the army, nor 
until B:iins started it." 

We think that, after a careful perusal of the 
report of the Committee, the debate in the 
House of Representatives, and the documents 
we have here published, that every candid mind 
mr«t, at least, settle down in the following cCBl- 
clus'ons: — 

Ist. That Governor Blount had full power 
under the unrevoked discretionary ir^structions 
of the War Department of the 11th of Januarj', 
1314, to call out militia drafts for six months. 

2dly Th.-»t Col. Pipk n's regiment, to which 
the s X militiamen belonged, was so called out. 

adly. Tliat these mutineers committed the 
crimes for which they were executed, before 
tlie expiration of three mont'is of their term of 
ser\ ice, and that there is as little doubt of the 
enormity of their guilt, as of the regularity of 
their trial, and the justice of their fate. 

-\nd, lastly, that the conduct of the Coalition 
in every stage of the atrocious calumny which 
tliey have endtavored to superinduce on a 
transaction which devolved a mast painful res- 
ponsibility on an estimable public senant, has 
been marked by a recklessness for truth and 
honor, and an unfaltering devotion to tiuplicity 
and malice, that has entirely eclipsed all othe: 
parrallels of Irimtin dcT^ravity and hasenc??. 



iiO 



iKISNESSKE MILlilAMEN. 

Mr. Hamilton, from the Committee on 
Military AfTairs, to which the subject 
had been referred, made the following 
report: 

The Committee on Military Affairs, to whom 
were refei'red the documents communicated 
by the Secretary of War, in obedience to tlie 
rail of this House, of the 16th of January, re- 
iative to the proceedings of a Court Martial, 
which commenced its sitting at or near Mo- 
bile, on the 5th of December, 1814, for the 
trial of certain Tennessee Militiamen, togeth- 
er with the correspondence between the Go- 
vernor of that State and the Secretary of War, 
respecting the lengtli of service of mititia 
drafts, of tliat State, during the late war, re- 
port: 

That, by the 1-eferencc of these papers to 
ypur Committee, tliey have been unable to 
place any other construction on your order, 
than, that it was tlie intention of the House, 
that they should examine the same, and deter- 
mine whether all the documents had been com- 
municated, or were on file in the Department, 
necessary to a true understanding of the case 
■to which the call for these documents is appli- 
cable; and, if any were wanting, to ascertain in 
what manner the deficient papers could be sup- 
plied; and, in reporting upon the nature of the 
transactions, which these papers disclose, to 
determine whether the legislative interference 
of Congress be necessary, as to any amendment, 
either of the Ilutes and Articles of War, or the 
laws governing the militia of the United States. 

In the discharge of this duty, your Commit- 
tee will proceed succinctly to state to the 
House, the character of the documents trans- 
nntted by the Department of War; the periods 
and events to which they are applicable; the 
law and public exigency under which the Go- 
vernor of Tennessee, during the last war, or- 
dered out the militia drafts of that State, for the 
common defence of our country; and, lastly, 
tile crimes and offences committed by a portion 
of the Biilitia drafts so ordered out, which pro- 
duced a necessity for the examples which W'%» 
made, and which are disclosed in the proceed- 
ings of the Court Martial, convened at or near 
Mobile, on the 5th of December, 1814. 

The first criticism to which the correspon- 
dence transmitted, in obedience to the order of 
this House, by the Department of War, is Tia- 
ble, is the numerical classification, made by 
that Department, of the letters composing this 
cJiTespondence. 

The Secretary of War has transmitted twelve 
■"otters, which pasiod between ths then Secre- 
ry. General Armstrong, and Gov»-rnor Blount. 
Instead of commencing the series with the letter 
first in d.ite, by which the inducement would be 
shown for the reply, this order is inverted, and 
T .le series commences with a letter from the Sec- 
retary of Vs'ar, of the Sd of January, 1814, marii- 
ed No. 1; and his letters are.continued to No. S. 
ft so happens, thut the first letter in date. Is as 
• jvv down as No. 6, Gov. Blount's of the 10th 
oFDecember, ISl.'i; and the second letter in 
d-Ae, is No. 7 — Governor Blount's, of the 24th 



of the 3d of January, 1814, of the Secretary o:' 
War, is an answer. 

Your Committee believe that this arrange- 
ment of the correspondence, is calculated to 
lead to serious misapprehension; that a reader, 
not very attentive to a comparison of dates, 
woujd suppose that the letter ofthejd of Janu- 
ary ,A 814, referred to such militia drafts as were 
to be made in that year, when it is exclusively 
applicable to the dral'ts which had been made in 
1813, for the prosecution of the Creek war,and 
whicli were admitted to have been executed 
but for three months. The injustice which, by 
a confusion of dates, would be done, even by 
possibility,tothe parties concernedin the trans- 
actions of the militia drafts of Tennessee, which 
wero made for six months in 1814, by applying 
the letterofthe Secretary of War, of the 3d of 
January, 1814, to subsequent drafts for sis 
months, instead of those whicli were made in 
1813, for three months, has induced your Com- 
mittee so to arrange the correspondence, that 
the leading letter, in the series, should come 
out first, and the subsequent letters follow in 
the natural order of their respective dates. 
This obviously just clasb'.fication being observed, 
it will be perceived, that the lette. of the 3d of 
January, 1814, has no bc;..riiig upon the drafts 
of militia, which were afterwards made for si.>: 
months, in the progress of that year, by the 
Governor of Tennessee, of which the regiment 
under the command of Col. Pipkin composed a 
part. 

A perusal of the correspondence just recited, 
of the muster rolls of the different companies of 
C»l. Pipkin's regiment, and the proceedings of 
the Court Ma.-lial which was convened " at Mo 
bile, on the 5lh of December, 1814, for the 
trial of certain Tennessee militiamen," presen.t 
upon their face the following inquiries: 

1st. Whether the Governor of Tennessee, 
had the power to order out detachments of the 
militia of that State for a six months' tour of 
service ? 

2dly. Whether Col. Pipkin's regiment was 
so ordered out, and in conformity with such au- 
thority? 

3dly. Whether the soldiers of this regiment. 
who were arraigned for certiin crimes and of- 
fences before "a Court Martial, which convened 
at Mobile on the 5th December, 1&14," were 
legally tried; and whether t!ie commanding Ge- 
nei-al, approving tlie proceedings of this Court, 
properly exercised the power and discretion 
vested in him by law? 

In relation to the first branch of the inquir;-, 
it will be proper to premise, that, on the lOth 
April, 1812, in antIf|;at.on of ihe war about to 
take pl."-i;j, tjjr.jjress pasied an act, which will 
be found in flie 4th vol. of the Laws of the Uni- 
ted Slates, page 406, which authorizes the 
President "to require the different Executives 
of the States, to organize their respective pro- 
portions of 1C)0,000 militia, and to call into ser- 
vice the whole, or a part, of these quotas; whicji 
detachments were not compelled to serve long- 
er than six months, after they arrived at the 
place of rendezvous." Tills ac" was an enlarge- 
ment of the act of 17'?5, which restricted the 
siTvice oi the militia, v/hen called out by the au- 
thority of the United St;ites, to three months. 

The act of the 10th of April, 1812, expired 



ill 



On the lltJi of January, 1S14, whilst, however, 
this law was in full force, 'he then Secretary of 
War, Gen. Armstrong, wrote the letter, num- 
bered 2 in the documents, to Governor Blount, 
which authorizes him "to supply, hy militia 
drafts, or by volunteers, any deficiency which 
may arise in the mihtiu diviBion under the com- 
mand of Major General Jackson, and without 
referring, on this head, to this Department;" and 
furtlier informs Governor Blount that "it may 
be well that your Excelleiwiy consult General 
I'inckney on such occasions, as he can best 
indf^e of the whole number necessary to the 
attainment of tlie public objects." 

This letter, in the opinion of your Commit- 
tee, vested plenary power in Governor Blount, 
until it was revoked, either by expresi orders, 
or by peace, to call out such militia rlrafts as, 
in his discretion, he mig-ht think necessary "for 
the attainment of the public objects," under 
the existinj^ laws. 

On the iStli of April, 1814, 4th Vol. Laws of 
the United States, page r03, sec. 8, Congress 
■enacted " that the militia, when called into the 
service of the U . States, by virtue of the before 
recited act, may, if, in the opinion of the Presi- 
dent of the U. States.the public interest require 
it, be compelled to sei-ve for a term not exceed- 
ing six months, after their arrival at the place of 
rendezvous, in any one year. Tliis law was to 
contiiHit in force during the war. 

After the passage of this act, it does not ap- 
pear that the President revoked the power 
which lie had given to Gov. Bhiunt, by virtue 
of the letters of the Secretary of War, of the 
11th and 31st January, 1814; but he seems to 
have been willing, from his silence, coupled 
with the notorious ftct of Gov. Blount's con- 
tinuing to order out militia drafts, under the 
discretionary autliority of those letters, to con- 
Eider that -juch drafts as Gov. Blount should 
order out, were, in his opinion, required " by 
the public interest " 

And your Committee think, that tliis propo- 
sition mpy be put more affirmatively, to wit : 
tliatlt was the "opinion of the President, that 
the public interest did require" that Governor 
Blount should, under the advisemen', or by the 
requisitions of Gen- Plnckney, have the power 
to order out militia drafts, either for tliree or six 
months, as the exigencies of the service should 
render necessary, " without referring, on i/iis 
hcruf," to the President for special directions. 

This deduction they consider irresistible and 
conclusive, and that there was nothing in the 
act of April 18th, 1814, which prevented the 
President from expressing his opinion, through 
general instructions, to the Executiveof a State, 
whose ordere for militia drafts, under such dis- 
cretion, should, deficto and Jejure, be the opin- 
ion of the President, "that such drafts were 
required by the public interest." 

This inference, your Committee moreover 
believe, if they thought it necessary to go into 
such an investigation, might bo sustained by the 
contemporary constructions which were given 
to this clause in the act of April, 1814, in the 
actual discretion which was vested in the Execiu 
tives of several of tlie States;. 

2dly. Your Committee are now brought to 
inquire, whether Colonel Pipkin's regiment 
was ordered out for six months, and in confur- 
mitv with the above rjted suthnritv* it ap- 



pears, by the muster rolls, that tliis regimet.r 
was regularly inspected, and mustered into 
service for six months, to wit: on the twentieth 
of June, 1814; and that, consequently, their 
term of service expu'cd on the morning of the 
twentieth of December, 1814. In the ab- 
sence of .all other proof, these records are to 
be considered as the highest evidence, not on!>- 
of the fact, but of the legal presumption, that 
the muster and inspection were made with the 
requisite authority. 

But it is a cii-cumstanc^ of public and indi?- 
putable notoriety, and one which belongs to 
the history of the country, that Col. Pipkin-'-- 
detachment was muste;-ed into service car^e*.-/" 
for six months, by virtue of an order of Gover- 
nor Blount, dated the 20th of Hay, 1814; k 
certified copy of which, your Committee have 
taken steps to procure, that it may be placed 
on the files of this House, with the documents 
from the War Depai-tmcnt. 

This order recited that the draft M'as made in 
compliance " with the requisition of Major 
General Pinckney, and in furtherance of the 
views of Government, bj' a latitude given to 
him (Gov. Blount) by the War Department, in 
regard to calls for men to act against the 
Creeks." This draft was ordered to rendezvous 
on the 20th of June, 1814, at Fayettcville;, Ten- 
nessee ; and formed the identical detachment 
of one thousand men, who were afterwards 
placed under the command of Col. Pipkin, and 
stationed in the summer and autumn of that 
year, at the posts in the Creek country. And, 
by reference to Gov. Blount's letter of the Iftth 
October, *814, (No 11,) it will he seen that he 
specially reported this regiment of one thou- 
s.and men, to tlie Secretary of War, as in ser- 
vice for six months,- fiom which fact, the infer- 
ence is inseparable, tliat the President consider- 
ed it as legally in service, or it was the boundcii 
duty of the Secretary to liave ordered their im.- 
nrediate discharge : which, it no where appears 
that he ever did. If, therefore, any confirmn- 
tion was v.anted for the original authority bv 
which the draft was made fov six months, yon- 
Committee consider that Gov. Blount's reporf, 
of the 19th October, and the implied saix;tion3t' 
the President, incontestably furnish it, 

3dly. Whether the soldiers of Col. Pipkin's 
regiment, who were arraigned for certain 
crimes and ofi'cnces before a Court Martial, 
which convened at Mobile, on the 5th of De- 
cember, 1814, were legally ti'ied ; and whether 
the Commanding General, approving the pro- 
ceedings of this Court properly exercised th-; 
power and discretion vested in him by law ' 

By reference to the proceedings of the Cour' 
Martial in question, it will be seen, (hat two 
commissioned officers, and about 200 of the; 
non-commissioned officers and privates of Colo- 
nel Pipkin's regiment, were tried for the most 
serious offences v^hich can be committed intiiE 
military service of the country. 

That these offences, first, consisted in "ex- 
citing and causing mutiny;" secondly, in th'; 
commission of un actual mutiny, accoinpanied 
by circumstances of aggravated robbery and 
spoliation of the public stores; and, thirdly, i:i 
the crime of desertion. 

The two iirst of these offences, to wit: "ex- 
citing and causing a mutiny," and actuary 
committing mutiny, "by forcing the puari 



oa 



4nd seizing the Cummissancs' btorehouse and 
stores, at Fort Jackson, were committed, the 
first, before the 19th of September, 1814 ; 
and, second, en the 19th of September, 1814; 
and bcfo]e even three vionthn' service of this de- 
iafhmcnt had expired. That some of the muti- 
neers were deluded into a behcf that they were 
about to be wrongfully detained in service, be- 
yond the term for which they were legally 
drafteil, your Committee think not improbable; 
and those who were thus likely to be deluded, 
the Court recommendc;! to the clemency of thi. 
commanding Genera., who, it appears, j.ardon- 
ed them; and that all the rest of the niut'neers 
and deserters were condemned to trivial punish- 
ipents, neither affecting life nor limb, except- 
ing six of the iingleaders, to wit: David Mor- 
row, a sergeant in Capt. Stiother's company, 
Jacob Webb, John Harris, Htnry Lewis, David 
Hunt, and Kdward Linsey, privates in Colonel 
Kipkin's regiment, who were found guilty 
either of causing, or exciting a mutiny, before 
the IPth September, 1814, or committing a 
mutiny, or deserting whilst on post, before the 
expiration of the 19th of September, 1814, and 
iurfcrcd death in consequence. 

By an examination of the trials of these six 
ringleaders, it will be seen, that they were 
prmninently guilty, either of " exciting and caus- 
ing a mutiny," or of being the leaders of a mu- 
tiny; the first before, and the last on, the 19th of 
Septembeff, 1814: and that John Harris, to 
whose name such remarkable notoriety has been 
attached, was eugJlfed some time prior, " in 
causing and exciting a mutiny," by caiTying 
Qven a muster roll of mutiny and desertion 
throughout the camp, to procure the names of 
those who were willlng,and would pledge them- 
selves to commit these crimes. 

To these fects, your Committee will now ap- 
pjythelaxsr The act of 1795, pi-ovides, "th:it 
the militia in tl^e service of the United States 
shall be governed by the Rides and Articles of 
War."- By the rth article of the Rules and Ar 
tides of Wani "any officer or soldier, who shall 
•' begin, excite, or join in any mutin\ or sedi- 
*' tion.in any troop or company in the service 
•' of the United States, or in any party, post, 
" detachment, or guard, shall suft'er death, or 
" such other punishments, as, by a Court Miu'- 
" tial, shall be inflicted." By the 8th article, 
a similar penalty is awarded, where any officer 
or soldier "does not use his utmost endeavors 
" to suppress a mutiny, or, coming to the 
" knowledge of an intended mutiny, does not, 
••• without delay, give information thereof to 
" his commanding officer." And, by the 20th 
article, the crime of desertion, is punishable 
"by death, op siich other punishments, as, by 
" sentence of a Court Martial shall be inflicted-" 

These feets, and these principles, furnish a 
complete vindication of the Court, whose pain- 
iiil duty it was to condemn six of their fellow- 
Qtizens to a severe and ignominious punishment. 

But if all the reasoning of your Committee 
■^TSis absurd and valueless, ss to the fact, that 
tllcse men were rightfully in service for six 
moiillis, and it were even admitted that they 
were drafted but fur three months, the proceed- 
ings of the Court would stand without spot, 
blame, or legal impeachment. As the crimes for 
which these unfortunate human beings sufl'er- 
ed dFatT>. were commitrf 4 Ireftre fliri^ mtntte 



of their telsa of senvicc bad expired: and h\ 
the 12th section of the act of the 18th April, 
1814, which was then in full force, and which 
provides, *' that any commissioned officer, noD- 
commis.sinned officer, musician, or private, of 
the militia •fthe United States, who shall have 
commuted an offence, while in actual service of 
the United States, may he tried and puni.'ihed 
for the same, although liis term of service may 
have expired, in like manner as if lie had been 
actually m the service of the United Mates;" 
it is, therefore, ob"ioiis that these men could 
be leifally d.-taineil for trial and punisimeiit, 
even if tiiey cduld 'ja-.e been cons'iiered asiu 
service but for three monthH, 

That 'hey had a fair and imp:;itial trial, your 
committee see no reason to doubt, and the 
meie fact of their jurors being their own offi- 
cers, ftllow ctizens, and, probably, neighbors, 
secured the presence of that sympathy which 
leads to tht mo'it merciful interpretation (where 
it is just to apply it) of the conduct and motives 
of others. 

That General Jackson, commanding in chiel^ 
in the Militari Div.sion, in which these events 
transpired, properlv exerc'sed the power and 
discretion vested in him, by law, by approving 
the proceedings of this Court, your committee, 
hkewise, perceive no reason to doubt. It is 
true, that they were approved on the 22d of 
January, fourteen days after the victory of the 
Sth, by which the enemy h.ad been repulsed 
from the Mississippi. But the General was, at 
this time, ignorijint of the pacification at Ghent; 
and, moreover, mii5t have been app.-izt-d that a. 
part of tht enemy had pone round, and had 
concentrated his forces in the neigiiborhio ; (jf 
Motiile, in tha' vi ly vicinity where these out' 
rageousacts of insuborduia'ion, mutiny, and de- 
sertion, had taken place. That such a concen- 
tration nfthf enemy's forces « as effecltd, is a 
fact beyond all d.spute, as, on the 1 1th oi Feb- 
ruary, Fort Boyer was attacked and cuptiired. 

The Commanding General must, al..o, have 
known that it was on volunteer or mlitia 
drafts the defence of the Soutliern coast would 
rest; whilstiht. flagiant mutinies n.nd disrrtions 
in the campa-gn of 1813, nf the md-iia drufts of 
that year, u.'ist liave adn'oi'islied h'm of the ne- 
cessity of .striking a seven, ye» iulutary, exam- 
ple in the minds of those who were liable to be 
misled. 

Although the clemency of the General U'as 
not invoked by the Court, it is true, he might 
have pardoned these victims of their oaii 
crimes; hut there are occasions when mercy is 
but another name for weakness; when even a 
severe anduualterable firmness in the disch.arge 
of our duty, is the most perfect justice we can 
render to our country. 

The examples of this stem and enlightened 
justice, are scattered throuehout thi paf'cs oV 
Histoiv, not for the abhorrence, but the respect 
of mankind; they are found, not only in tlie 
most instructive morals which the leswms oS' 
antiquity afford, but they illustrate the incoov- 
parable services of him, who was. and cvei will 
be venerated, as " the Father of our Country." 

In conclusion, ) our committee will barely re» 
m»rk, that, as tlie acts of 1812 and 1814, «x^ 
piled, the one by its own limitation, and tlie 
other by the termination of the war, they see 
nofllinic in fhe tVrti«ic*fBn, wTirch ft- lltts Bfeit 



^tieir diUy io txainine, Icuui us pogjij to its 
close, which calk for tlie legislative interfer- 
■-nce of this Hou^e, in the shape of any amend- 
moftt to the Rules and Articles of War, oi- to 
the eiUtiiig laws governing: the militia whilst 
ill the service of the United States. 



From the Doylestown Democi'at. 
DAYS OF YORE. 
The administration prints are stiU busily en- 
gaged in endeavoring to mislead the public 
mind respecting General Jackson's past life 
and p«rticularly that part of it which relates to 
ftis conduct dunng the late war. We have 
therefore thought it but justice due the charac- 
ter of Gen. Jackson, to Lay before the public 
some sketches of the history of our country, in 
order to show how far that greit patriot has 
become the victim of malicious persecution. 

n 13 well known to those who are acquainted 
\v«h the history of the /Vmencan Revolution, 
that General Washington and the officers under 
his coiomand, pursued the most high handed 
measures which, in the end, effectuated the in- 
dependence of the country, and finally gamed 
them the lasting gratitude of everv friend to 
-\merican freedom. We now have'before us a 
proclamation issued by f^n. Washington, from 
head-quarters, Morristown, New Jersev, in the 
winter of I-7-, in which he orders '• That all 
found guilty of desertion, shaU be punished 
wth death;" and Marshall's Life of Washing- 
ton states, that wbUe the army was quartered 
nere, executions for desertion were frequent 
A mutiny brok out at Fort .Schuyler,* in the 
atate of New York, in the year 1780, and thir- 
ty-one of the men of that garrison marched off 
in a body. Being pursued by order of Gen. 
Washington, 16 of them were overtaken, and 
IJ of Che sixteen were instantly killed. In 
the year irSl, one hundred and sixty of the 
.Versey troops mutined. The American general, 
Howe, rtith a considerable force, was ordered 
7& take methods forreducing them to obedience. 
Convinced that there was no medium between 
dignity and servility but coercion; and th.at no 
other remedy could be applied without the 
deepest wound to the service, he determined to 
proceed against tf.em w;th .tecision. General 
Itewe mai-ched from Kingwood about midnight, 
and by the dawning of day had his men in four 
diUerent positions, to prevent the revohers 
trar,. making theip escape. Kv«y avenue beinir 
S90ured.Col. Barber was sent to them, with orders 
to parade imme<liatel vwitho.it arms,ai,d to marcii 
to a particular spot of ground. Some hesitation 
^ppeaniig among them. Col. Sproat was direct, 
ed to advance, and only five minutes were ^iv- 
''U.- Vk* ni'ifneers to comply with the orders 
%vbich had been sent them. This had its effect • 
and they, to a man, mai-ched witliout awns to tlie 
appointed ground. The officers gave a list of 
the leaders of the revolt, upon whichGen.Howe 
desu-ed them to select three of the greatest of. 
*«}ders. A field court martial was immediately 
held upon these thi-ee, and they were un.in^ 
^y sentenced to death. Two of them were 

^il^l^r ' "P"'' ""'^ '^^ executioners 
WBTS seletned from among the most active in the 
mutmy. It should be recollected, that at the 
peribds tr, w-hich wfe have viVmtt 4ll^ A^Te>^ 



can awjy \yas 113 tjic must distees^qu conditioi. 
nisny of the men were kept in service bey6nc 
the periods for which they had engaged to serve. 
— no pay, and scarcely any clothing, and thi?.- 
too, in an inclement season. And what render, 
ed their condition still more wretched, ther 
were kept on scanty allowance of provision.. 
TheEnglish were also usii.gevery artifice in their 
power to induce the American soldiers to desert; 
promising them all tlie arrearages of pay due 
them by the American government, if they 
would only join the British standard; and, if 
they desired it, an exemption from military sef 
vice. It is not strange, then, taking the misen^ 
u 1™^^'^S= of t'le army into consideration, 
that both mutinies and desertions were frequent 
But, notwithstanding all this, mark how pr.impt 
the American officers were in punishing diso- 
bedience of orders, In the year 1779, the' 
whigs and tones had a seiere and bloody con- 
flict in South Carolina: the former were com- 
manded by Col. Pickens, and the latter by Col. 
Boyd. The tories were defeated with great 
slaughter, and a number of them fell into thfc 
hands of the victors. Seventy of them were 
tried and condemned to death: the sentence, 
however, was not carried into effect upon more 
than eight or ten of them. The residue? 
were pardoned, on condition of their joining 
the American standard. In the year 1780, Co- 
lonels Lacy, Campbell and Cleveland, with a 
kody of American volunteers, attacked a strong 
force of British and tories, commanded by C^' 
Ferguson, on the top of King's mountain, nea-' 
the confines of North and South Carolina. CoJ ' 
F.'s force was defeated, with the loss of 235 in 
killed and wounded, and 800 prisoners. Ten 
tones who had surrendered, were immediate] \'* 
hanged by the conquerors. In the year 1781' 
a body of American light troops, under the 
command of Gen. Pickens and Col. Lee, had 
another most bloody engagement with about 
350 tones m North Carolina, commanded h>- 
Col, Pyles. In this action the toiies were com^ 
pletely beaten; and nearly the whole of thei- 
force was either killed or made prisoners. Thfe 
conquerors on this occasion hung a great num- 
ber of the most obnoxious among the van^ 
quished. 

While Gen Greene lay with his army in the 
neighborhood of Camden, South Carolina, in. 
17^1, he ordered eight of his men hung in one 
clay for desertion. This had a very salutary el- 
fect, and in a great measure prevented the evil 
practice for a length of time. In the same year, 
the British and Americans had an engagement! 
at Guilford Court-house: Gen Stevens, the. 
commander of the Virginia militia, posted fort\r 
riflemen at equal distances, about 20 paces in. 
the rear of his mil-'Sa brigade, with orders to- 
slioot down every man who should leave his. 
post. General Greene also pursued the same 
course with the militia in his southern com-. 
paign;f and m obedience to these orders, se- 
veral of the deserting miHtia were put to instant, 
death. A short time after the batUe at EuUw 
Springs, General Greene detected a conspiracy- 
in his camp; and after making an investigation, 
into the affair, twelve of the ringleadeis were 
put to death. He took this step in order to- 
ensure that subordination which is so essential- 
ly requisite for the govt ament of an army. We 
mi^\ erromwate ma (kit ^MttXt cas£*.fair. 



.^4 



v:s do nut conceive it necessary. What we 
have already stated is amply sufficient to give 
coloring to the high-handed and malicious per- 
secution which has been dealt out against Gen. 
Jackson, respecting the " six militiamen." 

Before we proceed further, let us inquire 
who are they who have been so assiduously la- 
boring to sear the laurels of our Ifickciry ? Why, 
it is a knot of political intriguers who are daily 
lapping ill the treasury porridge — fattening on 
the "w.igcs of sin," and, Swiss like, fighting 
the battles of thoi« who pay them best. But 
what has been t!ie result of the investigation 
instituted by tJiis pensioned corps ' Why, 
that in a military service of more than si.x j'cars, 
fien. Jackson has sanctioned the execution of 
only six men ; and during this time he had un- 
der his command at different periods, more 
than thirty thousand men. We cannot but 
■wonder that the mimber of executions should 
have been so sm.all, when we take into conside- 
ration the numerous desertions and frequent 
mutinies v.'Ith which he had to contend. Rut 
what were these six men executed for ? Was 
it for desertion ? No, Gen. Jacks.in never sanc- 
tioned the execution of a man for desertion only 
— these six men suffered for mutiny — mutiny of 
the most daring and outrageous nature ; for 
menacing the lives of their officers — encourag- 
ing desertion — burning down tiie bake-house — 
shooting the beeves- breaking open the milita- 
ry chests — pillaging the public stores, and fi- 
nally jeopardising the whole militaiy establish- 
ment at Fort Jackson. Such were the crimes 
which these ' ' wolves in sheep's clotliing" ex- 
piated wi'"^ their lives. One hundred and 
eighty meu w ho deserted at the same time, 
were brought back and sentenced to have their 
wages stopped and heads shaved, as a punish- 
iTient for their bad conduct ; but Gen. Jackson 
promptly remitted the sentence. What a noble 
example ! How benevolent and humane ! 
Kot willingto punish his fellow beings, (though 
richly merited, ) further than the public good 
absolutely demanded. Now, we ask the candid 
to observe how prompt the officers of our re 
volutionary army were in punishing every 
breach of. duty : let them also bear in mind 
the distress and poverty of that period, which 
would naturally incline soldiers to become res- 
tive. Then let them view the military life of 
Gen. Jackson, and see how completely all his 
steps are justified by examples which have 
been set by the purest patriots, whose conJuct 
has never been called in question. We invite 
inquiry into thia man's character — we chal- 
lenge scrutiny — the more it is examined into, 
the more heart-rending will be the groans of the 
pensioned " Ebony" corps, and the more sig- 
nal our " Hickory" triumph. 

SPIRIT OP '76. 

* For the truth of our statements, we refer 
t'he reader to Ramsey's History of the Anieri- 
< an Revolution. 

+ Seethe life of General Greene. 



THE PRIVATE INTEGRITY OF 
MRi ADAMS. 

If virtue be the vital principle of iRepublics— 
a proposition that cannot be reasonably doubt- 
p(7— w*^ m"st rort''nd that, h" who ran b^ ro^i 



victed of any breach of honesty in transacliiig 
the ordinary business of life, is unworthy of em- 
ployment in a public siatiun. We do not admit 
that uU is fair in politics; for we insist that pri- 
vate and public virtues have the same found;i- 
tion; and that he who is dishonest in managing 
his own affairs, would not be honest in mana- 
ging those of others. No prudent man would 
confide his pecuniary affairs to one whose in- 
tegrity he doubted. He would find objections 
equally strong against confiding to the same 
man the trust of making or administering laws 
for his protection; for in point of importance, 
nothing can equal— much less exceed— the trust 
of making or administering the laws by which 
a free people govern themselves. Let the in- 
telligent community apply these principles to 
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, and then approve or 
condemn him, as they find he does or does not 
endure the trial. 

In the year 1804, John Quincy Adams sub- 
scribed for ten shares in a Turnpike Corpora- 
tion in Massachusetts; and when required by 
his associates in the undertaking to pay one 
thousand dollars, the amount of his subscrip- 
tion, HE REFUSED, because of a legal defect 
in the instrumcvt which he signed, whereby pay- 
ment could not be enforced.'.'.' 

The following is a statement of the case, and 
the opinion of the Court thereon: 

" This was an action bf the case in assumpsit 
brought against the defendant for not paying 
the amount of certain assessments for the ex- 
pense of making the said turnpike road. 

" The declaration contained six counts. The 
third was for 1500 dollars had and received by 

the defendant to the plaintiffs' use The sixth 

count was, ' for that the said J. Q. A. at Ply- 
mouth on the 30th day of March 1804, by a 
certain writing by him subscribed, commonly 
called a subscription paper, in consideration 
that the said corporation had permitted him to 
become associated with them, and interested in 
the funds to be raised for budding their said 
turnpike road, and entitled to one-fifVieth par* 
of all the income, profit and toll, that should 
arise and accrue to said corporation from the 
road, as well as from the corporate powers and 
franchise to them granted by suid act of incor- 
poration, promised said corporation to pay them 
ten shares or p;irtsof five hundred of the whole 
expense they should incur in building said turn- 
pike on demand: wliich said ten shares, the 
plaintiffs aver, amount to one-fiftieth part of the 
five hundred sha:es: and the plaintiffs further 
aver that the whole expense of building said 
road, and the bridges which make a part of 
said road, amounts to fifty thousand dollars, 
whereof the said ten shares or fiftieth part of 
the said /. Q. Jt. amounts to one thousand dol- 
lars, of which he has had notice, viz: on, &r. 
Y'et though requested,' &c. 

"The action was tried upon the general issue, 
pleaded to ali the counts, before Scdgivick, J. 
at the sittings after the present term, and a ver- 
dict was found for the plaintiffs upon the two 
counts above recited, and the damages assessed 
at 1311 dollars: and upon the other counts for 
the defendant. 

•' The verdict was taken by consent, subject 
to the o])inion of tlie court upon the report of 
thf judge wllti s.at in the trial, it being a.greed 
that tv-p verdi'-t should he amerded, or a gene- 



tal verdict entered tor tlie defendant, as the 
opinion of the court should be. 

"The judp;e reports that the generalques- 
tion at the trial depended on the construction 
of the paper writing above referred to, which 
was subscribed by the defendant and others, 
and was of the followinfj tenor, viz: 

" ' Wf the subscribers, desirovis to promote 
' the building- of a t\irnpike and bridges from 
• New Bedford to IVeymouth, comprehended in 
' a petition signed by TF. Eoach, jun. and oth- 
' ers, granted by the honorable legislaiure in 
■■ their present session, have divided tiie expense 
' of building said turnpike and bridges from 
' TTiompsmi's pond in Aiiddlthnrou^h, to commu- 
' nicate with the Bf-inlnt and Weyiaouih tum- 
' pike in tlie town cf Weynumth, into 500 shares, 
' and engage to take the number of shares af- 
' fixed to our names.— -Januarj- 30, 1804.' 

'• The material allegations contained in the 
»>!'xth count were proved, and it was also proved 
tliat the defendant subscribed the said paper 
after the passing of the act <if incorporation by 
the legislature, and before any meeting of the 
persons incorporated and their associates. 

"The principal question arising on the above- 
recited subscription paper was, whether the de- 
fendant w.as rendered by it liable to an action 
for the assessments made on the shares sub- 
trrlbed by him. 

•' After the verdict tl» cause was continued 
nhi for the consideration of the court, and be- 
ing called up for argument at the following 
March term in Suffolk." 

The court, after hearing counsel on both 
sides, gave their cp'miim as follows: 

*' The question in this case is, whether the 
defendant is liable to an action of assumpsit for 
neglecting to pay the sums assessed on the 
shares in the stock of the corporation, for which 
he became a subscriber. The answer to this 
inquiry must depend upon the construction of 
the writing which the defendant subscribed. 
Several cases of tlis kind have already been 
decided in this court; and each of them on the 
force and effect of the engagement entered 
into. The general principle, upon which they 
all rest is, that where tlie party makes an ex- 
press promise to pay the assi?ssments, he is an- 
swerable to the corporation upon such promise, 
and may be compelled to the performance of it 
by action at law. Where on the other hand 
one, by subsxiriblng the act of association, sim- 
ply engages to become a proprietor of a certain 
number of shares, without prrm".sing to pay 
assessments, there the only remedy which the 
corporation has, is by sale of the shares to raise 
the sum assessed on them. 

" In the subscription paper in this case, the 
subscribers divide the expense into five hun- 
dred shares, and each engages to take the num- 
ber of shares affixed Jo his name. In our opi- 
nion, this cannut amount to any thing more 
tlian an agreement into how many shares tlie 
stock shall be divided, and to whoMi those 
shares shall belong Thee is no express pro- 
mise to pay, nor is any language used, from 
which the law can raise an implied promiMe. 
It may be observed also, that this w hole trans- 
action passed before there had been any meet- 
ing of the corporation to authorize the receiv- 
ing of subscriptions; and on this ground also, 
fhp reaper cannot furni'^h evidence of .a contract. 



" On the whole it is our opinion that the 
plaintiffs have not maintained their action. The 
verdict must therefore be set aside, and pursu- 
ant to tlie agi-eement of the parlies, a general 
verdict entered for the defendant." 

The fii-st question here presented is, whethe :• 
John Quincy Adam?, by subscribing the instni- 
ment above recited, enf;rigeJ to take the num- 
ber of shares therein affixjd to his name? The 
second is, whether, in this engagement to take 
shares, he was understood by his associates aS 
further engaging to p.ay for them ' The third 
is, whether, if this engagement were defective 
in technical form, he acted with strict moral 
honesty in taking advantage of such defect to 
avoid the performance of it? The fourth is, 
whether, if he acted disiionestly in this, he is 
worthy of trust in any thing' 

To them we answer, first; tlie engagement 
speaks for itself, and with sufficient perspicuitv 
to shew the intent of the parties. They agreed 
to associate for the purpose of constructing a 
turnpike, and each one of them agreed to de- 
fray a certain portion of the expense. What, 
from reading this instrument, should w.; infer 
to have been their mutual nndcrstanding' That 
each one should pay a demand, without objec- 
tion or cavil, such portion of the whole expense 
as should he assessed upon the number of 
shares for which he subscribed. .\ny man of 
common understanding would give it such con- 
struction, and any man of common honesty 
would feel bound to pay. 

2d. Did Mr. Adams conduct with strict moral 
honesty, in availing himself of technical objec- 
tions to avoid his engagements' The instru- 
ment was not, probably, drawn by a lawyer; 
for it wants that technical precision whici\ 
would h.ave been given to it by a correct ani 
experienced jurist. It wasprob.ib'y drawn by 
some member of tlie association, perhaps a 
merchant, who understood his own views and 
those of his associates, and suppos'-d tliat such 
views were expressed with s'lfficient perspicui- 
ty. His objection for waiu of form would ha^-e 
been anticipated; otherwise, they would have 
employed some careful and able conveyancer 
among the legal fraternity They thought, and 
very naturally, that, amor.g an association who 
were supposed to act in good faith, they could 
express a simple agaeement in plain english, 
without requiring a lawyer to fill twenty skins 
of parchment with technical nic'.ties. But, it 
seeu's, Mr. Adams disappninted their expect;t- 
tinns; for he refused to perform an obvious sti- 
pulation; to do what he knew, when signing tlu-. 
instrument, his associates expected of him; and 
because the contract, however just and equita- 
ble, could not be enforce, in a court of law, ori 
accountof technical defects!!! E.xemplary mor- 
ality!! If a man should execute a deed to con- 
vey land, receive the purchase money, and then 
refuse to give possession, because tlie deed was 
not witnessed, he would be deemed a swindler. 
Yet, in some of tile State.s, such defect would 
be a bar to an action against the vendor for pos- 
session of the land. If a man sliould promise 
to pay tlie debt of another, and afterwards re- 
fuse, bteuuse, after making the promise, he 
should he told tliat it wus invalid, because not 
in wriliug, h- would b? accounted dishonest. 
Yet, the^ defence would be legal. Wherein 
does the moral conduct of Mr. Ad.am«, in tl.e 



;i.b 



' ase ok tbe turnpike, diSer fr»m lliafc of the 
-.lend-.T of the land or the promissor, in the two 
cases last supposed > We should be obliged to 
Mr. Adams for furnishing a sound distinction. 

If then, Mr. Adanvs will avail himself of an 
ihequitable pretext for refusing to perform his 
<;ngag;c!iients, is his morality of a standard suf- 
freiently high' And if he would act dishonestly 
in private life, is he worthy of confidence in 
]]ubLc, where the trusts are of higher and more 
important character' 



MR. ADAMS' POLITICAL INTEGRITY. 
IFhi; d'ulJohi Q. ,idamx turn DemoeralP 

We have given, In another place.some remarks 
on Mr. Adams' private integrity, whic:i wc now 
aocompanv wi'h a letter from (iovej-nor Giles to 
the pabhc in which, we uncter^tand him, to 
endorse the statement maue ov Mr. Randolph, 
two years pa-:t, in the Senate, 'that Mr. Adams 
had ass.rtcd to Mr.G.lesthat he had, durngtiie 
sur.nierprevi.jiisltoh'sprf^encferfdeseiti.jiiDftlie 
federrJ pirty, cViseovpred '.h:it tlie leaders of that 
purty were eugag.-d in a plan to dismember 
tbe Unso.i, and were in a treasonable co res- 
poiid'-nce with the Governor of tan:.da, the 
purpose of which was to negotiate a secession of 
the New Eiiglc.nd stat-s. Mr. Gdes now savs, 
that he dd l/iett believe tlial Mr. Ariair.s told 
the truth, and was sincere in his professions of 
dislike to tiie federal party ; but, if we under- 
stand him, he dvclares that he now believca 
that Mr. A<lam9 descried his party under false 
pivtencea. 

There art some strong additional proofs wiuch 
confirm Mr. Giles" opinion. We soi^it time p.^st 
publi.shed an extract from 'he Democratic 
Press, which, if true, and the Demo^r-tic 
Press --i nrw said by the Adams men to be 
good authority, proves, beytmd a doubt, the 
rm/tivesunacr wliich Mr. Adams deserted his 
par.y. 

AVf aie not left to wander through the ma^ca 
cf conjecture to a.sicrtaiii what were the induce- 
ments to Mr. John Adams to turn D.-m'.ciat. 
fn a Irttcr to William Cunningham, d»ted Quin. 
cey, February 24lh, 1824, the elder Adams 
-said: 

" Speaking of the classification of scholars in 
•' our College before th^ Revolution, you con. 
" sider rank and wealth as anti republican 
" principles of precedence. Is this correct ' 
" About forty years ago I was in company with 
"the oldest Ciilonc, John Chandler, oi' Wur- 
" cester, when a newsp;iper was brought in 
••* containing an account of the last elections in 
" Rliode Island All the principal VJagistratts 
" were of ancient fam fes. The oh! gentleman's 
" com".iieiit upon it was this : ' I hm-e alwcya 
" been of opinion tlial in porntlar governnimts tlif 
" people will jlwayn c'ioo<p fieir oflicers from the 
"most uicie-ntandrenpfcliihkfimflies.' Thishas 
• ' been the case generally :n Conn:cticut,as well 
" as Rhode IsUnd, and in ever) Republica-.i Go- 
"vernment, in Greece and Home, and modern 
" Italy; in Switzerland and Genoa. The more 
" democralJcal the government, the more uni 
"versalhas been the practice. If a family, 
"wKiCh has Erren liTgti in oHiCT ami stilfmlfd 



"m wealth, tails uilo decay, loan liiotiigit; 
" lolly, vice or misfortune, they gemerally turn 
" democrats, and court the lowest of the peo 
" pie with an ardor, an art, a skill, and coiise- 
" <iiiently, with a success which no vulgar de- 
" mocrat can attain." 

On the 15th of March, 1804, be Wrote to Mr 
Cunningham asfollows: 

" You say the awful spirit of democracy is in 
"great progress: I bklievi it, ahb I sitow 

" SOMKTHISO OF THR VATUBE-OF IT. ft is a 

"young rake who thinks himstlfhandsome and 
"Will mad , and who has little faith in virtue. 
" When the people once admit his courtship, 
" and peraiit him the least familiarity, they 
"soon find themselri i in the condition of the 
" poor girl who told her own story in this aP 
" fecting style." 

" Le Le:idemain il sa da vantagfe: 

" II me promit Le Foi de marriage. 

" Li Lcndc r.ain... il fut entrcpaHt. 

"L- Lendemaiii il me fit un enfant.' 
" The next day he grew a hltle bolder — ^but 
" promised me marriage. The next day — he 
" bi-gan to be enterprising: But the next day 
" he got nie with ch.M. 

" Democracy is Lovelace, and the people art 
" Clarissa. The artful villain will pursue the 
" innocent lovely girl ^o het ruin and death> 
" We know th.at some gmtleman will arise at 
" last, who will put the gii.H\ wrvtch to death 
"in aduel But this V) tl be no f^ endif the le- 
" ^1- XT PrniiApa a sjs, (i /■vptt, or a basam 
"friend of Lo-velace niinulf" 

Sucli were ttie views of the elder Mr. Adams, 
upon which the pl>ii» for the 6le\ation of his 
son were arranged. In the same letter, he says: 

" 1 ime wo'dd fail me to enumerate all the 
" L.-ivelaces in the United Si tes. It WQuld be 
" an amusing romance to coi*pait their actions 
" and characters with Ins. The federalists av- 
" pear to me to he very inailetttive to pubKe erc^ 
" as welt IS charactere." 

That there was a correspondent feeling an'd 
motive between the father and son appears by a 
comparison et iiale« and opinions. - Governor 
Giles dotes the pretended apostacy of Mr. Ad.- 
aiis in 1S07. In unother letter to .Mr. Cunning- 
ham, dated Sept. 27lh, 180a, the ekler Adams 
said: 

" As you have meotioned my son, 1 Shall take 
" the hherty to say, tha this conduct, as fer as 
" I kiK'W ;t, hai been able, upright, candid, 
" impartial and independent. His letter to Mr. 
** Otii I applaud and admire. His re«'igT8atioti 
" I .approve. He wc.ld have been more poTi- 
" tiC if he had .Ifcl n-.d his invitation to attend 
" the caucus, though the quLStion was onlv 
" between Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, and 
" knowing both, I should certainly, as he ditii 
" prefer the fornu-v to the latter." 

Perhaps the sntracity ot the okl man saw ip 
the election of Mr. Ma.iison Ihe "fiif^ preredeat'' 
which was to elevate his son; fop in tbe same, 
paper he said : 

•' If I were only forty yeais oM, I migJit have 
enthusiasm enough to hope that I would ride in 
the whirlwind." 

And againy fn anftfttsr IrtWI- tlsted ITePPniheT 



27 



lo.lh, 1808, ailf r Mr. Adams bad played the 
^Jart of Lovelace, he said to Mr. Cunningham. 

" Whatever friendship you may have retained 
" for John Quincy Adams or his father, I advise 
"you to conceal it close within your breast. 
"If it takes air, it will nun your prospects." 

*•«»** «• 

"I may mentiou to you, in confid"ncc, that 
considiTahlc pains nave bscr, taker, to persuade 
youi *'iieiid J. Q. Adams, to censtr.t ti- be run 
(foi Gov of Massachusetts, } bv the Republicans. 
But he IS utterly averse to it, and so am I, for 
many reasons, ajiong which are, lat. The ot- 
fice, thou^li a prrelous stone is but a c.ir- 
buncle, shining in me diirk. 2d. It is a 
state of perfect slavery. The drudgery of 
it is extiem. ly oppressive. 3d. The ompen- 
satior, is not a hving' for a common gentleman. 
4th. He trust res'g'n his profes>^oi'sliip. Jth 
He must renounce hi» practice at the bar. 6th. 
He !i>ust stand in comptiitin witli Mr Lin 
coll!, which would divide tlie npubl'i aii inter 
est, and certainly prevent the elt-ction of cither. 
7th. It worLii proupce is Ei-£ns>^ stFin.v 

TION BETWSEN B1?I ANU THE FVDKRAI.ISirH, 4T 
X.liAST TUiT P\RT OP THEM WHO HOW CONSTI 
rUTF THE AHSOIUTE OLIfrAKCflT." 

That tbe purpose nf \i?. Adams, in turninjf 
Democrat, v.:is to "court the peopK," appears 
from a fu"^thcT letter of tlie elder Adams, dated 
April 24th, I HU9. He says: 

" A new paper has been set up in Boston, 
" called the Boston Patriot, edited by I'.verett 
" and Mi'nroe. Merely bi cause the paper w:»s 
" a novelty and the editors fital stninpers to 
^* me, I .Uavt clioseii t to convey sonu* rliouij^lits 
" to li.e puidic. / w'l! ciii.cr throw off that 
" intoVrable load of ohioq'.y .'•nd insoler.ce 
"thev havt thro.vn upon me, or I wdl perish 
'* in the stnii^glc." 

A^fain, .lui!e?th, 1809: 

" I Will not dit- for nothnifi;. My pen shall go 
" as long a J my fingca can hold it. 

" I should be ^■lad to kn iw if you read the 
"Patriot, &c." 

Again, d.idor date June 22d, 1809, lie said: 

" SIj dauglitcr-in-law said, ' 1 kno« , Sir, 
'• that your two sons are very much d»lif;-liled 
" that vou have taken the subject up.' Tliis 
•■• I kntw as well as bhc (1>^ " 

Let the rea-er comprre the dates of thi-se 
letters with the .substance, and he will find the 
key W, unlock the secrc-t molivcstliat regulated 
all of Mv. Adams conduct He will find the policy 
which induced li'm to bear false wi'nes>i ag.iinst 
the federal fjarty, t.' insinuate himself into 
tlie republican ranks, and he will also learn tlie 
reason why Mr. .\. has alwajs been unwiilinp- to 
do any act thai would, as his father said in his let- 
ter of the 13di Dec, iSOS: "Prniiuce an iternai 
neparatiun bflwee}' ir,muiid /he fnJeruli!:^." 

Mr. Adams, he*ever, will g-ive the best es- 
planation of his own motives. 

It !3 well known that the Democratic Press is 
now les'jrled to as the organ ot the Coalition 
prints. The National InteHig.^nc^r ha.i de- 
scended to vouchsafe for its cicdibihly, and the 
National Journal is re.idy to eer*ify to its state- 
ments. That paper, during the late canvas.s, 
was opposed to the election of Mr. AAims, and 
puBtHhed tlTt folfovrirt^ 



JOHN ftUINCY ABAMS' B«LHJQ\.f. 
INTEGRITY. 

" During the pendency of the last Presiden- 
tial electioB, which resulted in an infamous in- 
trigue and unprincipled Coalition, against th^ 
will and rights of the people, a writer in the 
American Statebman, printed in .Mr. Adanrs' 
native Stjite, Massachic-etts, made, in an article 
signed " One of the People," a most serious 
charge against him. This charge was in the 
following terms : 

'• 111 tlie Spring of 1807 he presided at the 
Ffderal Ctsscus. whic'i nominated," [C.'.t.rB 
SiKi.Mi, lu Hiii.WAdK .fir;.'; 'ST,] for Got'einor,' 
in O|)po!>it-on to the deir.ocrE.tic candidate. 
About the same time, at the table of an illus- 
trious citizen, now no more he I'menttd the 
feariul pi^-gress of the tiro-ocratic paity, and of 
its principles, iiid declared that ' Hi tiad long 
m^'ditated the 3ulij<ct, aiv' had becoiiu con- 
vinced, that the only ui.thod by which the de. 
mocra'ic party could h destroy td, 'i-as tn" 
joining wiih it, and urging it oa with the ut- 
most energy to thi completion o!' its views, 
wnei.bv 'he result wi'uid prove so ridieolotra 
and so runous to the country, tlMt the people 
wouh! he led to despise the principle" and to 
cond; mn the efl'et ts of democratic policy, an'd 
thi-n,' sa'd he, ' o'C mat/ hi.v a form 'f goverrt- 
menl hftitr .•niter' In the genius inul ir'sponitimi 
ofoir ci>unl-y, than the pnsrni coiisli'atioii." 

'Some 'if the giKsts who iieard that declara- 
tion, and hvve frequently repei'.ted it, arf still 
livi'ig. Letthe 4«(.'i«/ ijrL-SSes, therefore, take 
care iiowtUeydeny its authority.' 

T.his ■ havgv having been made, the Batiaadl 
Jour'tul, as it was generally understood, edited 
by Mr. Aii.'.ris, .it Iha; time, and thi>n ji'st e&- 
t6bl:-h<-d to e'tctinneer foi him, atten'pted a 
deni;d; but, in w!iat manner was i' is attempt 
ii>ade' It w;is not doiK W!i.;i iin- ' ankiiess gi" 
honesty and the boldness of innr.-t'ice. It 
wa-. not If n'ed that witnesses could be pco- 
dne.d l:f proie tins charge aj;air*sr Mr. At-ams. 
But a feeble, iinpnt'.nt atirmpt. by wui/ of hay- 
ing •?« anchor to w'ndwa^d, and denoting 
the coTisaoiiS'ttsx uf guilt, v»as made to argire 
against its probabilily. Howt-ve-, th< Stites.- 
man and the other papovs wii'i had rrpeateti 
th s rharge, iviie called upon Tor thiar authoci- 
ty, oht/ut Hie time that the butlle u\if oi'er. Ho- 
rauo I'owrisend, Esq. a gentleman of chiiracterj 
the Ckrk of the Jud c-d Court or the -.tate, 
for t!i ■ co.inty of Norfolk, and tht ueig/'iburnDii 
friend of Mr. Adanui, w as named as one, who 
h-j'l luard Micse derlaratiirns, and had ofteo rc' 
I ted them. It W'S .ds'i slated by tiir E iIoTS 
of the Slatcsmiin, that they had been informed;, 
that these derlarpiions were ;f.ade at 'he table 
of the late Cinef Jiisiic Parsons, then the greai 
leadt-r ot tiie Federd pi.rty m Ma'.sjchus'tta. 
Wh.it was the next step to this business' Slt- 
Towiistnd was a friend of M-. Adams, di.spct&- 
ed to do evi ry ihiUf,', which, in ro/iscience, he 
could do, to help li:s cause, and In gves his 
C'-rtificale or atK'la-it, which was publislu-d In 
vindication of Mr. Adams' innocence. Here it 
is: 

" NOsFOLK, ss. 

"DtnnAM, November 6th, 18^4'. 

"I, Horatio Townsend, Clerk of the Supreme 
.TTrtfirt,al OotrrW and of (he. Court rtf CWnmoii 



i!S 



I'leas, fic. for this county, having this day heard 
read to me, the article in the American States- 
man and City Register of th'is date, headed "Ex- 
planatory," hereby make solemn oath, that I 
have no recoUfdioii of ever having dined at tlic 
tahleof the Honorable "theonhilus Parsons, in 
■•company with Mr. John Q:incy Adorns.- nor do 
I believe that I ever did, nor do 1 recoiled or be- 
lieve, that I ever met Mr. Adams in company 
with the late Chief Jnstice Parsrus at any time 
subsequent to my leaving Mr. Parsons' office, 
ys a student, in the Spring;' of 1783. 

H015ATIO TOWNSEND." 

Now, in the name of common sense, what 
ciocs this testimony of Mr. AAxms' own vninexs 
amount to' Does he deny that ho ever IfMrd 
his friend. Mr. Adams, make these dedarntions? 
J'lV. He makes no such denial; but contents 
himself merely Viiih saying th.at he does not re- 
•colkd dining at Judge P.arsons' t.able with Mr. 
Adams, or^meetingMr. Adams in company with 
Judge Parsons for a long nrr'id of time. This 
is the head and front of this affidavit; and, make 
f-he most of it, it only renders i' a Utile wuertain 
whether thcuc dtdarations were made at the ta- 
tle of Judge Parsonx, or that of .tome ot/ierVed- 
eral leader, wi'h whom Mi-. Adams was at that 
time in dose communion^ conspiring the destruc- 
tion of the Ri-publican cause. If Mr. Townsend, 
who was so ready to give tlils affidavit, on the 
very day that he first learned that he was named 
Jis a witness to these dedarations, could, consist- 
■ently with truth, have denied that he heard 
Mr. Adams make them, would he not have done 
.'^0? Every man of comtnon sense answers this 
question. John B. Derby, Esq., a CounS'Uor 
at Law of Norfolk, and son-in-law of Mr. Town- 
send, and tlie Hon. James Richardson, a Coun- 
sellcr at Law of that County, also gave the fol- 
lowing affidavit and certificate, which were 
published: 

AFFIDAVIT. 

"I, JohnB. D;iby, of Dw'.ham, late of Med- 
field, in the county of Norfolk, of lawful pge, 
testify and say, thai one evening in the Sum- 
mer of 1820, being at the house of Horatio 
Townsend, E^q. of Dedham, conversing with 
raid Townsend on the political character of 
JfihnQuincy J*datns, and objecting to Mr. Ad- 
ams on the ground of hisfleserticn of Federal 
principles, said r,3wnst.nd asserted, that Mr. 
Mams luas in heart a Federalist, 'iltliough acting 
with the Democratic party, and for proof tnereof 
stated, that he, Mr Townsend, being many 
years before in company with ftlr. Adams am! 
other dlstmguished Federalists, previovisto Mr. 
Adams' political conversion, I think at the late 
-Chief Justice Parsons, Mr. Ada:. is speaking 
of the increasing pow.r of the Demoi.ratic 
party, used m substunce. the exnressions attri- 
liutetl to him by the author of " One of the 
People." published in the Statesman of July 
last. Aftervvaids, in the spring I think, of 
1822, tlie said Townsend bting at niy house, in 
Medfield,on my 3g:iin introducing the discus- 
sion of the same subject, repeated to me the 
same declamt'ons of .Ur. Adams, in similar lan- 
guage. Th;it ,lo!in Qulncy Adumf rnude such 
<jb3crvati(.'ii«, 1 do not l:now, but i was con- 
strained to It'Jicve that hr made them, by l!.? fre- 
quent and confident assertions of Mr. Town- 
r■—■^, That Mr, Townsend said in subst-ance 



what I have here stated, is confirmed by tiis 
Hon. James Richardson, who iays, that on hear- 
ing the extract from "One of the People" read 
to him, he immediately recollected having 
heai-d Mr. Townsend so express hinself in con- 
versation, once at said Tow nsend's house, and 
also at his office, and that it occurred to him 
before he [Mr. R.] knew that he was designat- 
ed as one of those to whom the above state- 
ments of -Mr. Townsend were addressed. 

JOHN B. DERBY." 
The pieces signed " One of the People," are 
written with so much talent, it Is hardly neces- 
.sary for me to add, I am not the author. 

" Norfolk, S.S. Nov. 8, 1834. 
" Theo the above named John B. Derby de- 
clared, on oath, that the above sUitemcnt, sub- 
scribed by him. was true. 

■ ERASMUS WORTHINGTON, 

Justice of the Peace." 

On the lack of the affidamt is the following cer- 
tificate. 
" Deubam, Nov. 8tb, 1824. _ 
" I have read tlie p.art of the within affidavit 
which relates to myself, and declare it to be 
substantially correct. 

JAMES RICHARDSON." 

This is the evidence, and in the court of com- 
mon sense, where the people are the judge9,jts 
effect is iiTesistible. If it needed confirmation,!^ 
may be found in John Quincy Adams' Inaugu- 
ral Speech, where he covertly denounced the 
Democratic party, and its ties, and its badge, 
his appointment ofRufus King, a minister o't' 
his father in the reign of terror, to the Court ot 
St. James, in his speedy relapse to his eai-li/ 
faith, the most, dangerous doctrines of the Fed- 
eral pai'ty, in Josiah Quincy's exulting toast, at 
a feast in honor of his shameful elevation to tlie 
Presidency, against the will of the people — 
"The roLiTic.ii ?tEGr,7iK«.irio\', those who JeK 
with the first .idaiivi, rise with the second," and 
Mr. Adams' speech s. few days since in Faneuil 
H;i!l, in Boston. In that speech, Mr. Adams 
pronounced th's same Josiah Quincy, who mov- 
ed without a single vote to support his own, the 
impeachment of Thomas Jefferson ; who threa- 
tened on the floor of the House of Representa- 
tives, that Nc.v England must have her way, 
peaceably if she could, Jorcibly if ^he must ; who 
was the author of the infamocs resolution of the 
Senate of Massachusetts, lately expunged from 
the records as a d'usgract* to tlie State, tliat it 
vias unbtcoming a moral and reli^ioue peimk 
to rejoice in our glorious victories during the late 
war ; who, three j'ears since, in the same place, 
the cradle of liberty, at a public meeting, to 
aid the election of the Hartford Convmt'on can- 
didate, for Governor, declared tlie Democratic 
patty to be "tde scum of ti!e pot;" to be 
tlie ivodhy represe?itative of the Josiah Quincv, 
of the Revolution. SO MUCH FOR JOHN 
QUINCY ADAMS' POLITICAL INTEGRI- 
TY. 

GOV. GILES TO THE PUBLIC. 

In regard to Mr. Adams — 

1st. I befievj .Mr. Adams not to be a republi- 
can, either in principle or practice. I believe 
he is not attaclicd to the written constitution of 
his country; but prefers a gdvernment founded 



•2i* 



,.pon the unhmued will or the governors. I be- 
lieve that he claims and exercises powers for 
the General Government, derived from sources 
paramount the Constitution; and that, even in his 
interpretation of the Constitution it-self, he ren- 
ders all its restraining' provisions inoperative and 
unav^ling;. These restrainmg' provisions, 1 be- 
lieve, afford the only security to the American 
people against the usurpations of the General 
Government. Mr. Adams having placed luineelf 
above those constitutional restraints, I consider 
him a civil usurper; and that "in the present 
party politics," these doctrines are "so fright- 
ful on the part of the administration," as to jus- 
tify a change under any circumstances. The 
gain may consist in the preservation of our pre- 
sent writ'en constitution, instead of the substi- 
tution of a government of unlimited powers. Is 
it possible that there coulii be a great'- r gain ? 
Is not this conside-ition of itself of sufficient 
magnitude to outweigh all countervailing' con- 
siderations' Acting un'ier these convictions, 
I presmie that a majority of "the Anti-.lackson 
Convention," and the chairman amongst tliem, 
would prefer a change, even in favor of Gen. 
.Tackson, provided they also believed of him as 
I do — that he would cause the government to be 
administered, as far as he could, upon a fair, 
candid, and correct interpretation of tht writ- 
ten constitution. I cannot concur in the wis- 
dom recommended by "the Anti-Jackson Con- 
vention," of taking sanctu.ary in the ai-ms of a 
cool, deliberate, systematic civil usurper, as a 
protection against the fears of a Military Cliief- 
tain — when, too, this t-rritic Military Chieftain 
turns out, upon examination, to be an ideal 
vision — a miserable, delusive ignis fatuus — the 
i-insubstantial spectre of frigMened imagina- 
tions—an unreal ghost, raw-head-and-bloudy- 
bones, conjured up by the friends of unlimited 
government, to fi-ighten timid and unthinking 
republicans. 

2d. I believe Mr. Adams does not possess tlie 
necessary useful practical talents for adminis- 
tering any government whatever; andth.ttGen. 
Jackson's talents for that object are incompara- 
bly greater than .Mr. Adams'— wliilst I am will- 
ing to admit, that Mr. Adams mav be more than 
General Jackson the poet bom, 'and more the 
scholar made. I believe Mr. Adams not to be a 
iWse man; that he possesses very few of the 
attributes of wisdom. I must stick to my <le- 
finition of terms. I believe Mr. Adiiins is not 
wise in conduct— not wise in actions. I believe 
lie is not blessed with the happy talent of clioos • 
ingthe best measures, nor the best means of 
carrying his chosen measures into eff-ct. 

To be in the fashion, particularly with " the 
Anti-Jackson convention," I must coin a word 
to convey my ideas ot Mr. Adams in this re- 
spect, — I believe Mr. Adams to be an anti-wise 
ir.an. The whole history of his political life 
will prove the correctness of these convictions: 
but I will specify a few cases only in demon- 
stration. His letter to the committee before 
-«;uoted, groumled, I think, upon fallacious mis- 
representations, e.v.tenGing -ven lo a point of 
incredibility- His variou.:^ efibrts in various 
papers, but particularly in his Srst message to 
t-ongress, to derive powers to the general gov- 
ernment from sources paramount the constitu- 
'.on, or fromhis own D'jculiarlv er.r.nnu-;,^ int^,.. 



pratation of tiie constituiioii — His conduct in 
the whole of his intercourse with Great Britain, 
by which we have not only lost the West India 
trade, but diminished the rest of our Britishi 
tr.ade, and hazarded the whole — a trade amount- 
ing to more than one half of our Foreign trader 
and thus introducing a state of impoverishment 
in the United States, unknown heretofore. I 
think Mr. Adams has been particularlj' anti-wise 
in all his most important diplomatic negotia- 
tions; i>articul'xly so in his treaties of limits, both 
with Spa.n and Great Britain. — In the one, he 
lost the Texas; in the other, he h.as reduced us 
to the disgraceful ariiitamrnt of a foreign pow- 
er, for a ten-itury on our Nortli-Eastcru boun- 
dary, equal, oi-rliaps greater, in e.xtent, than 
•he whole State of New Hamp.sliire. 1 conceive 
Mr. Adams particularly anti-wise, in his claims 
to Executive powers, especially in relation to 
his oompet.;ncy to originate foreign missions 
without the coi.sent of the Senate; p.irticularly 
so, wljcn ti.at question was scttl'^d in his own 
person against such right, about t!ie cl'ise of 
Mr. Jeft'erson's administration. Without im- 
pugoing; at this time, thj poficy of his Panama 
.Mission, I think one of tne reasons he assigned 
for it, the most anti-wise that could have enter- 
ed into the imagination of man— to liberalize the 
Sotit'- Amei'ican Catholic, on th" score of re- 
ligion. Tills raost eccentric notion has per- 
haps, tended, more than any thing else, to de- 
prive us of the valuable favor of the South 
American Republics This catalogue of anti- 
wise measures miist s-.tfTice, although it is but 
just begun. 

3d. 1 have no confixlence in Mr. Adams' 
political integrity nor candor. I believe him to 
be neither an honest n„r incorruptible politician . 
-\lthough many instances might be given of this 
graat and inexcusable defect in Mr. Adams' 
political character, I will here mention only 
two: The flrs; shall be taken from his reply to 
to the comiilttee appointed to inform him of 
his election to the Fivsidencv. Accordino- to 
my invariable habit in stating facts, when prac- 
ticable, ill the woriis of the writer, I give them 
here in .Mr. Adams' own words: 
Extract from Mr. Adanw' replv to the Com- 
inittee appointed to inforni him of his eleo^ 
tion. 

" It has been my fortune to be placed by the 
division of sentiment prevailing among our 
countrymen, on this occasion, in compe'jtion 
tnendly and honorable witii three of my fellow- 
citizens, all justly enjoying, in eminent deo-rees 
tlie piibhe favor, and of whoe worth, talents 
and services, no one entertains a iiig.ier and 
more resncctftil sense tiian mvself. The names 
oftwo of them were, in the 'fulfilment of the 
provisions ot the constitution, presented to the 
selection of the House, in concurrence witlimv 
own; names closely associated with the glory o'f 
the n.ation; and one of them fartJier recommend- 
ed b}- a lanjer minority of the primaiy electo- 
ral suffrages tlian mine. 

" In this state of things, could my refusal to 
accept the trust thus ddegiited to fae, give an 
immediate opportunity to ^he people to form 
and to express, with a nearer .-.pproach to una- 
nimity, the object of their preference, fs/wuld 
not he.ntate to dtcUne tlf acceptar.ce of thU em'- 
nent churge, and to submit the decinon of t/ii.i 



3% 



Mai the Cunstitutisn itself hus n*t se disposed 
of the contingency, which wouM arise in the 
<iyent of the refusal; I shail, therefore, repair 
to the post assign"d me by the call of my coun- 
try, sipnilieJ through her constitutional or- 
gans," &c. 

Here, Mr. Adams positively and unequivo- 
Callv asserts, in substance, that in consequence 
of all his predtc-rssors in the high station to 
Vhich the selection of the house hud called Mm, 
havi:"^ had a niajonty of the vott-s of the prima- 
ry electoral suffrages, wnil»t it had fallen to his 
un tr. h;»ve ^ miiiorify of Tiitts; and atill 
Vorse, otie of his compel. foi< fir the office hav- 
i!7^ even a greotei" minority tnan hinistlf — h", 
should not hes-'tafe to dniifU' the (lece.pl'inc of the. 
erttini.nt charge, and lo submit the decision qftliin 
rponi'^rnue question ijgain to tiie deter'ninalion nf 
the people, provided h-s rfjusut 'o nc;ept the trust 
delegated to h'm, would givr ;;••' immrdnileoppor. 
f unity to thi- p-nple tofufm, and lo express, with 
a neanr appronch to nnanimity, the object uj their 
mtference. I put it to the anti-lackson Conven- 
tion in cand ir and in honor to say, wlietiier 
this solemn di-claration, tak.ng into considera- 
tion, the circunjstancts under nhich it was 
!T(ade, is not absolutely incredible* Whether 
they do believe it ' If they do not believe it, 
Can any one of those hlgh-minited honorable 
gentlem'-n, reconcde it to h'mself, to vote for 
any human being for his President, who is capa- 
ble of making a cool, deliberate misrepresenta- 
tion of his views to the whole American people 
upon the most solemn occasion? Suppose all 
Uo American people were callel upon to give 
tbeir votes for the next pres dent upon the con- 
sideration otthis question alone: Do you consci- 
entiously believe this solemn declaration, made 
to you bv i»Ir. Adams' to wit: That he was de- 
sirous of su^imitting his election again to the 
people' How many votes would he get in tiie 
United States' Let every oin- answer this ques- 
tion for iiimself It is not possible to conceive, 
that main could be brought to vole for one for 
their Pi-esiflent, under tiie firm conviction, that 
such one had deliberately misrepresented his 
own views to them on a most solemn occasion' 
I, for one, must beg to be incredulous upon 
tins occasion — and 1, for one, will not vote for 
Mr. Adams. Under what circumstances, too, 
was this solemn declaration made' At a mo- 
ment when Mr. Adams was making overtures, 
:i3 is asserted, to the Federahsts for their votes, 
to make him President. I say nothing about 
Ivis understanding with .\Ir. Clay — notwitiisland- 
ing Mr. Clay's uncontradicted declaration, that 
he knew Mr. Adams' opinions upon x\^^■ Penn- 
sylvania policy, in time to make it a reason with 
iiim for voting for Mr. Adams. That point will 
be undisturbed here, because it is disputed; — 
r.-hibt Mr. A. 's overture to theFederalists, thro' 
Mr. Webster, stands yet uncontradicted by Mr. 
VI . as far as I know. I therefore lake that fact 
for granted, and it i.-^ impossible I o conceive, cli:,t 
at the same mome 111 Vlr. Adams wjs st lop'.ng 
lo intrigue with the Federdists fi r the Presi- 
dential office, (per fas aut oefas, ) he w>;iild not 
liesitate to call for another election from the 
people, especially when there was every rea- 
son to beHeve, in that case, he would not be 
elected. Now, let us see the relations in which 
Mr. Adams stood to this same Federal party, 
"t tl-rc moiirem of making fhi^i oitrttirt. fx is 



know*, and univers»Uy admitted, that, ducir,^- 
the session of Congress of ISU", 1808, Mr. Ad- 
ams, most unexpectedly, but avowedly, made a 
complete political somerset from the Federal to 
the Republican party. At that time, the caa- 
vass for the Presidential election was actually 
cast ; and no federal candidate was ofTered. 
The contest wa-' settled doAn betTT^rn Mr. 
Madison and Governor Clinton. Mr Adsn«^ 
therefore found h'rnself cut pff from all hope 
of periona* asra'iandizeinentf-om his old friaiid^ 
the le.lerjiiists, for fciglit years at lenst — and, ro 
all probabilltT, fi.r crer; teitainly under thuHt' 
old designation cf Federal par-ty It was at 
this mon<pnt, ev»-iitually, so auspxiovis to his 
hcjpts of piersonal aggrandizoment, that this 
somei'set v>as most adioitly performed. How 
was this done? It was first done by a most so- 
leini' commu.iicalion to raysetf, and afterwards 
to Mr. Jtffepsoii, as I am well iiiibrmpd Pre- 
viously to this tune, Mr A. 's conduct towards 
Mr. Jefferson had beer; such as to prevent the 
annunciation to him, in the first insttace ot his 
intended desertion from the Federal party; and 
this is, probably the true cause of his dtvolv-n^ 
the "lisclosure upon me. This disclosure was 
first made, during the session of Congress, 
commencing 26ti October, 1807. During the 
next session, it became my duty in consequence 
thereof, to defend Mr. Adams, against levertl 
violent attack'- made upon him, on account of" 
his wonderful political somerset, by Mr. Pick- 
ering, his former colleague in the Senate. In 
18u8, I disclosed as much of Mr. Aduras' com- 
munication to me a» I thought wat then re- 
quired to justi^ his conduct against Mr. Pick- 
ering's attacks Tiie following i« an extract 
taken from a speecli delivered in the Senate on 
ihe 2d December, 1818, which h ave« no posS- 
ble doubt of the fact, tiial, during the preced- 
ing session, Mr. Adams diJ make a most solemn 
communication to me, of his intended deser- 
tion from the Federal party. 

Extract Jrom ^eedi. 

"I had hoped, Mr. Pivsidtnt, that the gei> 
tleman (Mr. Pickering) would have si far re- 
strained his feelings as to have permitted, this 
gentleman's retii-ement, (Mr. Adams} to have 
shielded him from these unmerited reproaches; 
but it seems that no delicacy of situation can 
procure an exemption from the inveteracy of 
the gentleman's passions. This cruel attack 
has im|)Osed upon me an indispensable obliga- 
tion to defend this absent gentleman; «id it has 
been principally this circumstance, which has 
driven me again, most reluctantly, into this de» 
bate. Sir, I can attest, and now do attest with 
great pleasure, the disinterestedness and purity 
of the motives which dictated 'hat gentleman's 
(Mr. .\dams') late pohtical conduct. As to its 
wisdom, that is a matter of opinion, and now in 
a course of expeiiin.:nt; but as to hi.s exemp- 
tion from all views of person."! promo r;i, or 
aggr .ndizenient, / >>erf. a-isert that fact npitn my 
c:jan ht)o'j'l:dge and upcn my oifi TespoTt.r'bltiiy, 
us far as can be iiirrunicd by the tnost cjcplicit 
and uneQuivocal ws^crances Jrom the geu^kman 
himself; given, too, under circumslances -which 
render tlicr sincerity unquestionable." Eveiy 
impartial, intelligent man must see at the first 
blush, tliat Mr. Adams' communication must 
fnive been made to txk in thT; must solemn awJ 



dl 



impvsaive rtliuher, to juslilj- thu positive 
pledge on rm' part, in behalf of Mr. Adams, 
grounded upon his own most explicit and une- 
quivocal assurances; given, too, unile" circum- 
stances which render their sincerity unques- 
tionable. 

At the tune Mr. Adams ma-le the disclosure 



closure. M'iether unier no cu'cjim^nces, >'. 
was to be communicable to others. It dors not 
seem to be of that character or at all to wear 
that aspect. They are historical facts, whidh 
belong to the present as well as future times. T 
doubt, whetherasiiiglefart known tothe worI3, 
will carr} as clcur i cinvirtion to it, of the cor- 



fo me, he imposed no injunction of secrecy vccxneif of ir^r fcnowledf;r of the treasonable view^ 



■n-hatever. He spoke of the oecas.on, however, 
as one of a\yful magnitude Nothing lew than 
baearding the sevemnee of the Union. The 
<i»(ir»« m aoaiuct which I have heretofore pur- 
sued re«pe<»i»g it, n«s dictated solelj' by my 
\'>ews of the chamcter of tna corr.munieation. 



of the federal ptrfy ofthct day as that, disclosed 
by '^(9 most nefarious and daring oWem/// /o <feS> 
sever ike Union, of which the Hartford Conven- 
tion was "kbsequfnteliapter, and botli of these 
iiaving failed, consolidation becomes the first 
book of their history." Mr. Jefferson here 



In 1803 I diwlosed as much as I thought the states; — "J doubt whether % single fact known 

tlx«n occaion CRlled for I d.d «ot th-rrk pro- to the worlu, wdl cany iis clear ^ conviction to 

p«r then to disclose more; but I do not now, if, of the correctness of our knowledge of irea- 

nor did I ever think, that any obligation wl.at fofiabte view of the federal party of ikat day 

ever was ,m;iOscd upon me, gTOwng out of tie (130r, 1 as that disclosed by this, (disclosure 

peculiar cluracter of the d.sclosiire, not to make tnade by Mr. Adams of that day — 1807,) most 

il known, under extraordinary contingencies, ncfari.'>us and daring attempt to d'ssever the 

which might occur. I think, too, that wonder- Union — of which the Hartford Convention, 

fuleven^ arising from that even'ful tfansaction, (1814,) was the subsequent chapter. " Hence 

i^ave since occurred, whioti would justify such the following facts evidently appear: That 

tJlscloBUre; bat I have at »U times preferred, as Mr. Adams made the disclosure to me, of his 



T now prefer, that Mr. Adams should make the 
d->«;lo9ure himself I have three times, here- 
tofore, publicly called on Mr. Adams to mate 
tho disclosure himsetf. Tiese calls did appear 
in the Richmond Enquirer, Jinuury fth, Febru- 
ary Uth and March ir»h, 1816. 

But since the pubhwtion of Mr. Jefferson's 



intending t') desert thePe«teral party the winter 
of 18or, 1808 — to the best of my recollection, 
it was a short time prcvioustothe first embargo. 
That it was made under the most solemn assu- 
rances of his patriotism and disinterestedness, 
and ol an entire exemption from all views of 
personal promotion by the party, to wliich he 



Ifetter addressed to me, .lated 3oth Decrmber, had proselyted. Mr. Jefferson states the grounds 



J 335 — this subject i« redjced within a very 
narrow compass. — By comparing ihc statement 
made in my speech just quoted, * d. Mr. Jef- 
ferson's letter, and marking the pr f «■ deduc- 
tions from them, ta'ven in context with each 
cither, very fe* pi^nts respecting that most 
eventfuljti'ansactioa will require tote isciosed 
so as to give the public a fair view of trie wholt 
gfound, and thus enable the people to form a indi 
just estimate of Mr. Adams' obj't* for his pre- Mr. 
teii.lcd political conversion; ami to stump the 
true tbanicter upoii this wonderful transaction. 
In my speech del.vi-rea in the 3-;n»te, 2<1 De- 
cetnber, 1803, I assert, "but as to his (Mr. 
Adams) exemption from all views ff pjlsonal 
promotion, or aggrandizement. — ^ here aasert 



of this cnarge, as communicated by Mr- Aiiiima 
himself to be. the treasonuble views of ti;e fede- 
ral pany, end that these treasonable viM-s extend- 
ed to disi'nion. All that now remains to be dis- 
closed to tlie public, to give a full view of the 
whole ground of this eventfi 1 trans-iction is, to 
designate the pfrticula' conspiracy on the part 
ne whole of "he federali.sts of that day, 180", whicn did 
ace M' .Adams ♦ochrrge them, according to 
Jeffcrsoii's statem^'Ut, with treasonable 
\iews lodissev rthe trnion; liic particular fo- 
re'gn igents with whom it was carried o-i, the 
particular circumstances, which gave rise to it, 
and the particular portions of the federalists im- 
plicated in the treasonable negotiacionsthen on 
foot. — Mr. Adams can state these facts to the 



that fact upon my own knowledge, and upon public if he should think proper to do so; or if, 

my own responsioiUty — as far as eon be war- which I suppose impossible, he should deny 

Tonttd by the moet explicit and unequivocal asau- them; then ought he to tell, what other Roliti- 

mziKes from the gentleman himself; ^iven, too, cal sins the federal party had committW in so 

under circumstaiicci, which render thetr sincerity henious a character as to justify his open, for- 

unquestionable." Mr. Adams having approved, mal and sudden abandonment of them in their 

•and, indeed, baving'been highly gratihed with utmost need; and his adhesion to their op- 

the defence made for him, at the time, as I have ponents — indeed, in the true spirit of prose- 



been often infoimed, cannot now deny the fact 
of his having made this coimmunicalioo to me; 
nor the solemn and imposing circumstances un- 
der which it waa made. Since that time, in con- 
sequeBce of a call from me upon Mr. Jefferson, 



lyteism, his going to the uttermost extremes in 
supporting his newly chosen associates, and his 
fulsome flatteries of Mr. Jefferson, through h'.s 
extravagant commendation of this measure, and 
that too, not long after he had heaped upon Mr. 



for his recollection of the transaction, and for Jefferson, all kinds of abuse, and even called 
bi« \-icws of the propriety of giving it pubh- doggrel verse, as is said, to his aid for the pur- 
city under existing circumstances, I received pose. Now, suppose it should turn out, that 
rora Mr. Jefferson the folK'Wing statement. no such conspiracy did exist, a.id tnalr.o such 
'♦Vouaskmy opinions of the propriety o'.'gfiv- treasonable negotiations were carrying on, nor 
ing pubhcity to what is stated in your letter, as such treasonable views were entertained by tho 
h3%-injc passed between Mr John Q. Aiams,and federalists ai that ti.ne, ISO" — What must the 
yourself. — Ofttiis^ no one can judge but your- world think of such treacherous c'larges ag;unst 
sdl'. It is one of those questions which belong his old friends for hi." own pe.-s.^nal promotion 
to the forum af feehi»^. This alone can decide and aggM.idiE anient, as is now rendered evi 
■■"> tlre-d?gTCE of -CfmfiifttKfei intfili^tl fn the tTi^- thntt, dirtrtnly against his o-vn solemn avtrwals o" 



^^ 



tiie tune.' — However deiuiiedatthetiineby Mr. 
Adams' solemn asseverations— and 1 acknowl- 
edge 1 was deluded into a perfect confidence in 
his disclosures — I now sincerely believe, that 
the whole of these charges against the federal- 
ists were unfounded, and consisted only in Mr. 
Adams' own mental mi.-igivings and poetic licen- 
ces. For me, this coHviction is sufficient; and 
1 shall not vote for Mr. Adams for my Prerident. 
Other.s.of course, will also act as they thiilk best. 

4th. I do not believe >tr. Adams to be a pa- 
criot, nor a hero. His wholt ijolltical history 
proves that he has at all limes advanced his own 
personal aggrandizement and pecuniary emolu- 
mems atthi- expense of his country — so much 
so, that he has raised his own forume and his 
own greatness, first ujion his own party's, and 
then up:m lus country's ruin. His hero- 
ism is l.'uly sui generis. I do not know of his 
ever having made but one attempt to display 
lus courage. That was done during his most 
unaccountable electioneering visit to IJaltimore. 
It appeared in tiie form of a toast with an ex- 
planation — " Kbon) and Topaz," implying his 
Triumphant joy -it the milltia-nian's bullet being 
sped to General Kosi's neart! ! ! O! miserable 
jjutr!! In this wonderful disph'.y of heroism, 
Mr. Adams' courage did not begin to crow un- 
til thirteen years after the battle was ended; 
and then, indeed, it triumphantly crewed over 
the hallowed dust of a gallant fallen foe: slain 
by the h-inds of another, whose courage loud- 
est crowed in the battle's front. So, Gen.Jack- 
son's courage always loudest crows in the bat- 
tle's front. Yes, in the face and eyes of his 
gallant, hostile,enibattled combatants. I would 
vote ag.^lnst Mr. Adams for this anti-v/i.se, un- 
feehng- act .alone; revolting, as 1 think, to eve- 
ry ho.ioraole sentiment of the human heart; 
proving at once Mr. Adams' own destitution 
of refined sensibilities, and un utter ignorance 
of the true impulses of human naturf. It casts 
a stain over the generous sensibilities of the 
Ameirictm nation, so far as its character is as- 
sociated with the character of its Chief M.igis- 
trate. If tendedstiU farther to irritate ttie pa- 
triotic feelings of a gallant foreign nation, too 
Uiuch irritated before, by wanton provocations 
in his mti-wist diplomatic negotiations; and at 
the same time, could not avoid Inflicting a wan- 
ton cruel wound upon the feelings of an amia- 
ble l)(j^aved family. It would require strong 
countervailing considerations to induce me to 
overlook tliis single inexjusable act of Mr. 
Adams; and I know not of one single couuter- 
vaiUng consldera'ion nhisfavir. 

5th. I do not believe Mr. Adams to bo a mi- 
litary chieftain. No: nor a citizen soldier — and 
since the Anti -Jackson Conventionists seem^ to 
plume themselves upon Mr. Adams' destitu- 
tion of all military pretensions — military princi- 
ple — military skill, and mil'tary piowess, lam 
willing to allow to th^m the whole; and yet, I 
think, Mr. Ad.ims will not make the better Pre- 
sident, in consequc:icc of this boasted destitu- 
tion. Wdl he, thereby, be better qualified to 
discharge the high constitutional military duties 
of the President ' Most assuredly, I think not. 
In relation to the discharge of the high military 
functions of the President, Gen. Jackson cer- 
tainly is greatly to be preferred. 

Whether, therefore, i:i regard to the dis- 



Fl'Csident, I mink Gerr. Jaciisou incoiiipa»t..y 
preferable to Mr. Adams, as President of the 
United States. Upon these reasons chiefly, al- 
though many others might be added, I place 
myself in voting for Gen. Jackson, in prefer- 
ence to Mr. Adams ; and I know, that I stand 
perfectly justified to my own conscience, for 
doing so ; and I trust, to my God and my coun- 
try. WM. B. GILES. 

Feb. 23, 1828. 

Note. — "To liberalize the South American 
Catholics, on the scale of religion." A rumor is 
afloat, that in the late negotiation between the 
U. States and Sweden, our negotiator v>as in- 
structed to make a formal demand of the Swed- 
ish negotiator, that the heading of our former 
treaties with Sweden should be changed. The 
treaties heretofore ran, in substance, "In the 
name of the Holy and undivided Trinity." Our 
minister, it is now said, was instructed to havp 
those ■ . 01 ds stricken out. This demand, if made, 
would have the effect of converting a ceremony 
into a principle — It was upon that ground re- 
jected, perhaps laughed at, bythcSwedish min- 
ister. The Senate can tell. Ought not the peo- 
ple to know it> If the rumor be true, is not this 
an anti-wise diplomacy.' Could Mr.Adams' Uni- 
tarian creed have dict.ated this instruction? 



PROPOSALS 

For publishing once a week, from the 1st of 

March to the IStk of October, 

FOR ONE DOLLAR, 

7'ke United States' Telegraph — Extra. 

ANDREW JACKSON is the candidate of ths 
People. But union and concert of action are ne- 
cessar)' to success. The organized efforts of the 
ad.nimstration are fitted for effect, and vigorous 
exertions are required to counteract them. In 
aid of such exertions, the undersigned have 
been advised to issue a WEEKLY PAPER, on 
terms that wiU enable them merely to defray 
the expi-Rse of publication. Located at the 
Seat of Government, having access to the pub- 
lic libraries, and the command of official docu- * 
ments, possessing already a large share of pub- 
lic confidence, and the advantages of a central 
position and extensive correspondence, they 
may aver that, in issuing such publication, they 
can ^d, in some degree, the gre.at cause of 
truth and the PEOPLE. 

If numerous individuals throughout the coun- 
ti-y, and the corresponding committees in the 
several States, counties, and townships of the 
Union, should unite in giving it circuladon, the 
undersicr.ed will be more than compensated 
for the labor that will devcWe on them, by the 
facility which it will afford for disseminating 
truth among the people 

They therefore propose to publish Tbe 
U-"(iti;d States' Teleshaph EXTRA, weekly, 
until the 15th of October next, for ONE DOL- 
LAR, payable, in all cases, in advance. TTilg 
paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presiden- 
tial election, and will contain official documents, 
and such essays, original and selected, as^ i.n 
the judgment of the Editors will most pro- 
mote the election of the Democratic Republi- 
can Candidates, ANDREW JACKSON and 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

DUFF GREEN, 
■RUSSELL JARVB. 



UNITED STATES TELEGRAPH— Extra. 



This paper will be devoted exclusively to tlic Presidential Election, and be published weekly, * 
* until tlie 15tli of October next, for le Dollar, * • 

BY GREEN ^ JJiRVit > 



VOL. 1. 



WASHINGTOIs, MARCH 28, 182S. 



No. 



A LETTER 
Tram the Jackjon Committee at NitslwUle, in an- 
swer to one from a timiiar Commitlei., at 
Cincinrutti, upon the suojcct of Gen. Jackson's 
marriage, accompanied by documents in an ap- 
pendix thereto annexed. 

To EtiJAii HiTWAni), MossB Di-sv-sor, Tbo- 
MAS Hesdibsox, James N. Mii-ieb, Thomas 
S.>fiTH, and Ahtbur He.vkie, Committee of 
Correspondence, on belialf of the Cincinnati 
Jackson Committee. 

• GENTLi:>:EN: In reply to youi- note published 
in tlie N.HshviUe Republ'can, under date May 
l:?th, 1827, calling our attention to certain news- 
paper cBaig'es aofaiiist General Jackson and his 
lady, and pa' ticufcrly the charge made- in one 
newspaper RfCiilfcinnatl, that, "in the summer 
of 1i9j, General Jackson prevailed upon tbe 
%vife of Lewi-i Robards, of Mercer County, Ken- 
tucky, to desert iier husband ar.,1 live with liini'. 
self in tlie character of a v, ife ;" and ha\ inj also 
seen the evi lencc b}' wbicli the editor at'; ;.ipts 
to support this charge, we now submit to you 
r, succinct statement of the facts attending' the 

■ ipi.atiOil (f Jj.'y.!; ,:" 

he subseq jent riiarriasre of 
Jackson, and also sucii cvidentj a 
as will probably be sutdci^ntiy s. 
tlie public. 

Before wejiroceed, it may be ppopeii'to know 
somethmg ot the^erions whise loitiniouy'- is 

iibjoined, alhidcd to, or quoted. . • 

The (^aracter tjf G^-m. Jam- '^r 

r'Fiflt^st4t,,ya. is, nojti' j 

ju i it IS said to be Inijh sr 
was a member of the Virijinia l^stjisi.ituic v.^en 
Capt. Robards applied for a divoive., an J one of 
the committee appuintid to examme his appli- 
cation, and report a bill, assisted in the Cincin- 
■ nati paper, (n. ) 

Judge .McNail-)', whose lette;-, is subjoined, 
is the district judge of th.? Yedei-al . Court, 
a man of high and uiibitmished reputa- 
tion, whose statements may be relied on as 
most accurate and inc jisO-overtible. Those who 
know him k lov.' t'-.'. .10 considerations could in 
c • •" ■- -1 ■ -^ ' ' ' ■ -.i coloring to aii} 



■ ite Key. ffiomas B. ^ , 
.Jaiues Brov. Q, our pre 
a lady of the purest thaiucler, \. 
iiighlyintcUif^ent andcult'vated." ; 

Mrs. Sally Smith, wiiiow of Geiie.u! I>an;;.l 
Smith, form-rlj a Senator in Congres;, a lady , 
of unblemished character, and of cxctlieut^^ood 
sense. fc.J 

Mr.=. M.ary H. Bowen, widow of Capt. Wil- 
-'■xp Boweri, sister of Gen. Eusselland the late 



Col. S'lssell, of Faj eite county, Ky., a most 
respectable .^nJ sensible I\dy. C^-J 

Mr. Thomas Crulcher, the Treasurer of West 
Tennessee, whose cnaractcr for hdnesty ajd 
vera'c'tv i" as high and unquestioned as tliat of 
any man iti the State. CS'J 

Of ilr. A. Foster, it is only necessary to say, 
that he v.-as for many yi ars President of tlit 
Board of oir Land Commissioners, one of the 
most hoDc rable aftd correct men of our couu- 

try. C""-) A * 

Of Judge Overtoij'.s character vre need say 
nothing ; the testimony of no person has been 
resoifcd to where there could be any, the slight- 
est, que -.tiou raised as to tlieir characters. 

Ill '.r. ".king the investigation you wished, we 
have met witll some clifhcuity and delay on ac- 
count of the great lengih of time since the flicts 
occurred, and tliat the public mind, for a great 
many years, in thiscountn', liad ceased to thinic 
on 'Jiis suSjiCt. At the troie when Itr. RQ|iards 
separated from his wife, aj ;)lied tjr a divorce, 
obt;<'iied '*, and General Jackson mairied%er, 
w'.ien all th _■ tacts viere frcsn and distinct, pub- 
lic" op.ni/n wa^ forme ', and the r.-.temporane- 

' ■ the societ" . : tliose 



t;c tji Ills iki 



tl irty-sevcn j ear3,<pf (Joinestic peace ;iii<i us^;. 
virtue, iHiire given S sanction which mtlst operjt- 
jepon every can^jfland generotis ai.ud, with irr^- 
sist;:!K iiowtr. But, not". iilistacdiiig all these 
.0.;, \^ beHi.^» tn.tt ue aUe able to prs- 
V 11 i eoiiijAliJtofv of those ti-ansacfiou5-. 
iUL.,e.*i.: ... I'tPrJliof \7i',-6, .Vlro. ttobar.:.,., 
WIS onpel^'^d.i.' ' ■ !v:.'''aiK'., fjap!. FJo'j:.:!?.-:, 
whothen r.-sided^iVW...rt.^,.r county,Jiy . (jjlL-av.; 
i1i.11, and to SI ek a ToiTe witli her motlier, Mrs. 
UoQ^lson, a Widow '.* i^jj iivin<j aboui t n ,nik^ 
■fronif Nashville, in Tenfltssee. Thaf ^irs Ro- 
bards WjiS compelltd at diis time bj her husband 
to leave him, is proven by Judge Overton's tes- 
timony, by Gen. Ray and by >li-. John Mac 
Oinni^; thp.t she was an iiijiiihed and innocent 
woman, of most irreproachable chai'acter ' and 
', 's proven by the same persons, andb> 
s. .Vl!..n and Cap!. Jtilin Mr.aux; fi 
. ^lob.irjs hlii ■ ' ■ ' her, and adiiiit- 

i tl'.al hissusplcr .'-.st. fjj 

-i;' ■-•.■ 'i . . r , , ;•'..;■,.:,■.■ Gv,.; 



R..iiaiilii; in tile sufue sjjij.ig o: sii4iii...cr, v ..1. 
Robards and his wife became recoriciicd, :.:i 
liyed toacther at hei-. mother's, Mrs. Do.ie; 
son. fkj 



n.lppcndir. no. 



bno.S. dno 



.e .ippendij;, no. 5. gno. G. .nuju. 12. inus- 

1,". s. 9, 10 fc ji. •/■/Jo.v.T. 1.5. ■;■■•/.;::.■. a. i." 



51 



Iitthe sumiKtr or fail of this year, Capt. Ro- 
bardsbecame jealous of Gen. Jackson; upon this 
•art of the subject -we will quote the statement 
'jf Judg-e Overton as giving the most authentic 
account of the several facts which transpired 
about tliat trine. He says, "not many months 
elapsed before llobards became jealous of .lack- 
.son, which 1 fell confident « as without the least 
s^ound. Some of his irritating cojwersation on 
this subject with his wife, I heard am.dsi the 
tears of her.sell'a'id her mrther, who were greaT- 
Iv (Jlstressed. I urged to Robaixls the ui.man- 
liness of his conduct, after the pains I had taken 
to produce humonj, as a mutual friend of both 
families, and my honest conviction that his svis- 
gicions were groundless. These remonstrances 
seemed notio have the desired effect; as much 
commotion and unhappiness prevailed in the 
family, as in that uf Mrs. Robmdsin Kentucky. 
At length 1 communicated t(f Juckson the un- 
pleasant situation of livii!g in a family where 
liiere was so much disturbance, and concluded 
by telhng him that we would endeavor to get 
some other place; to this he readily assented, 
but where to go we did not know. Being con- 
scious of his innocence, he said that he would 
talk to Robards. What passed between Capt. 
llobards and Jackson I do not know, as I was 
absent somewhere, rtDt now recollected, when 
the conversation and results look place, but re- 
turned soon aftcni ards. The whole affair was 
related to me by Mrs. Donelson, (the mother 
of Mrs. Robards,) and as well as 1 recollect, by 
,!ackson himself. The substance of their ac- 
count was, that Mr. Jackson met Captain Ro- 
iiards near tlie orchard-fence, and began mihlly 
!0 remonstrate with him respecting the injus 
tice he had done his wife as well as himself. In 
a little time Robards became vio'ently angry 
and abusive, and threafened to whip Jackscn, 
made a show of doing so. Sec. JacksoB told him 
he had not bodily strengtii tB figlit him, nor 
should he do so, feelinff«con&ciqjfl of his inno- 
cence, and returned to ijlf bin, telhnghmf, at 
the same time, that if h9*lh(Aed on fighting, he 
would give him genflcmsfily satisfaction, or 
words to that effect. Up<j)i Jackson's return 
out of the house, Capt itolfards said tliat he 
did not care for him nor his wife, abusing tliem 
both — that he was determined not to live with 
Mrs. Robards. J.ackson retired from the fami- 
ly, and went to Uve at Manskei 's station. Capt. 
Robards remained several months with .'lis wife, 
and then went to Kentucky, in company with 
Mr. Thomas Ciut^hcr_ .aid probably some other 
persons." 

So fiu: as we have been able to ascertain by 
inquiry, this is the only altercation that ever 
took place between Gen. Jackson and Capt. 
liobards: Mr. Crutcher says, "I never heard of 
Gen. Jackson and Capt. Rubards having any 
quarrel or misunder.stan(iing but the one, nor 
do I believe they ever did." fej 

This difference or quarrel was in assertion of 
the injustice, (as declared by Gen. Jackson,) of 
Capt. Robards' suspicions against him: Gen. 
.^ackson seems immediately to have kft Mrs. 
Donelson's. Capt. Robaids and his wife Jived 
together several months afterwards in apparent 
harmony, finj 

In the month of May or June, 1790, Captain 



Robards left Mrs. Donelson's to go to Kcnluck;. 
in company with Mr. Thomas Crutcher, with 
the fwotned intention of returning and settling 
in Mrs. Donelson's neighborhood, which had 
been jnade one of the termsof reconciliat'on by 
Mrs. R., though reaUij his determination ap- 
pears to have been never to return or live with 
his wife again, but to desert her forever; C'l^ 
and in fact never did return or see her again. 
Foi this part uf the testimony, we refer you to 
Mr. Crutcher's statement 

Mrs. Robards lived at hei mother's during 
the whole of the summer and fall of 1790, or 
perhaps occasioually at Col. Hays', who had 
married her sister. In December, 1790, (while 
Mrs. Robarils wss Uving at her mt'.her's, where 
Capt. Robards left her on his departure for Ken- 
tucky,) Capt. Robards applied to the Legisla- 
ture of Virginia for a divorce, upon the allega- 
tions that his wife had deserted liira, &c.; upon 
which the Legislature auihoiized a judicial in- 
quiry, and a divorce, if found true. 

Whether the suspicions of Capt. Robards at 
this period were just, and whether G|n. Jack- 
son had injured Capt. Rob^ds in the manner 
which his jealousies suggested, »:•% facts, as to 
which, we will present you with such circum- 
stances, testimony and conclusions, as we can 
obtain or arrive at. 

Here we will remark, ihat if 'true, it is a 
charge which .should be affirmatively pi oven by 
clear evidence of specific facts. Those who 
make tlie charge, rely on the act of the Legis- 
lature of Virginia, the legal proceedings i>i Ken- 
tucky, with the subsequent acts of General and 
Mrs. Jackson. The decree o^" Mercer county 
court, .lid what occurred subsequent to tlie act 
of the I.egisla'ure of Virginia, shall be consi- 
dered presenth . 

That Ca^t. Robards was jealous or suspi- 
cious, would p.obabi) weigh but little, as he 
was predisposed that way, and seems to have 
entertained those feelings long before, in a most 
violent degree, most unjustly. That the Le- 
gislature of Virginia passed tlie acl, which has 
been referred to, will not probably be consi- 
dered in any degree as tenuing to prove the 
justice of the chaige .against Mrs. R. by her 
husband, because the Legislature clearly was 
not satisfied vf the truth of any charge made, 
and referred it to further inquiry by a court; 
but of this you will be satished by rccuiTencc 
to General Breckenndge's letter, of which we 
will here quote a part. "I was a member of 
the Virg ilia Lrgisla^ire in the sessirn of 1790. 
whe" a oetition was pr-sented in behalf of a. 
Mr. Rorai'us fvr a divurce. lie was said to be 
resl<!ent in one of the counties of the uiatrict 
of Kentucky, then a part of Virginia It was, 
I b. heve, the secom. instance of an applica- 
tion for a divorce that had been made to the 
Legisbture; very certainly the second, that I 
h;id been called upon to vote. I was a yOuBg 
man at that time, and the deep impression 
made on my mind was, the novelty and import- 
ance of the case, combine.l with the interest 
which I feltin behalf of the female concerned — 
remain with gieat distinctaess. Mr. Robards 
was represented to be a man of vile, wild ha- 
bits, and harsh temper; his wife lovely and 
blamdess in her disposition and deportment- so 



Jo 



cruelly treated by her husband as to make a 
separation necessary to liar happiness. It was 
undfcr impressions produced by a state of facts 
like these, that I voted fir a judicial inquiry on 
the subject, >vhicli [ always understood eventu- 
ated in a divorce. 

" If Mr. riobirds alleged incontinency in his 
wife as a ground of divorce, and I father think 
tint he di;', I am \ery sure th.n I thought her 
iniwceat, and ihat my ^ote was intended to libe- 
rate her, as the injured party." fo J 

In addition to which, we will now call your 
atten'lon to such positive testi'nony as we have 
collected, js to tiie injustice of Capt. IJobar Is' 
suspicions, and the charge made against Gea. 
Jackson. 

Judge Orerton, who lived in the same room 
with Gen. Jackson during all the period in 
questton, slept with him, held the strictest and 
most confidential intimacy with him, states, as 
his solemn, clear belief, tlist Mrs. R. was inno- 
cent, and most unjustly suspected; that such 
was the result of hi; O'.vn observations, and s'lch 
were, at all times, the oo!emn asseverations af 
Generil Jackson durmg that period, and it all 
times since. fp-J Mrs. Craighead, Mrs. Smith, 
and M"s. Boweii had the best op,>ortiinities of 
jud.^'iag correct!;-: in speaking of Mrs R.'s c:;n- 
duct d.u-;ug t!ie ueriod wiiicli elaps -J from the 
ti.me sne came trom Iv-rntucfcy. and of the in- 
justice if It's suspicious, Mrs. C. says, "I have 
no hos'iation in stating it as my firm belief, that 
his (Capt. R. 's) suspicions were entirely ground- 
less; no lady ever conducted herself in a more 
beciming manner, during the whole of that 
period; I have lived within a few miles of M. s. 
Jackson's evev since that time, (witn the ex- 
ception of about two years,) and have been in- 
timate with her, and can say, that no lady main- 
tains a better character, or is more exemplary 
in her deportment, or more be'.oved by her 
friends and neiglibors." fq-J 

Mrs. S.nith says, "all the circumstances at- 
tending this rupture, I cannot attempt to state 
witii much particularity at this Ijte day; but it 
is hardly possible, considering the free and un- 
resc ived inteico irse that prevailed amongst all 
the respectable classes of people here at that 
time, that an incident of this Kind sliould oc- 
cur withou-^ being fully and generally known ; 
and that every person siiould cimcur in the 
same views upon its character, without the best 
reasons In this transaction, Mr. Robards alone 
was censured, and 1 never heard a respectable 
m.in or woman inlimate, that the conduct of 
liis wite differed from that of the most prudent 
and virtuous female. G.n Jacison hoarded at 
the time in the house of Mrs Donelsoii, and it 
was tne com.non belief that his ciaracter and 
standing, added to his engag.i^ ukI sprightly 
man.ers, w»ie tnough t' •nflaine tlie mind of 
poor Kob2r:^s, addicte ', as ue ivas, to -.iL-ioas 
habits and the most chilji^ ■ suspicions. "frj 

M.S. XJjwen says, "in this transaction, (refer- 
ing to the jealousy of Robards and his last sepa- 
ratio.i from his wife,) I can safely say from my 
intimacy v.ith both .Mrs. Dondson and her 
daughter, Mrs. Robards, as well as Gen. Jack- 
son, thai not the least censure' ought to be 
thrown upon any person but Mr. . Robards. — 
Wnen the circumstances happened this was the 



language of all the country, and I never heani, 
until now, that there was any person living who 
had, from a knowkdge of t/te facts, entertained a 
different opinion, e.-ccept .Mr. Robards himself, 
in whose weak and childish disposition I think 
the whole affair originated. "('sj) 

From this testimony, concurring with the tes- 
timony of all the other persons whose state- 
ments are subjoined for your examination, there 
seems to be but one possible conclusion — that 
the charge made on Gen. Jackson was unfound- 
ed, and Mrs. Jackson perfectly innocent; but of 
this, you and the public will judge: and perhaps 
more s.cislactory upon seeing the further pro- 
gress of this affair, and the testimony connected 
with it. 

Some time in the month of Januarv, 1791, 
Mrs. IJobards descended the river, to Natc'.iez, 
under the protection of Col. Stark, an old and 
respeotible gentleman; Gen. Jackson accom- 
panied Col. Stark and Mrs. Robards to Natchez, 
and so soon as Gen. Jackson saw the.-n safelv 
landed ..t Natchez, he immediately returned to 
Vashvdie — was at the May Superior Court, and 
attended to ousiness as Attorney General. Jlrs. 
Robards, during her residence in the neighbor- 
liood, lived principally in the famJy of Col. 
Tho. Gre.^n, and Col. 15ruen, families as highly 
respectable as any ^i tliat country. The tiuses 
of this jourliey by Mi-s. Robards, and the reasons 
which induced Geo. Jacks.in to acco.upany 
Col. Stark, we will give literally in the language 
of the testira inv of Judge Overton and Mr. 
Crutcher. Judge Overton says, "sometime 
afterwards, during the winter of 1791, Mrs. 
Donelson told me of her dauglitcr's intention to 
go down tlie river to Nutciiez, to some of hef 
friends, In order to keep out of the way of Capt. 
Robards, as she said he had threatened to 
"haunf her. Knowing, as I did, Capt. Robards' 
unhappy, jealous disposition, and his temper 
growing out of it, I thought that she wa? right 
to keep out of his way; though do not believe 
that I so expressed myself to the old lady, o.- 
any other person. 

" Tie whole affair gave Jackson great unea- 
siness — and this wiU not appe.ir strange to one 
as well acq-iainted with his character as I was 
continually t -gel her d.iring our attendance on 
wilderness courts, whilst other young men were 
indulging in fa iiiliafities with females of relaxed 
morals, no suspicion of this kind of the world's 
censure, ever teil to Jackson's share. — In this — 
in h:s singularly delicate sense of honor, and in 
v.-liat I thought, his chivalrous conceptions of 
the female sex, it always occurred to rae, that 
lie was distinguishable from every other person 
with whom I was acquainted. 

"About the time of Mrs. Uonelson's commu- 
nication to me respecting her daugliter's inten- 
tion of go-ng to Natchez, I perceived in Jackson 
s 'mpto ns of more than usual concern. I de- 
termined to ascertain the cause, when he frank- 
ly told me, that he was the most unhappy of 
men, in having innocei.tly, and unintentionally, 
been the cause of the loss of the peace and hap - 
pincss of Mrs Robards, whom he believed to 
be a fine woman. In this I concurred with hinor, 
but rrmonsirated upon the propriety of his not 
giving himself any uneasiness about it. It was 
not long after this before h'; coB^muiiicated '.'> 



.Ippendix, no. 1. p no. 13. qno. 3. r no. i. s .ippmd'x, no. 



j.b 



lUe his iatcnlicm of gqing to iCatchez witli Col. 
Stark, with vvliom Mrs. Robards was to descend 
the river — saying that she bad no friend or re- 
lative that would go with, her, or assist in pre- 
venting Stark, his familj', and Mrs. Robards 
ii'om being massacred by the Indians, then in a 
state of war, and exceedingly troublesome. — 
Accordingly, Jackson in company with Mrs. 
.Robards and Col. Stark, a venerable and highly 
esteemed old man, and friend of Mrs. Robai-ds, 
went down tlie jjverfrom Nashville to Natchez, 
blame time in the winter or spring of 1791- It 
was not, however, w.tlmut the urgent entrea- 
ties of Col, Stark, who wanted p"o' ction from 
the Indians, that Jackson consen id to accom- 
pany them, of which I had heard, before Jack- 
son's conversation with, me, aire aiiy alluded to." 
Mr. Criitclier says, " Caj;t. Robards, never, to 
my knowledge, returned to West Tennessee, 
nr what v/as then called Cumberland. It was 
reported, however, that he threatened to cot ;« 
and take his wife to Kentucky, and compel her 
to live there. She, as well as all her friends, 
was very much opposed to this, and in order 
to place herself beyond his reach, as I under- 
stood at the time, determined to descend the 
river under Col. S'aik's protection to Natchez. 
It was in December, or perhajjs Janu:ir.', be- 
ibre Col. Stark could get off with his tiunily, 
Gen. Jackson also went along; but after they 
landed at Natchez, the General returned to this 
<;ountry."f'^J 

In the winter or spring of 1791, information 
was received at Nasliv'lle that Captain Robards 
had obtained a divorce from tlie t.egislature of 
Virginia; This was tho belief of all persons in 
ihecountn,'. Mr. Crutchcrsa^-s, '•! do notknow 
how the information reached the countiy, but 
it was generally, indeed, I believe, universally, 
relied on as being correct." Judge Overton's 
account is substantially the same, and further, 
^hat in the summer of 1731 he was in Kentucky, 
remained part of his time at old Mrs. Robards', 
and never understood otherwise than that 
Capt. Robards' divorce, was final uutl the latter 
part of the year 1753. in). Of the strength 
and universality of tliis opinion there can be no 
doubt. Upon the receipt and general belief of 
"his information, Gen.' Jackso'.i, in July or Au- 
gust, 1791, returned to Natchez in company 
-.vith Mr. David Deadrick — married Mi's. Ro- 
liards, .and returned in September, 1791, to 
Nashville with her. 

These transactions wouW seem, under the 
;ircumstances accompanying them, to require 
no comment, and could not fairly be subject to 
misconstruction, when the character of Gen. 
.'ackson anri the conduct and character of Mrs. 
.lackson arc in the sligiitcst degree understood, 
and appretiated; but we will again call your 
attention to S'.tch testimony, as will be entitled 
to the greatest and most conclusive weiglit in 
piibilc estimation. 

We cannot do justice to Judge M'Nalry's 
testimony, but iiy using his own words — "Gen. 
•lackson and myself have been acqtiainted more 
•ban forty years; I think 4-i or 45 years; part 
iif the time wc lived togitlier, and the Dalance 
A\ the immediate neighijorhood of each other. 
We moved togetliei-from .\"orth Cai-olina to this 
Stjite, and a'.Tivcd at Nashi ii!e in October, 1788. 



" Not long after we caine here, i was intorm- 
ed that Mrs. Jackson and her then husband had 
been separated in the state of Kentucky. I 
knew Gen. Jackson had never seen her until 
this time, and 1 do not tlnnk for some time af- 
terwards. About this time I was informed that 
Robards and his wife were living vqry unhappi- 
ly at her widowed mother's. The public re- 
port and impression, I know, was, tha'- Robards 
was treating her cruelly, by charges found in 
his own jealous imaginations alone. 

" As to the particular facts, which toclk 
place, that produced the second sepai-atioS I 
have no knowledge of my own — I can only 
speak of what was the prevailing opinion at 
t!ie time. But this much 1 can say. 'witli as 
much 7/Ositiveness as any man can, when 
speaklnjj of another, tfiat from my particular 
acqu liitanci- with him, i believe General Jack- 
son was, at any period of his life, incapable of 
seducing any man's w-fe from him 

" I have k.-owi. Mrs. Jackson for nei.vly for- 
ty years. No woman, for that time has .sus- 
tained a mere Irreprnacliable character tlian 
she has — hospitable, kind, and charitable. The 
evening of her d.<ys was hastening to a close 
in much peace and comfort." C^'J 

We will alse trouble you with quoting from 
the testimony of Mrs. Smitli, on account of its 
own weiglit, and more |)articubrly a* giving 
the sentiment and opinions of the Rev. Thos. 
B Craighead, known to most hterary divines 
as one of the ablest .and m'lst enl'ghtened cler- 
gymen in the United States; known to all his 
acquaintances .as a most pious and good man, 
and one who had t!ie best opportunity to judge 
correctly of the true character of those tians- 
actions, and of Gtn. Jackson and Mrs. Jackson. 
IMi-s Smith states, " Mr. Robards had not 
been long goiic from Tennessee when info.ma- 
tion was received here that he had obtained a 
divorce frem his wife. Whether this infor.Tia- 
tion came by letter, or by a newspaper from 
Virginia, addressed to my husband, I cannot, 
now say with certainty; but 1 till ik by tile lat- 
ter It was after this Infonnation c me, that 
Gen. Jackson married .Mrs. Robards; aiKl I re- 
collect well the observation of the Rev. Mr. 
Craighf ad in reUtion to the marriage; it was, 
that it « as a happ} change for Mre Robards, 
and highly creditabk to Gen. Jackson, w'no, by 
this act of his life, evinced his own magn:mimi- 
ty, as well as the purity and innocence of Mrs. 
Robards; and such was the sentiment of all my 
acquaintances. 

"Since this period, I have lived within a few- 
miles of M.-s. Jackson, and have never been 
acniiainted with a lady more exemplai^ in her 
deportment, or one t(J whom a gieatt r share of 
tile respect and regard of fnends and acquaint- 
ances can be awarded." fbj 

The testimony of Judge Overton, Mr. 
Cnitcher, Mr. Authony Foster, and others, ac- 
i; ,Mnpanying tliis letter, proves.substantially the 
same. 

In the f;dl of 179,", Gen- Jackson, fur the first 
time, undetstood that tne act of the Legislature 
of Virginia on!} authorized a judicial inquiry 
ond decree of divorce; and that such proceed- 
irts^s had been ta'icen in the Mercer q\iarter 
Session court, and tliat a divorce had been 



f{7 



granted in September, 1793. lie wis then, 
in January, 1784, married ugain to Mrs. Jack' 
son. fc'j 

Of this j\idiciu! proceeding' and decree, it will 
only be.necf-ssary to reiiiai'lc, thiit we liave givvn 
you such evidence as will satisfy you of the true 
state of tlie facts, aiid the innocence i>f Mrs. 
Jack.-ion; such as siio*s that this proceeding 
wus entirely ex parte, and without any kiiuw- 
ledg-e of it by Mrs. Jaclcsnii or Gen. Jarfksoiii 
that at the tune when tiie olFonce \v;is chai-ged 
in tho petition to have taken place, viz: Jul;, 1, 
1790, Mrs. llobards was li'i-ing at her mother's, 
where Itobards Iwid left hel', :ir,d where he had 
promised lo return to iier. Rm in addition to all 
this, ve have the str»T!>g(rst reasans to believe 
that Hugti M'G'iry, t.ie'rnly witness who seems 
to have been introduced on that inquiry, never 
saw Gen. and Mrs. Jackson together until the 
month of .Sept. 1791, after tiieir mar.-iage at 
Natcriez, when they were living togetner as 
married persons, in the most f.dr, honest, and 
innocent belief that they were lawfully joined 
in wedlock. Hugh M'Gary came through the 
Indian country from Natchez to Nusliville, at 
the same time and in the b-:inie company in which 
Gencr.al and Mrs. Jackson came, in Sept. 1791, 
and circumstances then occurred calculated to 
excite in M'G.ary a stronger feeling of dislike 
towards Geo. Jackson, which it is unnecessary 
to detail, as they r-jlated solely to a meditated 
attack by the Indians. 

Tlie petition for divorce seems not to have 
been filed until the fall of 1792— tried .at Sept. 
1793; and there is nw.ch greater probability 
upon an ex parte hearing, that the testimony of 
Hugh >S'Gary was not very accur.itely applied 
or confini'd to ttie allegations in the declaration, 
than ihr.t he swore that wli^cii was untrue; 
which must have been the c.ise had his evidence 
agreed with the declaration. 

We have n.5W, gentlemen, had before you 
the facts conii'ect''d willi Gen. Jackson's mar- 
riage — ^his own conduct, and the character of 
his I'.dy. Much more testimony could have 
bee: r.oduced, if .lecessary, proving the same 
facts substanti.'Ul V , but in our ii.quiries -ve have 
met ivitli none conflicting with this wftich .ve 
presented. Tiie necessity for this course, the 
members of this Committee h-ive felt with deep 
regret. Those wno res,de here capnot be sur- 
prised that 'riis regi'et should exist in our bosoms, 
since some of '.is iiave associat.d with Genera! 
J:«;kson and ills f imily fir more than thirty years 
— no one of us for less than twelve. During 
these periods w>- and our fainil i s have m,-t our 
distinguished countryinan, and riis pious, chiri- 
table, aid amiable lady, in the most e'evat.ed 
ranks ot society. In this protracted series of 
years, we have ::ecii him comm;.nding the re- 
spect of all 'lien, and thi; enthusiastic attach- 
ment of his friends; Iter, we have seen, deserv- 
ing and enjoying the kindest attentions r.i her 
feraale acquaintances, and the unqualified and 
e.Kalted regard of the honorable, mora!, and re. 
ligioas men of our country. 

The result of this inquiry must place the 
character of Mrs. Jackson u])on that basis 
where it has rested for nearly forty yeais, in tiie 
society where slie has lived and been best 
known. It must show Gen. Jacks.on in this 



f -tiipend'tx, no. 3' 



part of liis history, siist:diiing that high ciiari'-- 
tcr for honor and mag'nanimity, wliich has dis 
tinguislied his course through life. 

To the honor.ablc and higli-mhided political 
opponents of Gen. Jackson, this result will be 
received with great pleasure— such persons 
must, at al! times, have viewed tliis attack witli 
pain and dissatisfaction. 

H. C. FOSTEIi, 

Ckiiir.iiun pro tan^. 
G. W CAMPBELL, 
KOIJERT WHVTE, 
J, WHARTON, 
T. H. CLAISORNF.^ 
WILL. WaiTE, 
JO. I'HILH'S, 
DANIEL GRAHAM, 
AVILL. L. EKOWN^ 
ALFRED BALCH, 
KDWARD WARD, 
\VM. B. LEWIS, 
I'ELIX ROBERTSON, 
JNO. SHELBY, 
JOSIAH NICOL, 
JN. CATRON. 
NEL50N' Patterso.v, StCrtlWTIj. < 

The undersigned has not signed or acted 
this subject for the obvious reason tbTithis testi 
nioiiy has been given and used. 

JOHN McNAIRY. 
I have not signed it for the same reason. 

JNO. OVERTON. 

APPENDIX. 

r.vo. 1.^ 

Fi.\c-iSTii;, Jipril S, 1827. 

DE.in Silt — I have had the honor of receiving 
your letter of the 28th ult. and hasten to say, in 
reply to it, that it is utterly out of my power Vb 
give you, with accuracy, the particular fact^s 
and circumstances in detail of the transactions 
alluded to. Such traces of them, however, as 
a lapse of near forty years has left upon my me- 
mory, 1 will state with great pleasure. 

I was a member of the Virginia Legislature, 
in the session of 1790, when a petition was pre- 
s ;f,ted in behalf of a Mr. Robards, for a divorce. 
He « .is said to be a resident in one of the coun- 
ties of Uie District of Kentucky, th ii a part of 
Virginia. It v/as, J believe, the second instanc r- 
of an application for a divorce that had been 
made to the Legislature; very certainly the se- 
cond that 1 had been called upon to vote. I 
was 1 young man at that time, and the deep im- 
pression made on my mind was, the novelty 
and importance of the ca.se, combined with the 
interest which I felt in behalf of the female 
coiicerned — remain with great distinctness. 

Mr. Hooards was rcjiresented to be a man of 
vile, wiiU habits and harsh temper, and his wife 
lovely and blameless in her disposition and df r 
portment; and so cruelly treated by her h'K 
band .as to make a separation neccssiiry to he:- 
happiness. It was under impressions producei) 
by a state of ficts like these, tha II voted for a 
judicial inquiry on the subject, which I always 
understood eventuated in a divoi'ce. 

If ill'. Robards alleged inoontinency in hi- 
v.'ife, as a ground of divorce, f for I rather thiLl; 
thill he dill,} I am vf ry sure that I thought her 
iniiocpnt, and that mj' vote was intended to lib- 
r-\:K'x- hi']', as ttre injured party. 



/38 



Since Gen. Jackson has become so distin,2;uish- 
ed a military man, I have iinderstcotl tliat 1ms 
v.ife is the same Mrs. Robards, 'of whom I have 
■feen speaking: and I very often, v. hen that sub- 
ject has beenVeferred to in conversation, have 
given the same account of it that you got troni 
br. Sim as coming from me. I now rcjoicr that 
I have had any agency in cnabhnp Mrs. Jackson 
to form a new alliance with a soldier, who pro- 
perly appreciates her worth, and treats her 
. with that generous feeling, which is tiue to the 
best poilion of our race. 

With much esteem, &c., I am your obedient 
Bervant, 

JAMES BKECKENRlDtiE. 

[Ko. 2.] 
Nashville, May 7th, 1827. 
DiAit Sin— You desired me to state my 
knowledge and opinion of the private charac- 
ter of General Jackson, as it respects his con- 
duct in his connexion and intermarriage with 
Mrs. Jackson. 

General Jackson and myself have been ac- 
quainted more than forty years; I think 44 or 
45 years; part of the time wt liven together, 
and the balance in the immediate neighboihood 
of e.ach other. W e moved together from North 
Cai-olinato this State, and arrived at Nashville 
in October, 1"88. 

Not long after we came here, I was informed 
that Mrs. Jackson and her then husband had 
been separated in the State of Kentucky. I 
know Gen. Jackson had never seen her until 
this time, and I do not think for some tim.e af- 
tenvaifls. About this tit .' I was intormed that 
Robards and his wife were living very unhappi- 
ly s- '.er widowed mot'ijer's. The public re 
porf and impression, 1 know, was, that Robards 
was treating her cruelly, by charges founded in 
his own jealous imagir.aiiori alone. 

As to the particular tacts wiiich toot place, 
that prodi^cedthe secoml separation, I have no 
knowledge of my owr; 1 can only speak of 
whEt was the prevailing opinion ".' the time. 
But tins much 1 can say. with asn.iich pcritive 
neis as ai,y man can, when speaking of sno'her, 
that, from my paiticularacquaintaiice w>'h him, 
I beheve General Jackson waS; at any period of 
his !;1V. incapable of seducing any man's wife 
from him. , r , 

1 nave known Mrs Jackson for nearly forty 
vears. No woman for that time has sustamed 
a more irreproachable character thi:, she h.as ; 
hospitable, kind, and charitable. The evening 
of jiv J.iys was hastening to a close m muc.i 
peace and comfort. 

1 de think it was cruel and unmanly to 
drag her before the pubUc gaze, in *e public 
prints; it would take a very extreme case to jus 

tifyit. 1 L J- 

i am, very respectfully, Sir, your most obedi- 

f^n\ servant, 

JOHN M'NAIRY. 



[No. 3.] 
The following isthe statement of Mrs. Craig 
head, widow of the Rev. Thomas B. Craighead, 
late a member of the West Tennessee Presbj-- 

tery. 

Mr. Craighead and myself came to this coun- 
n- ..u.^.1^ f^T^vAvL-n iTporfl ap*0; and Mrs. Don- 



elson, the mother of Mr.'. Jackson, snn family, 
,camc and settled at the Clover Bottom, in Da- 
vison countv, Tennessee, the same year. With 
the family of Mrs. Uonelson I was v. ell acquaint- 
ed ; indeed my family had a knowledge of the 
Donelson connexion for about seventy years. 
The whole family were respectable, and I liv- 
ed in liabitsof hitmiacy with Mrs. Donelson, 
during herlife, and with Mis. JacksiM", nearly 
fortyS cars. The cliaracter of Mrs. Donelson, 
the' mother of Ur- J^ickson, was wilU.mt a 
blemish; and her standing m society was in.e- 
rior to that of no other Udy in the country. 
She respected religion wliileshe lived, and di- 
ed :n iiie iiope of ahappy hereafter. 

Mrs. J.ackson, then Mrs^. Robards, was brought 
to this country from Kentucky by one of her 
brothers, a few years after the family had set- 
tled themselves here, in consequence, as I un- 
derstood, of the cruel treatm ntof lierlmsbjnd, 
who was said to be a man of jealous dispos.tion 
and vicious habits. This was manifested by the 
suspicions he entertained of the improper con- 
duct of his wife. At the time she lived with 
him, at the house of bis mother, in Kentucky, 
an attorney of the name of Short, also boarded 
with the old lady With regaid to the unhap- 
pv difl'-rence which took place between Rob- 
ards and his wife.it was believed that it arose from 
the circumstance of Sborl's living in the same 
family with Mrs. Robards, and showing her per- 
haps a little more than ordinary politeness. Mr. 
James Brown, my brother, who isnow at Pans 
in Fr.Tiice, came to this country shortly alter 
Mrs. Roba'ds arrived from Kentucky; and, 
speaking ofher, deeply regiett.d htr misfor- 
tunes fie said that he believed her to be a d iuste 
and virtuous woman, and gave as a reason for 
thinking so.that he wss n tiniatev.-ith Mr. Short, 
and had conversed w lib him particularly with 
respect to Mrs. Robards; tliat lie assured him 
in the strongest and most solemn terms, Mrs. 
Robards was a worthy virtuous woman, and that 
the suspicions ef her husband were entirely un- 
founded, cruel, and ungenerous. 

M-.f. Robiids, after l-.avingbeen driven from 
her mother-in-law's by the cruel treatment of 
her husb.and, Capt Ro.aids, lived with her 
mother, Mrs. I):inels';n, several years, and iron- 
dncled hers:ll with the gieatesl pn.priety, en- 
tir Iv withdrawing herself from al! placts of 
pubic aniULemen', such as balls, p:;rtles, &C. 
Alinut \vc yejrs after his wire left Ken.-ocky, 
Robards came to this country for the purpcse of 
being reconciled tj Iier. He made .leri ac- 
kmv.ledgm. nt, and appeared to be quite peni- 
ten* for his past cnndiict, stating, as 1 U!ider- 
sto jd, at the time, that he did not blame his wife 
for leaving him, and coming to lire with her 
mother. ShorlS after is arrival, by the inter- 
ference of her friends r.nd acquaintances, she 
agreed to hve with him, on condition that he 
woula settle himself in ber mother's neighbor- 
hood, to which lie gave his ronsen', and actu- 
ally purchas'.d a tract of land. After lhe> be- 
came reccncHed, Mrs Donelson, for the first 
time, took into her hiiijse,,as boarders, m-ve al 
young gentlemen, there being 'hen few, if any 
regular boarding houses or taverns, among 
whom weve J^idge Overton and Gen. Jackson. 
H.n-ing agiee-d -to live together, Robards went 
back to kenbckv for the purpose of moving his 
property to this country. Upcn his return. 



jy 



having found Gen. JackSon in tlie fjitiily, his 
iealouiies ai)peared to revive. This was inoi'e 
particularly manifested towards Gen. Jackson, 
in consequence, I suppose, of bis guy spriglitly 
disposition and courteous manners. From my 
ucquaintance witli Mrs Jackion, I have no lie- 
sitatjon in stating it as my firm belief, tiiat his 
suspicions were entu'el\' groundless. No lady 
ever conducted herself in a more becomin^j; 
manner during the whole of ti-at period. 1 have 
livd within a few miles of Mis. Jackson ever 
since that time, (with the exception of about 
two years,) and have been intimate with lier, 
and can say, that no lady maintains a better 
character, or is more exemplary in her deport- 
ment, or more bt loved by her friends and neigh- 
bors. 

ELIZABETH CRAIGHEAD. 
Spring Hill, 2d Dec. 1826. 

P. S. In addition to what has been stated 
:tbove, it was my understandin|j, and the under- 
standing, I believe, of the settlers g'enerally, 
that, on the application of Capt. Robards, the 
Legislature of Virginia divorced him from bis 
wife, and I never heard any thing to the con- 
tr-iry until lately, K. C. 

[No. 4.] 

The statement of Mrs. iimifh, widow of Gen. 
Daniel .Smith, foruierly the repnseiitative of 
Tennessee in the Senate of the United States. 

As well as I now recollect, Mr. Smith and 
inysflf settled in thscnuntpy in the year 17H4. 
At tiiat period, «r shortly after it, Mrs. Donol 
son and fafii.lj" were among i!ie fc-w families 
who cime and S'-ttled on the south side of Vam- 
be'lanr. iiver, where, thoi'gh they were but a 
few miles fom me, yet, in consequence of the 
river running between us, and the danger of 
visiting in those days, I did not become per.son- 
:illy acquainted with them for two or three 
>'p-ars after. The family, however, was univer- 
sally spolceiT of ae oaG of the most respectable 
and v.'orthy in the whole country. The fiist 
time that I ever saw Jlrs. J.ickson, then Mrs. 
nob.irds, was at the station of Col. M.mslier. 
One of Iser brothers had, not long before, 
lirought her from Kentucky, where sne and Mr. 
Robards had been r.iarried and settled. The 
cause of her return to Tennessee was the i at 
tr'b^l^edto llie c.-uel and unjust treatment of her 
husband, wi^o was spoken of evL-ry where as a 
man of irregular habits, and much given to jeal- 
ous suspicions. 

About two years after I first saw Mrs. Ro- 
bards, 1 1,'arned that Robards had arrived in the 
country, and, sy tlie aisisiance of the family of 
his wife, tliat their diflforeiice.-i had been recon- 
ciled, and that tiiey were a.f^ain living together 
at Mrs. Doiielson's. They were not long, how- 
ever, together, before the same 'mhappy ap- 
prehensiuns seized the mind of 1{ ibards, and 
the consequence of which was another separa- 
tion, and, as it sjon appeared, a final one. .\il 
the circumstances attending tliis rupture, I can- 
not attempt to state with much particularity at 
this late day ; but it is hardly ijossible, consi- 
dering tliefree and unreserved inte> course tlut 
prevailed amongst all the respectable classes of 
people here at that time, that an incident of 
this kind should occur without bei f ' Oly and 
generally Itnown. and that every peis»inhould 



concur in tlie same views upcn its char.ic a ■' 
without the best rea.sons. In (his'tr.iiisaction. 
Mr. Robards alone was censured ; and I nevo! 
hcanl a respectable man or woman intimate tfea": 
the conduct of his w ife ditVered from that ofthe 
most prudent and virtuous female. Gen JacU- 
.son boarded at the time in the house of Miv. 
Donclson, and it was the common belief thu 
his charac'er and standing, added to his en 
gnging an.l sprightly manners, were enough to 
inllame the mind of poor R.ihards, addicted, as 
he v/«s, to vicious habits, .".nd the most cliildish 
suspicions. 

Mr. Robar<!s had not been long gone from 
Tennessee when information was received here 
that he In I ohiained a divorce from his wife 
Wlietlier tiiis information came by letter, or by 
a newspaper fi;om Virginia addressed to my hus- 
bar^d, l cannot now say with certainty, but I 
think by the latter. It was after this informa- 
tion came, that Gen. Jackson married Mrs. Ro- 
bards — and 1 recollect well the observation o'. 
the Rev. Mr. Craighead, in relation to the mar- 
riage ; it was — that it was a happy change for 
Mrs. Robards, and highly creditable to General 
.lackso.i, who, by tliis act of his life, evinced his 
own magnanimity, as well as the purity and 
innocence of Mrs. Robards, and such was the 
sentimi'nt of all my acquaintances. 

Since this period, I have lived within a fef." 
miles of Mrs. Jackson, and have never been 
acquainted with a lady mor.- exemplary in her 
deportment, or one to whom a ;-re.\ter share o;' 
the respect and regardof tnenila and acquaint 
ances can be awardtd. '„,' _ ^,, , . -. 

Given at my plamatiorii liv Stt'iimer county, 
State of Tennessee, on the TMh dav of Dece.n- 
ber, 1826. SALLY SMITH. 

, _ [No. 5.] 

The following is the statement of Mrs. Rowen, 
widow of Col. William Rnwcn, deceased, and 
sister of Gen . Russell, and the late Col Russell, 
of Favette county, Ky. ; also, mother of the 
late John H Eowen, for several years a Repre- 
sentative in Congress of the V. S. from Ten- 
nessee. 

' My father married Mrs Cam.pbell, the sister 
of Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and settled at 
the Salt works, in Washington county a few 
'niles froin Abington, V-rginia. Afljr this 
event, about the ye.ar 1785, Mr. Rowen and 
mvself moved from Washington, and settled 
upon the spot where I now live, in Sumner 
county, Teiin. Soon after our arrival, we be- 
came acquainted with the family of Mrs. Donel- 
son, the wither of Mrs. Jackson, who settled 
the fall after our arrival within a mile of us, and 
since tliat period have lived*in the same neigh- 
borhood. With "Mrs. Donelsou's family, I have 
always lived in hab'ta of Intimacy and frietid- 
ship. ' 

At the time of my first acquaintance with the 
family of Mrs. Donelson^ 'that is, in 1786, her 
daughtor, Mrs.Rob.irds, was then in Kentucky, 
where she was settled and married. In the year 
after, 1 became acquainted with her. havinf: 
been brought down to this country by her bro- 
ther, Samuel Donels.-jn, who, as I understood 
then, and have always since believed, went af- 
ter her ill consequence of the bad treatment 
which «hc had received from her husband.-^ 
l^pon her i.«rival here I was introduced toiler, 



40 



and fxom the intimacy and confidence which 
soon prevailed between us, I was convinced 
that the conduct of her husband had been ilh- 
heral and unjust. I can safely say, that the de- 
portment of no lady ever seemed to me to be 
more guarded or nn)re free from t)io:;e faults 
which usually give rise to jealousy and ill-will 
Some time after this, Mr. Robards came to the 
country with the view of beconiinef reconciled 
again to his wife, as I understood; their differ 
ences were made up by the interfcrr nee .of 
some of the relations of Mrs. Rebttrd.s, and they 
agreed to live toj^ether ag'ain, and did occupy, 
■ as ] tlien heard, a separate liou.sf in the yard of 
.Mrs. Uonelson. If was at this period that the 
unhappy diflerence arose which caused another 
rupture between Mr. andAL's.'Kobards, the cir- 
cumstances of which are as follows, as I now 
recollect them. — General Jackson and Judgr 
Overton, wrth some other ;, oung gentlemen, 
were boarding in the family of Mrs. Uonelson. 
fJener.il Jackson soon became the object cf 
Captain Robai'ds'jealou.sy and ill- will, who secir- 
od to indulge the same cruel suspicions in re- 
gard to the conduct of his wife, which had led 
to thetr separation in Kentucky. The eflV ct of 
which was, the voluntary witi.d awal of tlie 
(ieneral from the family, whik Mr. and Mrs. 
Robartk remained with it. Captain Robards, 
however, did not long remain, before he set 
oilt for Kentucky, whether witli tlie intention 
of returning I do not know; but he was not 
long gone before it was understood that a di- 
vorce had been grant^rd, upon his application, 
separating him frum his wife. In t'j'. transac- 
tion I can safely say, from my intiu.acy, with 
iioth Mrs. Donelson and her daughter, M . 
Robards, as well ^s General Jackson, that not 
the least censure ought to be thrown upon any 
person but Mr. Robards — when the circumstan 
ces Iiappened, this was the language of all the 
countr}'; and I never heard, until now, that., 
there was any person living who had, from a 
knowledge of the facts, entertained a different 
opinion, except Mr. Robards himself, in whose 
\\"eak and child sh disposition, I think the v/hole 
allair originated. 

Done at my plantation, in Sumner county, 
Tennessee, this 21st December, 1835. 

MARY H. BaWEN. 

[JJo. 6.] 

1 was living in Nashville when Gen. Jackson 
.first came to this country, and have lived hi re 
ever since. I recollect of its being reported 
that C.apt. Lewis Robards had tjjarrelled with 
liis wife, and refused to live with htr. I also 
recollect that one of the Mr. Dcnelson's went 
to Kentucky, and brought hii siiter, Mrs. Ro- 
bards, to her mothtr's. Some ti.iie afterward.?, 
Captain Robards came to this country to see iijs 
wife; and it was said, not long after he came, 
tliat a reconciliatior. had taken place betwecji 
them. After they had agreed to live together 
:*gain, I un.h ''stood th.it Captain Robards had 
jjrevioiisly consented to sc;ttle himself in this 
•jouiitry, and uctiiall; purchased a.tract of land 
in thi- ivcigbborhoodof .\Irs. Donelson, the mo- 
tiier of his wifr. 

Aliout tiiis period of time, *;onerr\l Jackson 
.Tnd Judge Overlo}), both young- l^iwyers, com- 
ineiiced boarding with Mrs. Donelson, and 



Captain Robards and his wife lived tliere. M'nile. 
they were all at Mrs. Donclson's togetlier, I 
understood that a quarrel, or misunderstand- 
ing, took place between Gen. Jackson and 
Captain Robards, in consequence of which 
Me.srs. Jacksnii alid Overttjn immediately left 
the house. Capt. Robards continued to live, 
however, with Mrs. Donelson, without any in- 
terruption, as long as he remained ni the coun- 
try. I have seen Mr. and Mrs. Robard;> toge- 
ther in Nashvdle, and have seen them together 
at Col. Hays', where they have stayed days and 
nights. 

I never heai'd of Gen. Jackson and Captain 
■Robards hdving any quarrel, or misunderstand- 
ing, but the once, nor do I believe they ever 
did. 

The latter p.ai't of May or some time in June, 
.about this time having some business in Ken- 
tucky, it (vas known that I intended going to 
that country; and as Capt. Robards intended 
going also, he requested me to let him know- 
when 1 would be ready to start. When 1 was 
ready to set out on my journey, I went by Mrs. 
Donelsm's for Captain Rob.^rds; ou my arrival 
I found Mrs. Robards , lul her mother busily 
engaged in packing up h's clothes and provi- 
sions. I sup|)ose it was about an hour before 
Captain Robi.rds was ready to start. I inquired 
for Col. Donelson, and was told that he had just 
rode down the branch, to either lilackemore'.? 
or Davis' Kort, on some business. ^V hen we 
wen ready to st.art, Capt. Robards, with m i;!i 
apparent friendshi]), took his leave of Mrs. 
Donelson, and his wife, walking to the g..te 
wi'' ''i'r, andin a very tender and afi'ec. innate 
manner teek hei ler.vt ci '.'.i. There was not, 
when we mounted our horses, nor at any time 
after I got there, a .single white person en the 
plantation, e.vcept Captain Robards, his wife, 
and iMrs. Donelson. I had three horses and 
, Captain Robards two; but on the second niglir 
we camped on the Barren.s, hia riding horse 
strayed off, which we could not, after diligen* 
seaich, find. I then let him have the use of 
one of mine, to carry his pack, and he rode his 
own pack-horse.— -In the course of that day he 
appeared to Lament very much the loss- of his 
riding horse: I remarked to him, that the horse 
would perhaps make into Pitman's slal'on; or 
that some hunter would find him, and he would 
get him again as he moved down. To this he 
made a very harsh reply — he said he would be 
dcmrted if ever he would be seen in Cumber- 
land again; with many other quite angry and 
ill-natured remarks. I obsei-ved to him that 
the friends of Mrs. Robards would not like, and 
perhaps would not consent, for her to go back 
to Kentticky to hve. He said he did not care 
what they liked or disliked; he should do as he 
thought proper. As his conduct on this occa- 
sion was so une-vpected, and at the same time 
so unaocountabh' to me, 1 thought it best to say 
nothing more to him ; but I was convinct d, 
from many other circumstances and remarks of 
his, that he never intended coming back to this 
country to live. VVe travelled on together to 
Nelson county, Kentucky, an.l near Bard.stown, 
at a Mr. Pottenger's, we p.ai'ted. Capt. Robards 
never, to my kno'.i ledge, returned to West Ten- 
nessee, or what was then called Cumberland. 
It was. i:eported, however, that he threatened 
to come and take his wife to Kpiitiirkv. and 



■compelherto ,. .;„.:«. She, ='=^^^»^"J' 
lier friends, WM very much opposed to th.b, 
and in order to place herself beyond hisreacli, 
as I uni'.erstood at the time, determined to de- 
scend the river in company .vith Col. Stark s 
family, and under the Co!(.,>el's protection, to 
Natci.ez. It was in December before Colonel 
Ptark could get off with his fam:^y; perhap. 
January' before he could get along (5enera 
JacksoT also went along;*but attei- they laiide<l 
at Natchez, the General returned to ths co.iu 
try. About this time it was reported her.: that 
th'e Legislature of Vu-ginia hid granted a di- 
vorce' io'Capt. lijbards I Jo not know how the 
information reached this country, b'lt it was 
-en^raily, indeed I belit it universally rcl.«"l 
on as beins correct. Af r :nis, the General 
went to the lower country again, wh re he 
stayed but a little while; and on his return 
brought Mrs. Jackson with oim. 'o w'-;0 ti it 
was said he had oeen married in Wjst JlonAu, 
then a Spanish Province: tliis every person be- 
lieved, and they were received with great cov- 
dialitv by their friends. 

V/iien, however, it Wis discovered that lIic 
Legislature of Virgin.a had not actually uivrac- 
ed'Robards and his wife, :;a.l behevii;g tnxt, 
consequently, tlieir first mamage was illegal, 
the General and Mrs. Jackson determined tc 
get married again, and accordinglj were mar- 
"i-ied in this county, on tne 17tli day of January, 
1-94, as will appear by e.^i.inmg the bond for 
marriage license now on file in the Clerk s 
office for Davidson county . Th-y have I'ved 
together, ever since, as happily and as much 
respected as any people in tlie world I was 
acquainted with Jt's. Jack'o-i while si e was 
Mrs Robards— I have been well and in' mstely 
acqaaintea «^ • er .vcv --ince, and can say, 
tliat slie alwayu su [.ported a fair and unolemish 
ed character, and is as tiMch etteemad and \v..- 
*" loved by her friends and neighbors, as any olncr 

ladv whatever. 

THO. CKUTCHER. 

The Honorable 

R. C. FosTEK. May 4, 1827. 



[No. 3.] 
HABKODSBrBO, Mf.bceh Co. Kt. 
April 13th, 182r. 



separation, in a convev:-ition with him, he a... 
milted to me that his suspicions were unjust, 
and he expressly acqniit.-d her ot any illicit in- 
tercourse with theindividual s ispected. Asto 
Gen. Jackson, I am of the opi -ion he never saw- 
her previous to Ivr separation from Mr. Ko- 
hards, and tl-^ div ,rce, I believe, was oHamed 
entirely t.cjh'rfe; an act of the^'lrg1n•-a Legisla- 
ture was passed at tlie instance of ihe well 
known Cap. Jack Joiielt, then a member ^^ that 
body, and a bro'her-in-law of^Mr. Robards, 
(having VMarried his sister,) and witliout ^>'>' n^, 
tic. as I believe, to Mrs. Kob:.vcis; but o« this, 
I suppose, Mai. Tho,r.us Allin, who was the 
Clerk of the Court, can sp. ■.*. For my part, 
; consider Mrs. Jackson as most unjust!.,; ana 
ungenerous',', slandered. I am well acquainted, 
witn i.-.ost of the circumstances, and regret to 
see tie whole transuc'ion niisrepresenled. 1 
have alway= b-Iieved that Mr. Kobards had no 
nersou to blame but his own improper conduct 
and i.;alousy. I know him well, but do not 
wish to o.iter into a detail of facts calcuLated to 
wouedthe feeli;-crs of his Tesp-ctab!e relations 
and friends. I am, mjsHf, for General Jackson 
as next Pre-sid^-nt, and wi.sh the Spint of Se- 
venty-Six not asaiii to refer to me without au- 
thority, as I consider the attack on Mrs. Jackson 
as ungenerous, unmanly, and unjust. 
Yours, with respect, 

JAMES RA\. 



Deak Sib : In answer to your request, in ve- 
hation to a publication in the last Spirit of Se- 
venty-Six, involving the cliaracterof Mrs. Jack- 
son, in w.-iich I am referred <o as being one of 
the Jury wlio found a verdict against her, 1 say 
fhat it is utietbj unlrue. I was well acquainted 
with Mrs. Jackson previous to her first man-ige 
with Lewis Kobards, and several vcars after- 
\yai'ds, and can assure you that siic sustained an 
unblemished character, ;md was considered one 
among ttic first of our young ladies ; her fattier. 
Col. Uonelson, being a aian of the -lost respect- 
able standing. Aft. r her maiTiage witti Mr. 
Robards, a disagreement took place between 
her and her husband, on account of charges ot 
immoial conduct on liis part, and also becoming 
iealons of a certain imhvi.hial, (not Gen. Jack- 
son,) which eventuated in her being compelled 
to return to her mother, who had, in the mean 
time, removed to the State of Tennessee, where 
her father died or was killed by the Indians. ^ I 

was intimate v.-itli Mr. Robards, and aflivi'..- 



[No. 9.] 
Mr. John McGinnis states, that he lived, for 
some cnsiderabh time, in the immediate neigh- 
borhood of Mrs. lic.lsey Robards, 'he r.iotherol 
Lewis E.ihards, ihe former husband of » lie pre- 
sent ^as. Jackson ; that Robr.nls ur.d hir wie 
then lived with o'd Mrs. Robards; tn-it LeWis 
Robards was generally consi.lered a oad hus- 
hKuA; th.--t liis mother acki-owl-dKed that Ra- 
chaei Robar.is was an r.niablc woman, anu de- 
served better treatment ; that sue, ;n tact, loved 
her .is w. 11 as any child she ever raised ; ttiao 
old Mis R.'iards v-V- tliis affiant, a short time 
before Mi-s. R. Rohardsleft her imsbaiid for the 
purijose of returning to lier mo'hers, m len- 
nessee, thai her sen Had erdered liis wife to ciear 
herself, and never again show hfr face m his 
house ; that she appe-ired, i"r some time before 
she returned to her mother's, to be .in unhappy 
and miserable woman ; that, finally, herbrothei- 
came to Kentucky, and carried her oft to hei- 
friends in Tenn. ssee. He states, explicitly, 
that he never hcia-d of General J:ickson being 
in the neighborhoorl, and that he beheves that 
General Jackson never visited the house ot 
Lewis Robards during the time that they lived 
together , that Bot irds's wife sustained a fair 
and irreproacliable character, as long as this 
afiiaiit knew her. , ■ r „„ „ 

This day personally appeared b'-tore me, a 
Justice of tlie Peace for the county of Mercer, 
tlic within named John McGimiis, and mad.: 
oath to the tr ith of the witnin statement. Given 
under my hand this 13t!i April, 1827. 

G. W. THOMPSON, J 1' 



[No. 10.] 
HiBBniiSBtiBo, March "\st, 1826. 
nE»n M.4Jeii: Incompliance with your wish- 
es, expressed in youvs of yesterday, 't •"■;;>; "Ot 
b.. i",proiier to i.it"o'-m von. that in the ixW o* 



;iie year irSl, I \\,ma my place of residence 
in Lincoln county, (now Mercer) where I have 
continued to live ever since. I think it wiis in 
ir82, not later than 1783, (but I think the for- 
mer,) I became a Deputy Sheriff in Lincoln, 
:ind acquainted with Col.Donelsnn and his fa 
miiy; the Colonel had then two daughters young 
ladies, viz: Jane and Rachel, the latter of uiiom, 
I understand, jstlie lady of Gen. Andrew Jack- 
FOn. Some time shortly after my acqu.iintance 
in the family, Miss Kachel becanu- the wife of 
Captain Lewis Uobartls of the same county, 
who then lived in the family of bis mother, a 
widow ladv, near Han-odsburg, where he 
broug-ht h'S wife, and continued to live with her 
i.T the faniiiy of hii mother, until some disa- 
greement took p'ace between tlie Captain and 
iiis wife, which resulted in a separation, and 
the Captain sent her to her father, who, pre- 
vii/Hs to that separation, had removed to the 
iieijliborhood of Nashville, Tennessee, a? I was 
informed; and where, I presume, she first saw 
and became acquainted with Gen. .lackson. I 
)iever saw General Jackson in my life to my 
knowledge, nor have I any reason to believe, 
nor do I believe that Mrs. .lack-on ever was ac 
qiia'.nted with the General until after her sepa- 
ration with Robards, and her arrival at her fn- 
ther's, in Tennessee. Captain Robards obtain- 
ed a special act of the \'irginia Legislature for 
a divorce, I think in the fall of the year 1787, 
and prosecuted the same to judgment 'n the 
Qii-.irter Session Court of Mercer countj', 'of 
which Court I was the clerk,) at tlic September 
Term of said court, 1793. About that time, 
Capt. Roliaids married a Miss Winn, dau.^liter 
of Mr. Thomas W,nn, then 1 think of 'Louis 
ville or Bardstown. 

I was surprised when the separation took 
place between Capt. Rohards and his first wife, 
asprev;oiis to that affiir, I had ever considered 
Mrs. Robards, now Mrs. Jackson, a fine woman, 
nod of irrepioacbable character. Upon an ex- 
rtminationof the papers of the suit for the di- 
vorce aforesaid, I find nothing showing that the 
'lefendant had any kind of notice of the exist- 
ence or progress of thiit suit. Should you con- 
sider any thing I have communicated worth no- 
tice, you arc at liberty to use it in any way you 
may think proper. 

Your friend, S<.c. 

THOS. ALLIN. 

Major Thomas P. Moore. 

[No. 11.] 

To all whom it may concern, be it know'n, 
that in the year 1734 I lived at Col. John How- 
maa's station, in the then county of Lincoln, 
now Mercer, ind have conti:nied to live in 
Mercer county ever since. Whilst liv-d at 
Col. Bowman's, 1 became acquainted with Col. 
Donelion and his family, who lived then near 
Gol. Bowman's. Col. Donelson at that time, 
bad two single daugliters, young women, to 
wit: Jane and Rachel, the latter of whom, I 
nnderstaiid, is the present Mrs. Jacksoti, the 
lady of Gen. Andrew Jackson, of the State of 
Tennessee. I continued to be intimately ac- 
quainted with Col. Donelson and his daughter.'!, 
until the younger, R.ichel, was married to Capt. 
Lewis R'jhards, and for sometime aftervvatds, 
when some unhappy difference arose between 
Cant. Robards and his lady, which terminated 



in a separation between them; and w lien Mi? 
Robarils went to her fathe/s, who liad previous 
to that time lenioved to the State of Tennes- 
see, near to Nashville. Previous to that sepa- 
ration, I have ever considered that lady's cha- 
racter .as fair and irreproachable as that of any 
other l:.dy I ever knew In my life; nor have I 
any reason to believe that Gen. Jackson ever 
saw her imtil her separation from Robards. I 
recollect being one of the jury when Robards 
obtained hs divorce, but have not the most 
distant recollection of what evidence was of- 
fered on the trial. 

JOHN JIEAUa. 
Mprinm, 1827. 

[No. 12.] 

Nashville, August 12, 1824. 
Calb .itwaier, Esq. 

Sin: Mr. Curry, the Postmaster of this place, 
has showed me a letter you addressed to him, 
stating the manner in whicu Gen. Jackson was 
niarried, as reported in your country, in a niaii- 
ner disgraceful and immorM in han- 

Mr. Curr)- has requested me to write to you on 
th.at subject. I have to remark, that I have been 
intimately acquainted with Gen. Jackson, for 
about 3.5 V ears past — before his marriage and 
since; during all which time, the General and 
myself have Lved in this place and the neigh- 
borhood. Someth'ng hkc thirty years ago, or 
more. Gen Jackson was married to Mrs. Jack- 
son, his lady, with whom he has ever since lived, 
as I believe, in the utmost I arinony, in the 
highr:st respi ct and ci-edit amongst all who 
knew tliem, but more especially among theu' 
lmn>ediate ncigiibors. 

Sirs. Jackson has been once married to a Mr. 
Robards, who, as I always undcrstor-d, and be- 
lieved, .v.thout any just cause, left her, and ob- 
tained a divorce by an ex parte proceeding out of 
this State. 

I am, most respectfully, your ob't serv't, 

A. FOSTEFw. 

:xo. n.j 

Maym, 1827. 
Deah Sin: In the fall of 1787, I became a 
boarder in the family of Mrs. Robards, the mo- 
ther of Lewis Robards, of Msreer county, K}'. 
Captain Robards and his wife then lived with 
old >h'3. Robaids. Lhad not 1 vcd tliere many 
weeks before I understood tli;it Capt. ■ -bards 
and his wife lived very unhappily, on acccurtof 
his being jealous o; Mr. Short. My brother, 
who was a boarder, informed me that g^e.it un- 
easiness had existed in the family for some time 
before iny «rri\'al; but as he had the confidence 
and good will of a'l pa-ties, a portion of this 
confidence fell to my siia''e, p.art cularly the old 
lady's, tlian whom, perhaps, a more amiable 
woiiv^n never lived. The uneasiness between 
Capt. Robards and lady continued to increase, 
and with it, grcal distress of the 'mother, and 
considerably v.'itli.th-> family generally, until 
early in the year 17S8, as welf as now re- 
collected. I understood from th» old lady, and 
perhaps others of the familv , thut her son Lewis 
had written to .virs. Robards' mother, the widow 
Donelson, requesting that she would take her 
ho'^e, as he did not intend to live with her any 
longer. Certain it is, tiia' Mrs. Robards' bro- 
ther. Samuel Donelson, came un to carry her 



4 A 



down to her mother's, and my impression is, in 
1he fall or summer of irSS. f «-as present 
when Mr. Samuel Donelson arri\ed at Mrs. 
Robards', and when he started away with his 
siiter; my clear and distinct recollection is, 
that it was said to be a finil separation, at the 
instance of Capt. Kobards — for 1 well recollect 
the distress of old Mrs. R;>liards on account of 
her daug'iiter-in-law, Rachael, goin,^ av.a}, on 
accoimt of the separation tliat was about to 
take place, to^etlier with the cirrnmstance of 
the old tally's embracing her affectionately. In 
tmns-rrved con>ersations with me, the oil 
iady always blamed her son Lewis, and took 
the part of her d.iufjhter-in-law. 

During my residence in Mrs. Robards' fami- 
ly, I do not recollect to have heard any of the 
family censure young Mrs. Kobards, on account 
of the difference between !ier husband and 
herself: if they tliought otherwise, it was un- 
known to me — but recoIU>ct frequently to Iiave 
heard the old lady and Capt. Joiiett, wlio mar- 
ried the elder daughter of the family, at that 
time, express the most favorable sentiments of 
her. 

Having finished my studies in the winter of 
■'38-9, it W.1S determined to fix my residence in 
the country now cal'ed West Tennessee. Pre- 
vious to my departure from M'S. Robards, the 
old lady earnestly entreated me to use my 
exertion, to get her son Lewis, and daughter- 
in-law, Rachael, to live happily together again. 
Their separation for a considerable time h.id 
occasion'-d her great uneasiness, as she appear- 
ed to be much attached to her daughter-in law 
— and she to her. Captain Lev./is Rubards 
r.ppeared to be unhappy, and the o'd hdy told 
me she rejTTtltcd what had taken place, ami 
wished to he reconciled '" his wife. Before I 
would agre^; to concern in the matter, I deter- 
mined to ascertaiii Capt. Robards' disposition 
from hiT.self, and took an occasion to converse 
with him im the subject, when he assured me 
of his regret rcapocting what had passed; that 
he was convinced his suspicions wcvo unfound- 
ed; that he wished to live with his wife, and rp. 
quested that I would use my exertions to re- 
store harmony . — I told him I would undertake it, 
provided be would throw aside all nonsensical 
notions about jealousy, for which I aas on- 
vinced there was no ground, and treat his wife 
kinlly .'isotier men. He assured me :t s!i<iuld 
be SO; and it is my impression now, 'hat I re- 
ceive'' a message from t Id Mrs R'ibards to M,-s. 
Lewi^ Robarils, which I delivered to her on my 
arrival at htrniotbcrV, whercl found hfrsoine 
time in the mimth ..!' February oi Mar.-!i, ITSi*. 
The situation of iho country induci>d mf to so- 
licit Mrs. Donelson to loai'd me — good ac- 
commodations and b-arding being rarely to be 
met W'th — tnwliichshi- readily assented. 

Mr. A. Jackson had studied the law at Salis- 
bury, N'jrth Carolina, as I understood, and had 
aiTivcd in this country in company wi'h Judge 
McNairy, Rennet, Searcy, and pcrhips David 
Ailis.m, all lawyers, seeking their fortun.'^s, n>t 
more than a month or two before my arrival. 
Wiiether Mr. Jackson was at Mrs. Uonels'.n's, 
when I first got there in March 1789, I cannot 
say; if he was, it must have been but a little 
time. My impression now is,' that he was not 
living there, and having jusi arrived, I introdu- 
'-"d him into the famllv as a boarder, after be- 



coming acquainted with him- So it was, w- 
com.menced bo.arding there about the sam'; 
time, Ji-ckson and myself, our friends and cli- 
ents, &C. occupying one cab n, and the family 
another, a few steps from it. 

Soon after my arrival, T had frrquent conver- 
sations with Mrs. Lev. is Robards, on the sub- 
ject of living bappdy with h'-r husband. She, 
with much sensibility, assured me tl.at no effort 
to do so should be wanting on her part, and I 
communicated the result to Capt. Robards and 
his motlie!-, fr.om both of whom I r;'Ceived con- 
gratulation ^nd thanks. Cai>t. Robards had 
previously purchased a pre-emption in this 
countr\-, on the south side of Cumberland river, 
in Davidson county, aboutfive miles fiom where 
Mrs. Donelson then lived. In the arr-ingt-ment 
for a re-union b.-tween Capt. Robards and his 
wife, I understood it was agreed that Captain 
Robards was to live in this countiT, instead ol" 
KentiicUv ; that imtil it was safe to go on his 
own land, svhich was yearly expeced, he and 
hi? wife were to live at .Ms. Donelson's. Capt. 
Robards became re-united to his wife some time 
in the year 1788 or 1789. Both Mr. Jackson 
and mvsclf boarded in the fi.mily of Mrs Uon- 
elson-^lived in the cabin room, and slept in the 
same bed. As young men of the same pursuits 
and profession, with but fe v others in the coun- 
try with whom to associate, beside sharing, as 
we frequently did, common dangers, svich an 
intimacy ensued as might reasonably be cx-^ 
pected 

Not many months elapsed before Robards 
became jeslous of .lackson. which 1 f.fei confi- 
dent was without the lea.st ground. Some of 
his irritating conversation or. this subject with 
his wife, I heard amidst the t^-ars of herself and 
her mother, who were gr-atly ;riftressed. I 
urged 'o Roba'-ds the .nimanhness of his con- 
duct, aft.T the piins I had taken to produce 
harmony, as a mutu d frieud of both families, 
and my honest conviction that his siispicions 
were groundless These remonstrances seemed 
not to have the desired effect ; as much com- 
motion and unhappiness prevailed in the family 
cs m '.hat of Mr. Robards in Kentucky. At 
length I com.mumcnfed to Jackson the unplea- 
sant sitwation of living in,a family where there 
was so much disturbance, and concluded by 
telling him that we would eiideavM to get some 
other place ; to this lie rti'dilv assented, but 
v.diere to go we did not know. Being conscious 
of his innocence, he s;iid that he woul'' talk to 
Robards Wiiat passed between Capt. Robards 
and .lackson I do m^t know, as I was obsf-nt 
some where, not now n collected, wiien the 
conversation and results took place, but return- 
ed soon afterwards The whole aff:.ir ws re- 
lated to me bv Mis. Donelson, (the mo'.rierof 
Mrs. R')h.ards) and as w-!l as 1 recollect, by 
Jackson himself. Tiie substafice of f Ueir ac- 
count v.'as, that Mr. Jackson met Capt. Robards 
near the orcbar'^' P. uce, and began niiidh to re- 
monstrate with bira respecting the injustice he 
had done his wif- as wellas 'limsclf. In a liitle 
time IJobards became violently angrv and abu- 
sive, and threatened to whip Jackson, n^ade a 
show of doing so, &C. Jackson told tiini he had 
not bo'Uly strength to fight him, nor should he 
do so, feeling conscious < f liisinnocerjce, ind 
retired to his cabin, telhng him, .it the uame 
time, that if he insisted on fighting, he would 



44 



give hiin g'cn'ilc manly satisfaction, or words to 
that effect. Upon Jackson's return out of the 
house, Capt. RnbarJs said tliat he did not care 
for him nor his wife — abusing- tiiem both — that 
he was determinid not to live with Mrs. Ro- 
bards. Jackson retired from the familv, and 
went to hve at Mansker's station. Cap'. Rob- 
ards remained several inonths with tiis 'vifc, and 
then HVT.t to Kentucky in ccmp.any witli >plr. 
Thomas Crutcher, and probably some other 
persons. 

So'rn after this affair, Mrs. Eobards went to 
live at Col. H;iys', who married her sister. Af- 
ter a short aijsencc, I returned to live at Mrs. 
t)ouelson'.s, at' her earnest entre.aty, every fair,- 
i!y then uesiiing tile a;soc;.ation of male friends 
as a protection a.eainst the Indians. This afi'alr 
took place, to the best of my recollection, in the 
sprinjj of 1799. Some time intheflUlfoSlowini,-, 
there was a report afloat th;:t Capt. K-rbiu-di in- 
tended to come dc-.vn and tiike j.is wife to Ken- 
tucky ; whence it originated I do not now re- 
collect, but it created great untasiness both 
with Mrs. Dorelscm aM her d;:--,jhter, Mrs 
Eobards, the latter of vhom was n.acb distress- 
ed, as she was conviaced aftei two fair tri;ils, 
as she said, that it would be impossible to live 
v/ith Capt. Robards, and of this opinion was I, 
w4th all those I conversed v'itli, who were 
acquainted with the circumstances. Some time 
afterwards, durinEf the winter of 1791, Mrs. 
Donelson t( Id me of her daughter's intention to 
g-u down IPS river to Natchez, to some of their 
friends, in order to keepout of the way of Cdi)t. 
Eobards, as she said he had threatened to 
"haunt" her; knowing, as I did, Capt. Robards' 
unh.appy jealous diopositio/i, and Ills tempt r 
growing- out of il, I thought ihe wu-; r.ght to 
keep out of his way, though do not believe that 
1 so e.vpre.wcd myself to the old lady or any 
other pi. rson. 

The whole affair fi-ave Jackson great uneasi- 
ness; am tfii'. wdl not appear strange to one as 
well accp,:.iint. U •> th his iharacrer is I w.-.s. — 
Continually together di mg our .attendance on 
\vilJ[;-nes5 courts, whilst other yotuvg- men 
were in-.'ulging m familiarities v/\!h females of 
rela.xed morals, nf suspir;<'n of this liind of the 
world's censure Tel; to Jackson's share. In 
this — in his siiigui.^riv delicate sense of honor, 
and in >bat f ihouglit his chivalrous concop- 
ti^Sbf thefemal.-^ sex, it occurred to me, that 
h#''Was rlistinguishable frnin every other person 
with ivi-.oin i was acquainted. 

About the time of Mrs. 1) ineison'.-: communi- 
cation to me respectin;^ her daughter's inten- 
tion of going to Natchez, I perceived i.i Jack- 
son svmptoms of more than usual concern. I de- 
termined to ascertain the cause, when he frank- 
ly :old m^, th.U he was tiie most unhappy of 
men in having- innocently and unintentionally 
been the cause of the loss of peace and riappi- 
jiess of \Ir.s. Kuhards, whom he believvci ;o bi; 
a fine wonian; in .this I conrun-ed with him, 
but remonst'-a'od upon the propriety of his not 
giving himself any uncasimss about it. It was 
not long after tl.is, before lie communicated to 
me liis intention of going to Natcht z with <Jol. 
Stark, witiiw!ii<ni Mrs. Kobards was to descend 
the river — sayiiij; that slie iiad no friend or rela- 
tion that would go with her, or assist in pre- 
venting Stark, his family, and Mrs. Kobards 
Jrom being mas.sacred bv the Indians, then in 



a state of war and exceeding'y troublesome. — 
Accordingly, Jacks' . in ro>npany with Mrs. 
Rob.ards and Col. Stark, a venerable and highly 
esteemed old man and friend cf .Mrs. Robards, 
went down the river from Nashville to Natchez, 
some time in the winter or spring of 1791. It 
was not, however, without the urgent entrea- 
ties of Col. Stnrk, who wanted protection from 
the Tndiana, that Jackson consented to accom- 
pany them, of which I had heard before Jack- 
son's conversation with me already alluded to. 

Previously to Jackson's starting, he commit- 
ted all his law business to me, at the same time 
assurii.g me that as soon as he should see Col. 
Stark and fam'ly and Mrs. RoNards situated with 
the'r friends in the neighborhood of Natchez, 
he weald return and lesumt his prictice. He 
descended the river; returned from Natchez to 
JNashvIlle, and was at the Superior Court in the 
latter place in May 1791, aitentling to his busi- 
nets as a Lawyer and Solicitor General f(>r the 
Government. About, or shortly after this time, 
we were informed thata divorce had been grant- 
ed by the Leg-islature of Virginia through the 
influence prineipiilly of Capt. Robards' brn- 
thrr-in-iaw, M.ajor John Joiiett, who was pro- 
bably in the Legislature at that time. 

This application had been anticipated by me. 
— The divorce ivas understood by the people 
of this country to have been granted by the 
Legislature of Virginia, in the winter of 1790, 
1791. I was in Kentucky in the summer of 
1791. remained at old Mrs. Robards', my for- 
mer place of residence, part of my time, and 
never understood otherwise than iliat Cf-ptain 
Robavd.s' diiorce was final, until the latter part 
of the year 1793. In ihe summt-rof 1791 Gen. 
Jackson went to Natchez: .and, I understood, 
mai'ried Mrs. Rohards, tlien believe d :o be freed 
from Cap*. Rob.ards by the Hi7orce: in the fall 
of 1791 renirned to Nashville. s.:ttled in the 
neighborhood of it, where they have lived ever 
since, belov'.d and esteemed by all classes. 

About tl.a me;itli-"*' iJccember, 1793, after 
Gen. J-"=i-s>'"i and myself had starled-to Jones- 
liorough, in East Tennessee, where we piac- 
tised law, I learnt for tlie fii-st time that Capt. 
Robards had applied to Mercer Court, in Ken- 
tucky, for a divorce, which had then recently 
been granted; and that the Legislature had not 
absolutely granted a divorce, but left it for the 
Court to do. 1 need not express to you my sur- 
prise, on learning that the act of the Vii-Hnia 
Legislature iiad not divorced Capt. Rcbards. 
I informed Gen Jackson of it, w,io was equally 
surprised; ai; 1 during </ur conversat'on, I sug- 
gested the propriety of his procurin ; a license 
on his return home, and having the marriage ce- 
remony again performed, so as to prevent all 
future cavillin.s: on the subject. 

To this suggestion he replied- — that he had 
long since been married, on the belief that a 
divMvce h.ad been obtained; which was the un- 
derstanding of e-ery person in the countrj-; nor 
waf it without difficulty he coald be induced to 
behe\ e otherw-se. 

On our return home from Jonesborough, in 
January, 1794, to Nashville, a license was ob- 
tained, and the marriage ceremony performed. 

The slowness and inaccuracy with which in- 
formation was received in West Tennessee at 
that time, will not be surprising, when we con- 
sider its insulated and dangerous situation, sur- 



lounded on eveiy side by a wiidaness and by 
hostile Indians, and tiiat there was no mail esta- 
blished till about 1 797, as well as I recollect. 

Since the yeai- 1791, (ien. Jackson and my- 
self have never been mucii apart, c xccpt when 
he was in the army. I have been intiniate in 
his family, and from the mutual and un.nti-iTiipt- 
ed happiness of the General and Mrs. Ju.ckson, 
which I have at all times witnessed with plea- 
sure, as well as those delicate and polHe atten- 
tions which have ever been mutually recipro- 
cated between them, 1 have been long con- 
firmed in the opmion tliat there never existed 
any otherthan what v/as beU>-v<d to be the most 
honorable and virtuous interco>u-se between 
them. Before their going- to Natchez, I had 
daily e pportuni'urs of being convinced that 
there was none oaitr; b-fore oeing marri jd in 
the Naichey. country, after it was understood 
that a divorce had been granted by the Leg;is- 
lature oi Virginia, it is believed there was none. 

JOHN OViiRTON. 
The Hon. R. C. FOSTEK, 

Chairman of the Select Committee. 



The lidltors of t'*2 United St.ites' Telegraph, 
feel that they almost owe an apology to the pub- 
lic for calling its attention to the strong and ir- 
resistible refutation which tlie foregoing testi- 
mony furnishes, at once of the innocence of a 
much injured and most amiable womin, and the 
inhuma*! and infimous Vandalism by which her 
reputation has been assailed. 

These are subjects s-j sacred in their char- 
acter, (and what can b ■ more so than a woman's 
hoKor')that even the elTort to defend and sus- 
tain them invoh es, however successlidly t!;is of- 
fice maybe performed, a seemin.g and revolting 
delicacy. Nothing, therefore, would have iii- 
duceU us to ha\ e invaded, even m the spirit 
^f fr.endslilpand a militant vnidication, those 
.orrK.r»;-ic reccssos which are chosen saiictuaries, 
but for ; recent repriin i~ tiiJa city, of Charles 
Tlummond's inost .nfamaus and nKBt-«ae,nora- 
ble slaider against Mrs. Jackson. 

The public will bea' in mind that this nfw 
edition of a foul and refuted calumny, made its 
appearance very shovdy after the late visit of 
this wretch to fhi; city. Shall we apoh)gize to 
the second officer in the executive foi the em- 
ployment of thi appropriate epithet towards 
his bosom, con.'dcntiui, and inestinable friemi' 
No, Mr. Clay, if yon take ihis miscreant to your 
heart, you must, with the benefits resulting T, om 
his attacks upoiia tcomun! share a portion of 
the komr of such an association. It will not do 
for you, afte:- degrading yourself by volunta- 
ry companionship w ith a coward, whose versa- 
tiUty in ir.fumy fits liim at once to be the scav- 
enger of the filth, and the h'red assassin, of h'.s 
party, to repudiate his flic ndship . Vou must 
be content to go down toposleiity, (if the poor 
reptile can li^e beyond tire Summer sui. that 
w.arms him into e.x'istence,) as the/rfu.s .Scliatss 
of him who was publicly and ignominiously 
chastised for his treasonable loryisin durii^g our 
recent war, andh-is since added a higher claim 
to baseness by calumniating — widely, falsely 
calumniating, a virtuous and veneiahle woman ! ! 
And for what ? To make her husliand odious, 
by catering for your ambition and lustofpow- 



When we apprize the public that of this 
atrocious pamphlet at least twenty thoMsand co- 
pies have probiioly issued fi'om the press in 
this city, the expense of y.hich has, in all like- 
hhood, been defrayed fre 7! some one of the 
contingent funds of the Departmen.ts, by im- 
due profits allowed or. pubhc piinting, it will 
be possible to estimate the indefatigal.dc malice 
of the masterspirits of the Coalition and their 
humble tools. ' 

But what will tiie gallant, chivalrous and . 
higb-minded freemen of our country think, - 
when they are informed that the large ■'. portion 
of this largo •mi>ression of this work iias been 
enveloped at the Capito-, by the messei\gersoi 
Congress, in the public stationary, and distribut- 
ei under the frank of some of its members!! 
We st..te and avouch this fact on the liig-hest 
authoiity, ai'.d c'lallengc contradiction. The 
member who hts been the most wiUing and. 
ihdustr'.tius sli-.-e in this loithsonie (lrudg"iy, is 
the Nonorebk- iVir. John S'oanc, ;>f CJhio, whose 
chief e ecupation at this i>bce, is to be the privi- 
leged am&nncnsltof ralumny. This patriot in tlie 
operation of franking is a machine of vast; 
power and ( fficiency, and it is believed that th&. 
daily falset;Ood which Messrs. Gales Ec !jeatoii 
strike off by steam, is not evolved with the 
celerity and effect witli which this gentleman 
writes "Free — John Slnan;," on the caluinnics 
he distributes, not alone in Olv.o, but as it will 
be seen by the siibjoini d ietter, to other p-u'ts 
of the Union. This poor hound, taken oft' of 
the scent of the six mili iamen, by the lash of 
public opinion, is now opening on another 
track, for which the instincts of the animal an,- 
ply qualify him. In real life there has, per- 
haps, never L.en exhibited an instance of sttoh 
vulgar, iidomitable mahce. hhakspeare has 
given us-lK'.t 3 glimps" if wiiat Mr. .Sloane Jiiust 
te, in the mild and v. r^:i\t virtaus of Caliban. 

Frora the tirags of such monsters we have 
done little else tiian to rescue Mrs. Jackson. 
This is to be found in the triumphant vindica- 
tion which we have just presented to the reader, 
'^'''eoerate, indeed, must be the {urtunes of that 
faction, wIiItAv. having exhaisteii every strata- 
gem which cunning «r nialice cotdd supply, 
a.gauist a Soldier of two wars and a ch :rished 
Patriot, defeated, convicteOj «ndl punished as it 

has been, now turns upon an ir.urnrn^ ,n,]^ 

unofTending woman, the partner of his fosom, 
the vener.ibile cornpan.on of hiii decliniup j ears — 
her whose .nfluenca is felr, in the circit where 
he lives, by the practice of every virtue Vi'iiich 
belongs to the tenderness, the dignity, thesen- 
sihihty of her sex. Mi;s of .America! will you 
end'ire til's' No! The impulse of public p'ati- 
tude will hi nerved by a sense o) jusiice — .ant. 
the vil fiers of their country's honor, the poor, 
trafficking huck.sters for her offices, and the 
base calumniators of a We.'.i,».v, deuncelessby 
the publ'C manacles by wiicii her husband is 
bound, will be consigned o a common .ind un- 
mitigated infamy, in whieli they will live in the 
detestat.on, but be survived by tlie -scorn of 
their counti'vmen 

Battletow.v, (Va.) M.arch 22, 1828. 

GetitkiMTi: This day's mail biougiit to tliis 

office a pamphlet (addressed to George H.Nor- 

ris, Esq. and i'lanked by J . Sloane,) called A 

View of General Jackson's Domestic Relation.-. 



•lb 



Ui reierence to his fitness tor the Presidency 
It woul.l b., well for , on lo take especial notice 
oi tins book— and of Mr. sloane, wlio franks it. 
Vours in haste, 

GEO. S. LANE. 
Messrs. Gheew & Jahvis. 



. The ..otin.al, a paper, once edited, and now 
in the confidenc- of My. Adams, has called us 
to account for presuming to dictate to tiie Se- 
nate upon the expected nomina'^on of Mr.' 
Viebstcr. These gentleinen are very solicit- 
ous about t!,e dignity of the Senate! But as ihe 
paroxism is sudden, it wAl not, probal ly. con- 
tn.ue long. How lone; is .t since they "abused 
tms body with the utmo.^t intemperance, for 
U.e al.eged rnme of pernultin;,^ Its dehbera- 
tions to become scenes of disorder? But the 
■fournal 's on a vvronsr scent. VVe never at 
ternpted dictation to the Senat-, or any ,t),er 
body. VV e have expres.sed our opi.rions feelv 
and mdcpendcntly u])Ob the purity of Mr 
\Ve-bster; and shall continue to pronounce him 
uuwort.y of all co„fidence, as a duty we owe 
to the people. If the Journal cjnrot sneak 
indepc-ndentl)', it is not a proper censor of 
uiosc who can. 

The .Tournal deems it veiy arrog-art and dis- 
respectful m the Printers to the Senate, to 
express any opmions upon the ofHcial pro- 
ceecimg, of that bodj. iilknce, such as the 
Journal recommends, was not a condition upon 
•A-h'ch we accepted the trust alludtd to, or 
would accept ,uiy; nor would those to wlinse 
otcs we are in k-bted for it, have confeiTed it 
upon any one whom they thought cspabit of 
bemfj purchased. We can distinguish between 
the independent republican and the venal syco 
Ijh.tiit. The one can accopta public trust witli- 
out rehnquish:„fr hi.s right lo criticise the pollt- 
cal movements of those who ccmfer it. Tiie 
oth- r tlihiksthat such trust renders him a huiri- 
i>ie drudge, f'-o;n whom the birlhri.ght of speak- 
ing- OI ;hli;king is taken avv?.v." Vv'ien we at- 
tempt to dictate, we wi!! pL-ad guilty to »i=o 
charge of ihe Journal \Vh I? v.- -..trely dis- 
charge ourduiy to the <^'i:-<- as printer.s, and 
to the people aS editor.% and wliho.ii violating 
tlie courtesy due""»'-y body, we ca;. ou'v p'tad 
_sj„at..-i.,^ftK-£ha;-ge of bf.ng different from the 
tacticians of that chaste, lirtao-M and ^bk paper 



From the Ameriean Sentinel. 

SUlVDAy St;HOOL UNION. 

The application for the incorporation of the 
Am_e:ican Sunday School Un.c.-, has been the 
.subject of mucti discL -sum in i^ t .ic.v pf.pers 
;js well as in the legislarive hall. The sermo.v 
pr.-2Chcd by Dr. lily on tli^ 4:b of .luly latt, 
havT.j, been hanr'lcd severely in achate, has in- 
duced 'ts republication m painrihlet form, to- 
.c^ether .viih an appendix designed to vindicate 
the liberty of Christians. Tliis pair.pid. t cm. 
tains extracts from the speech .>s d livered in the 
Senf.te on ti.e bill charierincr the Sun.'.ay School 
Union. This r-a'nphlct ,s offered for .-alo ;>; A. 
Finley's Bookstor., corner of Fourth and Ches- 
mit Stitels. fr; n> which we copy the comludin.' 
observations of the author: 

To the honorable g-entlctnen who have in- 



troduced my strmon to consmeraole distmctioii 
I tender my thanks, because their strictures' 
whetlier just or unjust, will have a tendency to 
promote the consideration of the truth, and the 
niore extendeii uiHuencc of Christian principle 
in our futun- elections. ^ 

Some of the errors, however, into which 
these learned commentators have fallen, ought 
to be co,rccted. ° 

(I is mdtrut th.at I have ever advocated the 
union oS ChurcU and Sfale in any publiction 
fror,. the pulpit or press: but or, thecon^nirv in 
mv discourse on the 4tb of July last, the "very 
discodrse which is adduced as pVoof of a di-no- 
sii.on fr endly to sue), a union, it is distinctly 
Stated, ^ 

" 1 would guard, however, against misunder- 
standuig and misrepresentation, when I state 
thai all our rulers ought in their official stationi 
to serve the Lord Jesus Chri,.t. J do no/ wUh 
any rehg.ous test to be prescribed iy constitution 
and proposed to a man on /i,s acaptance of am/ 
piMic trust, miher can on,j uMligenl fr,.end 
of/r,s cuun'ry and of true rtlig.on de.ire tlieestab- 
(^shment of o;,, one relig-oussKt bv clvU law. Le> 
therehginn of tkt Bible rest on that everlasimc 
rock and on tJ,.ose spi>,tual laws, on lohich Jeht 
vail has Jojnd'd his kingdom: kt Christm'u<u bu 
thtypira 0) Ckrist in her menihers support Ser- 

ii.dj. LET CUUHCU AKI) StaTE BE FOn EVEn DIS- 
TINCT: but still, let the doctrines ami preceots 
ot Christ govern all men, in their relations and 
eniploj-ments." 

It did not suit the cmvenience of the persons 
who furnislitd the Senate with e.xtracts from 
my s.rmo.i, to give them a sight of these lines, 
whca ongmally stuod as they now stand, in im- 
mediate counexion with some of the extra-ts 
published. 

I'or twenty years past I have publicly return- 
ed thanks, on almost every Lord's Day, for our 
CiVil and religious liberties, and for our freedom 
mtliis happy country from :■•> u^baUowed union 
of Church ••>'»<« aiaie; .md I can confidently as 
SI.-.- my Mlow-citizei.s, that there i.s, to the 
be.st efmy knowledge and belief, neither Minis- 
or nor Elder in ti.e Presbyteri.m Church m the 
Umled States who is an advocate for any estab- 
lisnmen* of any relig;ous sect by any civil go.-ern- 
raent Our whole system of PresbytenaiiCimrch 
g-cvrrnment coincides with the ci>i! hbeity and 
t.ie representative governm.Mits of our cou'ntry 
All our pastors are chosen by tljeir coiigrega- 
tioiLs and,dl our ruling El.ieis in our Sessions 
and Piesbyteries are the repnsentalins ot the 
people. 

it is not irxif. that I ever .vas the Agent of the 
Amencan Sumlay School Union, or <'in full 
cor:j,acn,e jmd l'-.:gue" with that Institution, in 
.h".se.i-"mw!!.,htwn of the Senators would 
convince their consu(uent.= that i am Lis' 
M".\ a committee of the Managers ofthatUnion' 
requ.stcd me to compile their annual report 

tor tiiem, from documents which they furni-hed 
That h-.bour I performed. The Managers took 
my compdation into their own hamh: and aher- 
ed it according to their own pleasure. Subse- 
quently I read die rep.:rf in purtlic. At a-iother 
tmu, by particular request, I examined a small 
piibl citiMi, winch they re-prli,ted. This is all 
die connexion I ever had with the Sunday 
School Union, direct or indirect; if you except 
the purchase of a few '^f their books: the X. 



.aiiung of one donation m books irom them for 
Cantonment LeavenA ortli, in tlie Missciirl 
Territory; ami the contribution, latel}', of a 
small sum to tlieir funds. It is not more than 3 
months since I first bucame a eabscriber of any 
thing' to this truly philanthropic charity. I hope, 
however, in future to become more eHectually 
their fellow servant in their bentvolciit opera- 
tions, as some comper.sation for tiic injury in- 
tended tiiem, and parttilly .lone them, by tlie 
discharge of broken tVagi:;enis of my discourse 
attheir devoted tiead. There is reason to iv. pe, 
that the tesjstunce which tlie School Union has 
experienced in the Senate, will commend it to 
the more ardent friendship of all who love the 
progress of knowledge, libert) , and piety in 
uur la;id. 

R was an error in the honorable Mr. Duncan, 
to speak of my discourse as havintj been deliv- 
ered at Norriitown. He was [irobably led into 
this mistake by some raprtsmtations m the 
newspapers of a sermon which I preached lii 
that place on the second of September last. 

In illustration of the asserliiVi, tliat we can 
form correct notions of the moral character of a 
being whom we have never seen, I reminded 
my hearers, that they had all formed some con- 
ceptions of the mmai character of vY^shington, 
and ia.terly of General Jackson. My notions 
of bis character might be correct, or incorrect; 
but I would tell them an anecdote, which 1 
thou.^'ht conveyed a just idea of him. I then 
stated what I now reiterate: 

That between three and four years prior to 
the General's being first nominated as a candi- 
date for the Presidency, Mr. Somcnille, then 
an accomphshed young officer in the Navy, but 
since deceased, informed some of my family 
connex ons, that he had lately spent a week in 
the General's conipany, at his own house; that 
the General appeared to him to be greatly 
changed in several respectj; am. that the Gene- 
ral baet sai.l to him, :,, a veiy serious and ini- 
pressivs manner, " You M.O «.»— »,n ^pg^ j-r, 

SOKKilVILLE, TII-4T, WITHoPTTHUE HEi:i<».«^ 
THEttB !S KO HAPPiSESS IN TdE PRESE.VI LIT:., 
AND S1SE TO BE ZSPECTED ij TUB SEXT." 1 

told my hearers, that this ,s a true saying; and I 
was aware that, coming from a distinguished fel- 
low citizen, it might have some influence with 
somt men who more regard the word of their 
deservedly favorite Hero, than the word of Gud. 
This statement has been shs.-nefullj distort- 
ed; but I think the anecdote worthy of any 
pulpi'., and calculated to do good. »'ould to 
God that many admirers of General Jackson 
would record tins among many of his patri-itic 
and excellent sei.ti.Tients, on the Ublets of their 
hearts! fhe - w>jld li c.i cease to thi.ik him 
likely to prove a patron of their exterminating 
party zeal, and lictncious hves. 1 have re- 
pealed the same anec.lole, years age, in Fle- 
mington, N. J., ; ind in A;:gust lust in Hunting- 
don, in this State. My numerous hearers will 
rtjeoliect the anecdote If ever the General 
should be President, as I freeiy acknowledge it 
is my hope that he may be, I may predict, ironi 
my knowledge of him, without the spirit of 
prophecy, that he will disappoint many of ids 
friends and foes, by being the imparti..!, tem- 
perate, prudent, and e.\enipiary Chief Magis- 
".rate of the whole nation. 

Mr, Duncan has intimated that mv discourse 



on the 4th of Juij', " was preaoiied in favor oi" 
the election of General Jackson." How far 
this is true, every person who will read, may 
judge for himself Those who represent Gen. 
Juckson as one of the worst of men, must think 
ray sermon a point blank shot into his heart. 

Since, however, I iiave been called in que?;- 
tion about my politics before the Senate, 1 will 
here state, for I fear nothjngfrom candor, that 
Mrs. Jackson, (for the politics of the uay in- 
clude her,) is an eminently pious woman, and 
has siista'iieti this character for about a quarter 
o" a cent.'.ry. On the subjecfof baptism, I be- 
lieve she is a Baptist, and has been immersed. 
I have heard no evil said of her, by those who 
know her, unless it be this, that she prefers a 
prayer meeting to a palace,- and this n ill not sink 
her in the estimation of any « ho do not forget 
their religion in their politics. | 

Of the General I shall s.ty, that he is as far 
from hypocrisy as any man living ; and shall 
give a few e.xtracts from some of his letters, 
which I think will show him in his private char- 
acter, in a true light. I must beg his pardon 
for making, without the opportunity of asking 
his consent, the present use of his friendly com- 
munications to me. 

Underdate of Nashville, Apr'i] 21st, 1823, he 
thus writes me on the subject of a clergyman 
who had been suspended for many years on ac- 
count of some imputed errors in doctrine; 

" Sitt — Being informed by my friend, the. 
Rev. Mr. C. of this place, that the case of the 
aged, pious, and reverend Thomas B. Craig- 
head, 13 to be discussed before the General As- 
sembly at Philadelphia, at its approaching ses- 
sion, I feel it my duty to address you on that 
subject. 

Having known Mr. Craighead from my boy. 
hood, — having been raised m the neighbour- 
h-iod in which he commenced his ministry; — 
having been wafted bj fortune to this Western 
Country, in which he had settled himself, and 
presided over a congregation large and respect- 
able; — and ha, ,ng for the last tiiirty-fouv years 
OtTnjr i:t. y^y^^i w.thin five miles of his house; i 
an. author.zec, •.,. j|,^^ ^ ^^^,^ ^ 

knowledge ef him, boti, ,„ ^.-^ ^^.^.^ ^^^, 
and public ministiy. An.^^, ^_.^ .^.^^ 
judgi.ig the tree by its truiis, I can '»i~— .^^.^^ 
truth testify, tuat no man has laboured witu 
more zeai in the ministry, and that none have 
been more respected for piety, or more re.ered 
as Chnstians, and as men. He iias done .much 
good, and would have done still more, but for 
tlie u h.;ppy diflerence which arose between 
him and bome .f the clergy in Kentucky on 
some doctrinal points. This, or giiiating warmth 
of dscjv on, waiCa.Tied, per iap?,\ooiar; and 
enlisting advocates nearly poised on both sides, 
limited tue extent of bis services, and lias end- 
ed in his su.spension for some )ears: — a circum- 
stance whicii has been muci regretted by a 
great proportion of the gcotl citizens, and 
Chrisiian professors here; and has injuvnusiy 
aflTeqted, as I believe, the Presbyterian cause. 

To see a venerable man, whose hairs have 
grown gray in the service of his God ; a man 
whose walks have been those of piety, morali, 
ty, and the benevolence <!f true rehgion ; re- 
spected by all — but deprived of the benKfit or- 
communion, and for that which many, very ma' 
ny of the most pious PresbyteriRns, cannot re- 



4» 



o-.ra as inconsisteat wUh tlir Hoiv Scriptures, freely on this subject astriose nun.eious Lditors 

which are 'lie i-uide of alt Chrlst.ans ; has filled of pap'^vs, who for the sake of abusing tne can- 

us here w*h nilieh rf iri-ct : and it may be *.ruly didatefortbc Pr sidc:>cy whom they oppose, 

said, that nothing wouUl give more general sa- have been very abundant in then- vituperations 

tisfaction, <>y tend more" to the prosperity of of'oyself. 

thi-churrh, than his, -.loration. No ..ffice, no world y emolument do I seek. 

IJisu- -M is evil in b.,ai Chu'ch rx.d State ; I feel ..o conviction i f having prostituted the 

and the present Is the period, when every pulpit, for the promotion of sinister, party pur- 

mci'.ns consistent with tbe principles of true re- post " ' " '■ "' -- 



ii<noii, ought to be emnloyed to lestore haimo- 
iiv ail'' iini-Jii to the Chr'slian canse. 'Tis reU- 
"■lon to '.nculcate ch .rit'', and, if a brother err, to 
forgive him And in the sinct re relianct upon^ 
those principles, while I shall be rcquitted o."" 
anj v'-pw to di ;tat.c to the .-.i)"' deliberation of 
the Asscnibly, I hope that this audrtss will be 
excused,' from mv desire to replreseni fairly 
the char'.cter ot thi aged and pious Mr. Craig- 
head.. This ;:lonc has been my motive ; and to 
have done less, would have been injustice to 

.' /■ 1- , 11 .... 4.^ '^i..^ ;.,f<ii.OL.+c f\k' 



Mv desi .; is, that correct rt bgi on s prin- 
ciples may gb^ em myself, and all of my fellow- 
citizens jn nil he transactions oFpnvatc and pub- 
lic hio. 1 fre iv confess that I esteem Gen. Jack- 
ie jn mich; a>id I love my country mui-h; but I 
love (Jhrist n^ore- ■ ' 



PUOPOSALS 

For pubHsking onre a week, from the 1st of 

March to the 15th of October, 

FOR ONii DOLLAR, 



i.yown f--eling. as well as 1, '{he interests of United 3tate>^ Tdef^raph-^^ixz. 

tne Church." . r> r 



Uuder date of .Washington, .tan. 1st, 1824, 
on th.. sa:ne .subject, t: r: ' writes to me: 

"Before I close 'tliis!>'. m ag.iin permit 

ine to bring to voiir vt^c ci.v... the case of my 
aged and pious'iV'end, tiie Kev. Mr. Craighead, 
and request that you vv.l! endeavor to have his 
case fin.a'.ly coasidered before your next Ociie- 



A?:DKE%v jACKfeON is Lhe candidutt of the 
People. But umon ar.d coiicert of action are ne- 
ces^^ary to success. The ofganized eSorts of the 
administration are Httevl for i fiixt, and vigorous 
exertiins are required t<: conntfc.i.ct them. In 
aid of SUCK exertions, the undersigned have 
been advised to .ssue a WEr^KLY PAPER, on 



ral Assembly. My prayer fe, tlj.at-lie may be ^^^^^. ^j^^^ ^^ji, ,.n,j;,,e ^]^^^ mei-elv to defrav 

restored to U.s Church, and fellowsh.p with the ^^^ expruoft of puOUc.ation. Located at the 

1,11,1 tins alone, can ^^.^^ ^,4- GovernTent, hiving acc.^ss \o the pab- 



Christian brethren. This, and this alone, can 
bring h''sho«y liead in peace to the gnvt;." 

Suffice It here to say, that sonii after this, the 
case of Mr. Craighe-ui was finally reviewed, he 
v.'as restored .u tiie min'.sa-y and the Prest.yterj- 
wilhiii whose bounds he resided, with the full 
a;)probation of the Assembly, and has since re- 
tired to his everlasting rest. ■ ■ ■ 

One .short extract more, is from a letter dated 
.at hisH.fi-m.tage, July tStli, iS2r, in which the 
General says: 



lie lihraries, and the command of official docu- 
ments, -."Sscssiii^ already a Iar;^e share of pub- 
lic confidence, aijd tb.e advant ges of a cetityal 
position and extensive correspondence, they 
may aver that, in issuing such pabhcation, they 
can aid, in som; degree, the .great cause of 
truth and the P£<1PLE. 

If noaierous individualsthroughoutthe coun- 
ti'v, and the corresponding committees in the 
several States, counties, and townships cf the 



Having been educated and-brought up un- u,,ion, should uiiite irj^viiigJ*«!«u5a;iSn; the 



uerthe d;^cipline oithe Presbyterian rule, (my 
mother being a member o. th.it Church) I 'i;ne 
alv/ays hud a preference for it. Am< 
<rreatcst blessings secured tojja . 
a . !^ - ,.,,, ,. , ....^.^-VcTrshipping God as 
.stitution, IS tne iioert**^ • 1 p . 

„ ,iiMo.tes. A i trni Chnsf.ans 
.-iiir conscience dicpv'- 

r-fTind while here below ought to 



^^X^mzeT for all nnist unite in the real^^s 
above. 1 have timnghi jne e/idciice of tme 

eligion is, when all (liflsc who believe in the 
.•imple atoiicTTient of otir crucified Saviour are 
found in harmony and friendship together. 

" My enemies have .hargtd me with every 
r.rimt out hypocrisy. I believe they have never 

alleged this against me: and I can assure you joUNcTcALHOUnT 
no ciiange of eireUiTistances, no exalted oRloe 
can tt'oi k a change upon me. I wilt remain 
iiniforiiily the sanr.e, whether in the chair "f 
state, or at the Herniita.ge. ^ly habits ai-e too 
welt ti.'ced now to be rdtered." 

Such as these extr^icb-; fiona his, letters, v.-plt- 
ten V tiiout any conception of their ever being 
made public, indicate him to be, i believe Gen. 
eral Jackson is. I liavc never affirmed, t>..t he 
is a renewed inan,by tlie power of Divine grace. 
'I'hat question must be left with himself and 
his ■Maker. . . 

1 have decl.ared my knowledge of the fact.tbat 
lie is the avowed^ ^'iend of.Christianity: and I 

■.'uim t'.ie liberty of thinkiii.c" ami sneaking as 



unders!eneA-'-«''^TJe more than compensated 
f„.^f:e labor ihat wi'l devolve on tii_em, by the 
facility which it will afford for disseminating 
truth among the people 

They ttiercf -re propose to publish Tar. 
Untti'.d States' 1 ..l>:'-saph ESTK-'V, wvekly, 
until the 15th if October ne.xt, for ONE DOL- 
LAR, payable, in all cmses, in advance Tliix' 
■paper will be derated exclusiveli/ to the Presiden- 
tial election, acil wdl coniainetnciaidocunients, 
and such essays, original anrl selected, a.s, in 
the judgment of the Editors wiU most pro- 
mote the election of tlie Democratic Republi- 
can Candidates, ANDREW JACKSON and 



DUf F GREEN, 
RUSSELL J A .{VIS. 

Thpy also iropt'ove tMs.'ipportunity to infin-m the public 
tliat the), pubash Ihi: UNI I ED STATfb' •1ELGR\PH, 
duiy, lor ,- - '- -g 10 pi-r uniiniu. 

!>«. ■ do. ^ tbMe times per 

wet k during th^ s'-isic.n oiCmgfss^ and 
tM'ice pi,-!* wcik iliiriiig tho I'TOrss, tor 5 per annuni. 

1)0. &: do f r 3 ptro nioiith^. 

United Stntes'Tcltgraph, w eekly, for 4 per annum. 

■J brcf Su1)scribt.r.i uniting, r.ntl rt-uiitting Ten Dollar;; 
in ciinent biils, will receive a number of the weekly paper 
caeh, for one year. 

Kxn« weekly, from the 1st of M:>ich t thn TSth Octo- 
ber, eoiit^iiiiiug .'>2S snper-royal octavo pages, iu pamphlet, 
sticiieil, OKE DOLLAIl. 

.' iCj' The first number will ba. furnished to those wliQ 
beicatii-r licr.oiu.i bubserlbe^s. 



UMITED STATES' TEhEURAVR— Extra 



This paper will be lievoted exclusively to tlie Presidential Election, and he p ib)i?lied wfr-kiv, '. '■/ 
until tlic 15th of Oclolier next, Ibv Oh* /W/i.'--. ",{ 

BY GREEN fy JjlRVm. 



VOL. I. 



WASHINGTON, APRIL 5, 1828. 



No. 4 



From the Nashville Republican. 

Totht Editors of the Richmond Enquirer. 

(icntlcinen: Since my List coniniunicition, I 
have read the addresa reported by Mr. Johnson 
ti the Adams convention in Richmond, and I 
lihd it to be a fabric of simuiHtod fears raised 
i.j> a foundation of anticj»iitcd slanders — void 
of facts, destituto of triun, and patched up 
with theological zeal and forensic strati.gem. It 
reminds me of the men of straw, dressed in 
i^ast off li.its and coats, and stationed as scare- 
'•■i;n\V3 in the cornfields of Virginia. Decked 
in the pap-stained garments of Binns, Gales 
r;nd Hammond, it is caicdatcdto deter very 
close examination; but as it is avowe<Uy the 
work of Mr. .lohiison, and looked on by him 
'.fiththe eyes of Pygniaiion, I risk the displea- 
siire of fastidious readers, and undertake to ex- 
pose it. 

But do not the proceedings of liiis conven- 
tion give birth to a reflection too solemn to be 
(muttered — that in tiie ruliiig state of tliis con- 
federacy, a commonwealth teeming- with p.i- 
triotism', and rich in renown, Vr-hich, "when 
asked for her jewels, still\>omis to hersons" — 
^mcn of higii station and repu'.e sl\ould be found, 
icpncerting by an organized ifi'orl tlie reaov.a- 
lion of exploded falsehoods, in order to tarnith 
the fame of a private citizen, whose jjieat ex- 
ploits and popuhr virtues make him formidabie 
lo a weak and corrupt administration? And 
does it, not add to the gloom of Otis reflection, 
1 fiat the holy places of jirayer and the exalted 
tribunals of justice, should furnisii recruits to 
this conspiracy ag.dnst the character of a ve- 
iierable patriot, and the lilierty of a youthful 
repiibiic? Eutletiuit the lover of freedom — 
let not the votjiries of truth despaii — let not the 
fViends of tlie country tremble. The PtoPLK 
are not only the fountain of political power, 
hut of political hope. tJuarded by the pres?, 
vliicb, m spite of the expeiRive i librls of .Mr. 
Clay to seduce or inlimiclate it, is yet free, tlie 
institutions of our country will iind strength 
ami perpetuity against the m,ichiiui lions of the 
few, in the pure love of I'-eedoin wincli ani- 
mates the great body of tiie nati'-ii. To tlieir 
S'lre and s.igaciuus patriotism, it is perhaps for- 
tun lie that fre<iU';nl appeals are iiece."S.iry. 
I'.ven tlie labors uf the K.chmoiul convention 
nny in this way prove useful, as ihe s€ij)ciits 
•vine". Hercules strangled in hi.": i;".'.dle, may 
be supposed, to iiave invigovalcd liiin for tne 
greater task of ck.uising the AUj^eaii stable. 
There is cortainly much to admire in the rliele. 
rit". and t!ie reason of .Mr.,loiii:suii, in fotiiidii),? a 
claim for tiic convention to peCT;l .r sineeritv 
aiid particular attention, upon thi reiiiurkalils 
fact of the mo;ilh ci' January f wlu'.i liity chcise 
to assemble) being X\ " inclciiicnt season!" 
But he might have ntentionid a n.uch mc.re ex 
traordinary (■ipi.nmst;Hlce> ai ' ' 



attraction of more general notice. He might 
have told the people of Viiginia that he and 
his compatriots were careful to select the day 
which iiad been coiisecriited by more than half 
the nation to the lionor of fieneral .lack^on and 
to public gratituile — tlie day on vvhicii the al 
tars of freemen burn with inccns;- and theii' 
hearts with joy, for the more signal and em 
bittereil opportunity of pouring out upon hini 
a collected torrent of abuse. That while the 
people of Louisiana were haJlirg him as their 
saviou!', the legislature as their deliverer, the. 
ladies as their protector, the children as their 
guardian, and the patriarch* its his friend, they 
had predetermiueu to be employed in denounc- 
ing liira in the name of tl;at very iegislat'i; e 
and that very people, as the slave of ignobio 
passions, tlie tyrant of Louisiana, tlie enemy c' 
the people he saved, and the foe of tli.at iiber ■ 
ty which he Jefended. This would have con- 
stituted as eHiscuve an appeal to public notice 
as the shivering allusion to a January journc}-. 

This frigid exordium gives place to a scale 
of their opinions respecting Mr. Adams, terr- 
derly graduated from a shaile of modest objec- 
tion, to the florid glow of courtly adulation, 
where the manly tone fur which Ciiapmaii 
Johnson once had credit through Virginia, is 
artfully tost in the (jathic and pelisiimed 
phrases of the Whig; alkl for a harsh and un- 
qiiahfied a'vowu of tlieir liostiiity to Gen. Jack- 
son. "Most of us," .say tiiey, ''approve the 
geriend course. of the administration, have con 
fidenne m itsvir'ue, its patriotism, its wisdom, 
and see iiotlung to condeirnin tlie President's 
interpretation of the federal constitution." 
" The measui'es wliich s<ime disapprove in the 
present administration, none could hojie tose.e 
amended under tliat of General Jackson.'' 
" Tile constitutioij which we would preserve 
frrini the ioj libend interpi etution of Mr. Adains, 
we would ) et more zealously defend again:! 
tlic destroying hand of his ival. " 

U'itli these fair and well digested sentiment^, 
Mr. Johnson •proceeds to co;.trovert the accu- 
rai^y of the general belief that Jackson is the 
favorite of Jhe people: in doing which, he falls 
into what logicians call a vic'oits cirrh, forget- 
ting evidently liiat the best possible proof o.f 
that fact, is the gMK-ral belief of it. Audit 
happens accoi-Khngly th.at the only leasonubK; 
^an uf his arguuKut on tills point, i.- what li- 
doubtless thought no argument at all — viz. a 
positive dcnra! of it. Ije next endeavors to re- 
hut f.-: ot-jettioiis wliich have so wideli pre- 
vailed and I'l on So completely eB'.,\bli>lied, to 
the Itibt c'.ertiyii, by mitreprusenting them, ss 
fJu'cJ! I'-^Kgivc themselves a comiuandover 1i e 
car.is ijy .stocking them. — "The Iriends ol' ge 
Per d Jackson," he asserts, " insist that b s piu 
nditj (,;'-, uie-i at the last election, fs". ^edliim 
to be Ihe choice of the nation." ' KO*. t'le fact 



1 



30 



»:-, Uie mcijLis oi' CjucimI ,U.i.:kioi) h:ive done his tntertaaicra. Its liuviiig' been iaui>iea ijy 
no such thing. 'I'liey eaiitended, and do new a set of Virginia politicians, removes those ob- 
f^ontend, that his plurality of votes, placing him jectjons which occur to giving it even brief 
nearer to the point of popular preference, made" consideration. 

discisive by the constitution, than either of his It is to be obserCcd that' the charge of Mr. 
competilors, ic was tlie duty of the representa- Kremer wasprospcctive;iniportedthat Mr. Clay 
lives of the people, when tliey came to estimate and his friends would vote for Mr. Adams; and 
tile comparative claims of the candidates, to al- that in consideration thereof, Mr. Clay was to 
!q,w this circumstance great weight, and make be appointed Secrotaiy of State. As soon as 
it overbalance strong- preferences for his rivals, this charge was avowed by Mr. Kremer, Mr. 
pjstrriigprepossessionsagaiiisthimself. — 1 lity Clay appealed to the House of Representatives 
ViIrtliOT maintained that when the right of choice for a solemn investigation of it, before the elec- 
was transferred from electors appointed by the tion — before either of the overt acts prospec- 
p.^ple, to electors delegated liy the State.s, a lively charged by Kremer could have occurred, 
fact which had not arisen in t!ie first process, Mr. (Jlay could not vote for Mr. Ad.ams, nor Mr. 
should have had a fair operation in the second Adams appoint Mr. Clay, before the election. 
— viz. t'tttt in several of the western States, Did it argue any thing like inr.ocence in Mr. 
where Jackson w.as s-econd to Clay before the Clay to defy Mr. Kramer to prove tlie charge, 
ngopte, he b»came first a.^ soon as Clay was at a time when its consumnr.Htion, its only sub- 
withdrawn. Mr. Johnson describestl-e prima- stantial proof, liad not been effected; and when 
.-V election as popular and the secondary as fe- it was in the power of Mr. Clay himself to dis- 
aWhairl he must admit that the moment which appoint the most conclusive evidence of inteii- 
luivanced the process from the primary to the tion that could be exliibitedjtiy declining to give 
secondary stage.expunged the name of .Mr.Clay the vena! vote, and to receive the mercenary 
from the list of candidates, and left the popular appointment. The fact that he did challenge 
wfll of those States to operate in favor of jack- an investigation at a time when it was Impossi- 
sou, Adams or Crawford. Their dc^legalions ble to convict him, and has declined one since 
w.ere bound to give a genuine expression of that it was possible, is proof sufficient, if other proof 
will, and to gather it from such facts as were did not abound, that the motive of venality al. 
ther\ before them. They had to determine kged again.^t him by Mr. Kremer really exist- 
whp was the most popular in their respective ed.* Let those who maybe so far be^'uil. 

States, Jackson, Adams or Crawford. If the 

Kentucky dek-^gation looked to their polls, they 
found that the same evidence which proved 
Mr. Cl.ay to stand before General Jackson in 
the popularity of Kentucky, proved General 
Jadtson to stand before Mr. Adams or Mr. 
Crawforil. They knew that some of their own 
body preferred liim ^-en to Mr. Clay; that a 
iMgemajopityjjf the Legislature of Kentucky 
were in favor of his election; and that a i.;;cnera! 



/ 



•In a case like Mr. Clay's, where the judf-mcnt is to ope- 
rate on thecoiiceaieil motives of the mind, it would appc&r 
lh»t thi btsl evidence is to be derived from tlie justificatory 
declaralioTij ofihe accuirdjierson. Ai' otliercircurastancea 
have ' -jt a y bab ecounexion with hs iiiolive3,lhesehflvea 
necess..iy on-. 1 he J(!r:;er are directed at them, the latter 
proceed froi-i ibeiu; ar.uwh rever they coiiHict with truth, 
the show to demonstrTtion, a couiciuusnessc.f gunt, andau 
effort to conceal i. Toapp.ythis rue— in fail eircularttr 
his .-oiislitue .ts, of .Mai-eli, 1823, his first real attempt at 
jiisiificjuioti, he says:—*-'! f' a'),l nijse f trj^nsfornieil from u 
canoidat before tlt^ ,, - i-le, to pii eleciorfor ti.L people. I 

impcessjon, rcstmi,- on a mass of undoubted deliberately ,xai.i.,rfi!,.. duties .n«d,i;t to Oiis new afi- 

,1 . ' , ., Tu 4. i », /•! ,', tude. Hid weighrti all ih- fads '.fore ii.e,up:i> which ir.y 

tacts, existed, that he was next to Mr. CJay in judgm. nt «-.istobe foiuKd or revi.wcd, if th* eagerness 

the estimation of the western people. of anj of tin hjate.i p utisans of the i-spectivt candidates 

n-.t -I « 1 1- ..f., ...,.>-. ..-k:,-K t-Vio,- suirirestetl a taiklinessin thi deeia.ation of lay n.'enlions, I 

These were the only facts Ujion v,hich thev ^^^-t ,,^.j ,j^^,,he ne« relanan in wh.eh I was placed to ti,..- 

could found a faithful course ot action at the suhjert.iinnsed on mean obnpitioi. to ..aysome respect 

time, and they could leave no doubt that >fUiey •» llVS'^/^^'^'l^'-'iJIllJ-^rrh^s'in?:!?^ 1 

made the WlU of the people the rule OI tlieir ^c^r he became tiamlbrmed into unelectw for the people, 

conduct, ihev should vote for General Jackson both because he was l.eset by beaied panisans, and because 
* -- , , . ,. , Ills new relation to thee. teiioii imposed on luiii ob.lgatious 

of delirac) and decorum. But i.. ins pamphlet, his last, or 
rathei-. his latest attempt at justilicauoii, he says, (p. 13.) 
'* Mr. EouUgny, Senator fro;. Lonisidlia, bore to me the 
first jiutbe'nlit infurinati' 11 whi hi leceivedol th=.. vote of 
Louisiana, and c. nsi'#^i.tntly of my i-xclusionfiom the house. 
And yet in out firsi interview, in answer to sii inquiry 
which he made, i toUihiiu without hesitation, IhaL I should 
vote fitr Mr. Adanism prtl-r.uce to Gen. Jackson.'* Was 
this tardiness, < ii-acy, or decorum? In the very " first in- 
leruew,"' and on the very first inquiry, after he *'fijund 
hinise*, placed in the ni w attitude of elector for the peo- 
ple.'' si.fiirfroin Ti.-ing taid>, delicate, or decorous, on the 
subjeciie avow; his intentions " to vote for Mr. Adams in 
preference to Geo. Jackson." Xow suppose a man to cociu 
to his li^aihby bemg j^oisoned with arsenic; and th.it a sus- 
pected persop, when anr.iKned for the niuidc]-, should, up. 
on lii^ first e\aniin-nion alhnn, that the arsenic which he 
houghu *vSs all used in paisonii/g rats, and on his second that 
he hae Ix-nghtno aisenicat all, would not his conlrail-ction 
rivet on t; e minds of the jurj a conviction of bis guilt' 
And yetitisnotso flagrant as that of Mr. Clay— for_ one 
branch of bis is carried out into a compla.nt agauist *'heat- 



The course of events has evolved others v.hich 
confirm tiiat conclusion. The elections in Ken- 
tucky, Missouri and Illinois, have proved in- 
contestably what Mr. Johnson earnestly denies, 
that in the last Pre.sidenlial election, " the will 
of tire people was improperly disappointed by 
their representatives." That is, if the people 
who elected Messrs. Daniel, Yancey, Chilton, 
l^yon, Duncan and Kates, to the preterit Con- 
gres-s, know their own v.ill as well us SL-. John- 
son docs. 

The charge of corruption, which Mr. Clay, 
fixed upon "himself and his tie.xiblc friends at 
vKe last election — under which some of tliem 
pine in painful obscurity, and he himself 

wi'ithesin splendid disgrace — Mr. Johnson af- 

lirms \vas met bv Mr. Clav assoon as it was ei|iariisans," ondimoa claim to therefiDement of'deli- 
^' t 1 '• 1 i' 1 . :♦., ..,.-. ,.,,„.t a ,.£. caev and d^^carum." Again..-He insists (p. i8.J that on the 

preferred, and aoaildoned by its suppoiters ijt^ Dee. when the vote of Louisiana and his consequent 
when they were challenged for proof. — exclusionti-oui the House, were oniy conjectured from re. 
'rht5 The reader will at once r'-coenise as the po", >"" authentically known, and of course wi,en he was 
inistne leaaerwiu at oin-e lhj^iii^c -^ \-'^ but ha'f "translWiued imo an elector for the people, he 
empty and mcau.ious langiia!',e ot Wr. l^lay [ou i,n-.JiuiiesB.irbour, v^uihadhimself just been trans- 
himscir, on those occasions upon V,-hich he has lormcd f.om an '-laser partismi" of .Mi-..C'ravvfoid, toan 
' ' ... , ,, „„„,, „ ' L- ^v,„„_ .,„,l " eager partisan" of Mr. Adaras.that '-in the event of the 

been permitted to e.xchange hl» cheap ancl ..^mS^t bVlng nanowed down to Mr. Adams ami Gen. Jack- 
S'lSCOn elftouence, for the \vir:ear.d mutton of scn.he vias rnfavorclMr. Adams." And to prove still fur- 



51 



ed by die sophistry of Mr. Clay and his pa- stitueiits," ho declares, '-lias 1)6611 torn iron, 

rasites as to liope for any relief to his re- its context, misinterpreted, and used 03 the ao 

nutation from Mr. Kremer's failure to con- tliority upon which the President is charged 

vict him, suppose for a moment that Paul- with the heresy, that the representative owes 

iWr.g, Williams and Van Wart, who captured no obligation to the will of his constituents." 

Andre and led to the detection of Arnold's The spirit of a recent convert seems here to 

treason, had only charged him with intending animate the languidformality of Mr. Johnson^- 

to deliver up West Point for a lucrative appoint- style, and there is something: soft if not lender, 

ment in the British Army. Suppose Arnold in his lament over the fate of this exquislXt 

had then demanded an 'investigation of this figure of >lr. Adams!— 
charge before a military tribunal, and had chal- 
lenged its supporters to the proof. Suppose 
tlurse patriots had failed, as they must have done, 
to convict him— th:it he had then held the trea- 



"Oh.hadit tJiou, cruel! been content to seize 
Hiiirs less iu s.giit, or uny liairs but these." 



sonable correspondence with Sir H. Clinton 
and received tlie lucrative appointment — would 
it be possible to extract any proof of his inno- 
cence from the result of the investigation' 
Could any fiiend of his attempt such an im- 
position on tlie common sense of mankind; or 
Would the most sceptic;d historian consider this 
circumstance asdiminishingby agrain of doubt, 
the mas-s of evidence against him? The par- 
rallelism of these cases cannot be denied; and 
the only historical variation between them is. 



But Mr. Jolinsonhasevidentlynothiiigofpoetry 
in his soul, but the fiction, and his sorrow will 
accordingly be found to be more causeless than 
that of Belinda. In that paragraph of the mes- 
sage which begins, "The spirit of improve- 
ment is abroad upon the earth," the represen- 
tatives of the nation are told tliat "Liberty is 
power; that the nation blessed with the largest 
portion of liberty," (intimating his inbred 
oiiinion that even the freest nation ought to be 
under a wholesome reservation of liberty by 
their rulers,) "must, in proportion to its num- 
ber.s, be the most powerful nation upon earth; 



that Arnold's emissary was apprehended, and ^^j ^^^^^ tj^g tenure of power by man, is, in the 

that Clay's has not been. How cruelly absurd ^gy^\ purposes of the Creator, upon conditiou 

then is it, for the adherents of the Secretary of that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, 

State to recur to this mock investigation in jg improve the condition of himself and his fel- 

chanting his praise; and how desperate must be. Jowmen. While foreign nations, less blessed 

, .- r ,u .. •- .1 *,-_ ...i...-!, ^^.^j^ ^j^^^ freedom wliich is power, than oiiv- 



thecondition" of that man's character, wliicii 
when criminated by the circumstances of 1 



lis 
own conduct, can be vindicated only by a mode 
of justification which leads directly to the de- 
monstration of his guilt? The author of the 
address adds to this ab.surdity, another, which. 



selves, are advancing with gigantic strides 
the career of public improvement, were we tt 
slumber in indolence, fold up our ai-ms, and 
proc)aim to the world, that we are palsied by 
the will of our constituents, would it not be tr 
as he is an expert and approved attorney, is cast away the bounties of Providence, and dooiii 
as remarkable as it is obvinus. He asserts ourselves to perpetual inferiority?" it must be 
that General Jackson has given the sanction - ■ ' ■ - • • 

of his name to the charge of corruption un- 
der which the Secretary Ubours. It will be re- 
membered that ilr. Clay himself has eagerly 
assumed this position. But it is in direct op- 
sitioii' to truth. Gen. Jackson has never adopt- 
ed the charge or given it tiip sanction of his 
name. He has only testified to a fact having 
connexi^-n with it, and instead of being a pro- 
secutor, he i" a witness — a distinction, to which 



confessed that this passage, which wouhl be as 

well placed on a page of Newton's Principia as 

in a. President's message, is sufficiently tumit. 

and obscure, and cannot be chj.rged with any 

very du'ect signification. But its import, when 

carefu'ly interpreted, certainly amounts to thib. 

ly.ere are tu--' )' les of poliiicu! action for our 

government — u'.f, derived from that condition, 

{'jure divi.'ioj whickin the execution of his mor- 

ul piirpoies the Creator attaches to the tenure oj 

noordinaiy intemperance of zeal could have pau;era'.idthe possesion of liberty, which iapcrwer, 

blinded Mr. Johnson. 4^ ,„c„. 7?,. other, that which emanates from the 

These abortive attempts to justify the last ^^m of the people. Under the operation nf the firs,: 

election, antl to criminate all who were offended ^„/(,^ foreign nations, cnjoijing kss if that lilert;, 

by its impurity, are preliminary to a formal vin- j^./jjVA ;g power, than ourselves, a7id consequently 



dication of tlie conduct and doctrines oi the 
President, and to a studied and detailed misre- 
presentation of every feature in Gen. Jackson's 
character, and every act of his life. In confor- 
mity with this divisicn of his su'oject, Mr. John- 
son imputes the general di-^satisfactifjn which 
succeeded the first .ncssage of Mr. Adams "to 
(mwarrant;ible. inferences" drav.'n from some of 
his expressions by the "ftctious opposition;" — 
thus, notwithstanding his loyal hatred of military 



less energetically impressed by the condition at- 
tached by the Creatirr, (a its tenure, are advancing 
with gigantic strides, in the caretr of public im- 
provement, and exerting their power "to ends cf 
beneficence," in conformity ivilh the ntoriJ pur- 
poses of our Creator. Ifv:e do 7iol nLa advance 
"with gigantic strides in the career of public im- 
provenient" — if we forbear !o e.vert o-jr power "tc 
ends oJ bcntficenc''," we st'all "cast away the. 
bounties of Providence and doom ourselves to per- 
" t^kallr-:- 



chieftains, adopting the old mihtary maxim of p^^al inferiority to foreign nations." 
carrying the war into the enemy's country, ^^n f^„„( ^/,g ^^.g^,^ „,/g which is imposed by the. 
■ ■ - ■ • ... .- ^, ■ , V . ._ J* .._..! . !._;?.• V...* — 



the war 
The'pi^rase "palsied by the will of our con- 



ther hW "tardiness," ** delicacy an;t decorum," he avers 
(p. 19,20,J Ih.u iminetii, teljr- alter the 2O1I1 of Doc. »hen 
Mr. BouliipiT gave hioi the lirst authrntic informaljon of 
his exclusion fiom tli.- Hunse, and consequent transliirma- 
tioninlo "an elector for tie people," he told (ieii. LaTay- 
e(te ''that tse had concluded to vote lor ^ Mr. Adams." 
These contradictions carry ihe eviden«;e ajains*. him, as lar 
t> ihf? force ol moiiil Drool can iro. 



Creator upon free nations, and shall in fact pro- 
cla'ni to the world that we arc reduced by the will 
of our constituents, to a political impotence as fee- 
ble and uncouth as the muscular action of a pal- 
sied frame. 

It must be admitted that not only are the ttvo 
rules here nrJposed, but that the power of con- 
♦r.^st, and the effect cf f omparison. are osenec 



■:.j the best of Mr. Adams' ability to mJiice 
•Sjongress to prefer the first and to despise the 
second. But in case Mr. Johnson should be 
disposed to dispute this point, it may be well 
to add a little more of the precious context 
from which this "morsel for a King" has been 
torn by the ruthless republicans. Mr. Adams 
proceeds — "In thecourse ofthe year now draw- 
ing to (ts close, we have beheld, under the au- 
spices and at the expense of one State of this 
Union, a new Univei-sity unfolding its portals to 
♦he sons of science, and holding up the torcli of 
human imprcvement to eyes tha* seek the light. 
We have seen under the persevering and en- 
lightened ente. prisi of another Slate, tlie wa- 
ters of our western lakes mingled with those of 
the ocean. If undertakings like these have been 
accomplished, in the compass of a few years, 
by the authority of single memb..-rs of our con- 
fedei-ation, can we, the representative authori- 
ties of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow 
servants in the exercise of the trust committed 
io us for the benefit of our common sovereign, 
by the accomplishment of works important to 
the whole, and to which neitlier the authority 
nor the resources of any one State can be ade- 
quate." Here evidently another standard of 
power is recommended to the Congress, hardly 
less indefinite and alurming thau the fcn-mer. 
It is urged that inasmuch as the authority and 
resources of Virginia and New York, have been 
adequate to the erection of a new University, 
and the completion of the Gi-Jid Canal, it is the 
duty of the representative authorities of the 
wiiole Union to exercise power and resources 
.sufficient for the consti-uction of works and the 
expansion of improvement, as much beyond 
'hese particular enterprises as the resources of 
the whole Union exceed those of either of these 
States. And the authority of the general gov- 
ernment, instead of being mtasured by the 
cjrants and reservations of the constitution, is to 
be regulated by the inverse proportion which 
the whole confederacy bears to a particular 
State. Tims, according to Mr. Adam.^, the moral 
condition of our existence, and the physical 
circumstances of our Union, conspire to absolve 
the representative from obedience to the v/ill of 
his constituents. And it cannot fail to be per- 
ceived, that under lus florid and uml^ageous 
diction, lurks t!ie ofieiisive idea of patronizing 
file people and i.niproving the States, which all 
men with a spark of freedom in their souls must 
abhor, as ctrenuously as nature does a vacuum. 
■•.Vilh equ.diz«il and success it is attempted to 
iust'ifv tile terms of infinite assumption and im- 
"perious menace with which Mr. Adams repre- 
hended certain proceedings of the St.ate of Geor- 
c;ia. I have not before me that remarkable com- 
iiiun;c:t0on,butlam willing to take Mr. Johnson's 
t:xtenuated statement of its substance, in order 
to prove ho«' riclily both its author and its ad- 
vocate deserve the reprobaticn of an enhghten- 
'ed people. Tlie latter s.ays, " he hiade an ob 
rioijs tliiiiigii not an .ivowcd reference to his 
oalli of otlice, as imposing an obi:yation above 
:'!1 iiuiiiun law." Nfv.- tliis is either an iiitel- 
jc'i-tual absurdity or ;i polit.rul sin. Tlie Coil- 
s', itutioii of the United Stati'S, denominated by 
Mr. Johnson himself, " the sup<.me law of tlie 
land," prescribes certain duties for the Presi- 
dent, among which is that of taking the oath 
of otricc. To say that the perfo/rnanaj of this 
"OT^e d'ltv imtioseson th..^ President an oblicr.ttion 



above the supreme law of the iand, and tire 
very law whi,ch prescribes it, is to say that the 
creature is above the creator; and that the sanc- 
tion of a religious ceremony to the obligation 
of the President to prtstne, protert and defend 
the constitution, endows him with a right to 
violate his oath and todestioy the constitution. 
Again — lo say that his oath of office imposes 
an obligation above the supreme law, or re- 
quires at his hand tlie performance of other 
duties, than those prescribed by the constitu- 
tion, is avowing at once that this is not a gov- 
ernment of laws, and that the executive branch 
is above the conti-ol of the constitution. In the 
first sense, the e.ipression is absurd; in the se- 
cond, criminal; in both sufficie'itly offensive; 
and to be fair with Mr. Johnson, ne is welcome 
to ascribe it as he pleases, eitlier to want of 
sense or want of principle, in his hero. 

In palliating the more questionable demerits 
of the president in regard to h'S equivocal sup- 
port of that policy wliich inclines to an exorbi- 
tant tariff of duties on imports, for the purpose 
of encouraging domestic manufactures, Mr. 
Johnson shines mere as a panegyrist than as an 
economist or civilian. All liberal men agree 
that error of opinion on this subject involves 
no radical defect of principle. Large divisions 
of our territory and popidation, are the seats of 
adverse doctrines on this momentous and yet 
experimental matter, and as they are nil anima- 
ted by undoubted patriotism, there is every 
reason to hope that the true point beyond which 
the riglit of ta,xatioti vested in the federal gov- 
ernment ought not to be carried, will be season- 
ably determined by the luminous c ol'.ision of 
their respective systems. Already important 
light has been shed on the matter by the author 
of Bhutus, in the Charleston Mercury. He 
maint.ains tliat the exercise of th" taxmg power 
was intended by the framers of the constitution 
to be confined to the purpose of revenue, and 
that whenever it might become expedient for 
the industry of any quarter of the Union, to 
encourage the production of a particular com- 
modity, it was designed that the State or States 
interested therein, should assume the qualified 
exercise of the taxing power, " with the con- 
sent of Congress, and on comlitiun that the 
duties so raised slioald be paid into the Treas- 
ury of the United States." Whoever reads his 
essays will feel persuaded that his exphcatior. 
of many important questions :nvolving the pow- 
ers of the General Government, is both origi- 
nal and profound, and promises the establish- 
ment of a fiscal policy consonant to the spirit 
of the constitution and com'.ucivc to the pre- 
servation of the Union. I wish it could be said 
that either of these great objects was likely to 
be advanced by the dissertation of Mr. Johnson, 
the polarity of whose mind seems insensible to 
their high attraction, and to turn with trembling 
constancy to the foot of the thror»e. Tlieright 
of the government, accordingly, he deduces 
from its pratllce, as an attorney establishes 
principle by precedent, and as if the govern- 
ment of the United .States were to ini])rove 
every thing but its own practices. He insists 
that the doctrine of indirect taxation was prac- 
tised upon by the Admiiiistration of Wasliing- 
ton,and by that of all his succes-snrs — giving into 
a fallacy, wliich, though it makes his argument 
plausible, renders it unsound. 

The power of taxa*ion, like other power' 



53 



vested la tlie general goveriiuient, has an ob- 
ject direct and objects resulting. Its direct ob- 
ject is the raising of revenue; among its result- 
ing objects is the encouragenient of domestic 
manufactures. This is clearly secondaiy in in- 
tention, and subordinate in iinpi-rtance to the 
first object. It must accordingly be increased 
or diminished, as the scale of taxation is en- 
larged or contracted. But it is an inversion of 
the order of things, as well as a perversion of 
the meaning of the constitution, to say that the 
scale of revenue is to be enlarged, not to supply 
the necessary expenses, or to pay the debts of 
the nation, but to increase ttit : ^iultiiig action 
of tlie taxing power— a power which plainly 
would never have been intrusted to the gen- 
eral government but for the necessity wliicli 
exists in all governments for its direct object, 
revenue. Hence it does not follow, as Mr. 
Johnson labors to show, because Gen. Wash- 
ington establisiied a taiiff of duties, and suc- 
ceeding administrations increased it, that his 
policy and the policy of his successors was, in 
this r.-spect, fii.-bu.-iP. (;en.Was'.-i'-if,toi-'s poli- 
* cy Wi-nt no further than t'.^ direct objtc' -A 'i,e 
taxing pow.;i- required, f he iighte.^' duty on 
the importation ortngiisli boots communicates 
sc".e degree of encouragement to Ainei'ican 
boot makers and tanners; and as that no similar 
duties must be imposed in order to provide in 
the most convenient nay for the e>:pcnses of 
government, it is certaiijy a mitigation of the 
necessary evil of ta-xatimi, that a uset'ul branch 
of domestic industry should be promoted by it. 
But themiiigat'.on of an evil does not make it a 
good. And the objection vliich lies against 
the policy of Mr. Ada.ns, and in a less degree 
aga'nst iliat of Mr. Monroe, is, that it propo- 
ses to ex.ircise the taxing power no.t for its di- 
rect object, and uo doubt ci^nstioitirnal end, 
but for its resulting ubj'. els — not for a.^iiifioieiit 
revenue, but for a multitude of manufactures; 
thus transcending the particular jesign and 
violating tlie general spirit of the constitution, 
by taxing one part of the commumty for the 
benefit of another, making the relative condi- 
tion of tne southern States worse tlian it was 
before the Union, giving the manufacturing 
States greater privileges than they would have 
enjoyed without it; and burthening a great, 
salutary and venerable branch of human indus- 
try', for one less extensive and less favorable to 
the physical wants and moral condition of maji- 
kind. — Let the report of Mr. Secretary Rush, 
in which he proposes the artificial and oppres- 
sive sy.stem of England as a model tor the finan 
cial policy of this country, and ^alks about rf^a- 
lating every hbre of labor, and every species of 
property in this vast confederacy of tree States, 
by a nicely balanced machinery of encouraging 
ta.vation, be exairmed, and the inoiihi.ate and 
unconstitutional excess of Mr. Adams' policy 
in the employment of the taxing pov/er, will at 
once be percci' ed. 

Nor will the force of this contrast be at 
all weakened by ti e fact which Mr. Johnson 
relies on — viz. that the law of '89, laying the 
first duties imposed under the constitution, and 
advocated by Mr. Madison, then a member of 
Congress, recites .n its preamble, that the laying 
of duties " was necessary lor the support of go- 
T.ernmeht, for the discharge of the debts of the 
^T.nited States, and the encu-jtrafiement and pro- 



tection of domestic vuumfaUures." The goverii 
ment was then new, and just getting into opera 
tion. The important and searching power of 
taxation was then first to be applied to the in- 
habitants and property of a number of free States 
who had confided it reluctantly, with many mis- 
givings and hesitations, to the federal head 
Under these circumstances, it w as the duty o! 
Congress, and no doubt their aim, to make the 
first act of taxation as palatable as possible, to 
recommend it as strongly as they could to the 
people, upon whose opinion they knew tlie 
whole fabric of government rested. They there- 
fore recited in the preamble, the two great cir- 
cumstances which rendered taxation necessary, 
and the one which was most likely to lender i£ 
acceptable. The first was addrcs.sed to their 
patriotism, the second to their honor, the thirtt 
to their interest — powerful appeals to paramount 
motives. This was the object of the pieamble, 
as tlie least insight into the circumstances of the 
period would have taught Mr Johnson, and as 
is apparent from the fact, that subsequent bills 
of revenue contain no such recitations. It is 
!.». J to f^rbrur a smile at reflecting on the deri- 
sion and surprise Ht\.: -h.c;. ihf; safes of '89 
wo lid look on this attempt to legalize a broad 
and encroaching system of policy, not by ex- 
pounding the termt or analysing the spirit of the 
constitution, but by ital.cising a phrase "torn 
from Its context" in the corner of a preamble to 
an act. 

But he contends that whether Mr. Adams be 
right or wrong in respect to tlie tariff, or his 
'•ineffably gigantic" schemes of internal im- 
provement, fiis friends may applaud and the na- 
tion trust lilm, because his opinions are at Iea^t 
as right as those of General Jackson. This, al- 
though it will turn out to be an improvement 
upon 'the old absurdity of igtiolttm per ignotius, 
is probably the most fair and formidable iiifer- 
I'nre in the address: for, as Hoe i cr has said, 
that rhange even from t/te tvorse, is suineiimes in- 
convtriiient, there miuht be some colour of reascii 
in advising the American people to refit satis- 
fied with Adams, seeing that Jackson's opinioiis 
coincided with his. But unfortunately for Mr- 
Johr.son, even this slender argument is denied 
him by the assertion of tlie Riclimond meeting, 
by which his convention stands publicly affilia- 
ted, and to which he sent n liia ng»morabIc ad- 
hesion. That assertion is not disr.vowed or dis- 
puted, and is of course adopted b_y Mr. Johr. 
son's address, and it declares that " Gen. Jacii- 
son shrouds his opinions of the tariff in impene- 
trable mystery." While these opinianiiarfe thus 
concealed in "impenetrable mystery," how- 
does Mr. Johnson discover that tKey coincide 
exactly with those of Mr. Adams.' The detec- 
tion of such an insidious inc»nsistency.as this, in 
tl'e grave, earnest and public affirmations of a 
man of Mr. Johnson's standing, must affect eve.-^i 
his adversaries with more regret than pleasure, 
and excite a feeling of tender abhorrence, like 
that which induces us to pity and approve ths 
execution of a criminal. 

Having with these infelicitous errors, bo#l of 
argument and assertion, endeavcrcd tojusll.Py 
the doctrines of Mr. Adams, (avoiding carofiK 
ly all mention of " the constitutional compe- 
tency,") and having enjoined upon the Ameri- 
can people (what wasnodoubt modestly meant) 
♦hi duty of anplvinsr to tb''. consideration o: 



04 



;!ie President's conduct, that indulgent rule of 
construction which ensures impunity to guilt 
rather than security to innocence, Jlr. John- 
son proceeds with a sudden change of tempe- 
rature, to make a portentous reference to the 
vast and delicate duties of the chief magistrate, 
and fierce allusions to the temper and ac- 
tions of General Jackson. No part of the ad- 
dress discovers a colder prejudice or a more fer- 
vent loyalty than this. The Riciniiond, is like 
the Roman courtier, in odio sa'itis, bhnd'hrjuen- 
tia eomis. It is really surprishig to see the 
same pen running with the lightness of Camil- 
Ja's step ever the faults of the man in power, 
and falling with the demolishing tread of an 
elephant on the virtues of a private citizen. 
I/ike the "lithe proboscis" of that .shrewd 
animal, however, it handles tenderly what is 
frail, and what is sound rudely; and the quick- 
sighted people of Virginia will neither be in- 
flamed into injustice by Mr. Johnson's violence 
nor deceived into submission by his gentleness. 
As if emphasis were not ridiculous in stale mls- 
"epresentations, and a tone of deep-mouthed 
vituperation natural to those whose accusations 
are unsupported by fact, be tells them, with an 
air of amazing conlidence, that General Jack- 
son has "trampled on the laws and constitu- 
tion of his country, has sacrificed the lives and 
liberties of men, and made his own arbitrary 
will, the rule of his conduct." But hisfundameii- 
tal position is this — " Capacity for civil affairs, 
in a country like ours, where tlie road to pre- 
ferment is open to merit in every class of so- 
ciety, is never long concealed, and seldom left 
in retirement." It is then added, that "Ge- 
neral Jackson has lived beyond the age of si.tty 
years, and was bred to the profession best cal- 
culated to improve and display the faculties 
which civil employments reqviire; but the his- 
tory of his public life in those employments is 
told in a few brief lines in a single page of his 
biographer. He filled successively and fo;- ve- 
ry short periods, the office of member of the 
Tennessee Convention, which formed their 
State Constitution, Ilepresentativc and Senator 
iu Congress, Judge of the Supremo Court of 
Tennessee, and again Senator in Congress of 
the United States." Where a man is so very 
<lidactic as Mr. Johnson is, accuracy of know- 
ledge and precision of detail might be expect- 
ed. But th«Be humble constituents of truth 
lie far beneath the range of his romantic fancy, 
as the reade(; who chooses to consult Eaton's 
work will find.* The account of Jackson's 
"ciril employments" is not contained on a 
" single page" of that work, snd Mr. Johnson's 
summary of it is defective as to the very im- 
portant office of Attorney General, which 
Washington, no mean judge of merit, himself 
conferred. But if we admire the fidelity of his 
statements, we shall be amazed at the accuracy 
of his reasoning. He concludes, that as capa- 
city for civil ofiices is in this countrv " never 
Jong concealed and seldom left in relu-ement," 
the frequent appointment and repeat»d elec- 

• Sec pape 17, 13. 

General Jackson, thoug^h no set-fast in office, was ei^ht 
years Atloi-nej- (General of the Territory, and si.t yeitrs 
.iurfjjeof the highest court of the State. His resipnatiunof 
(bi3 last 8t;itii»n was accepted on the 24Ih .luly, 1304^ thir- 
teen days attcr Hamilton was shot by Burr, and a year at 
least before the appearance of Burr in ihe Westt-rn coun- 
try, with whom, as a Judge, the secret slanderers under the 
mnna^emrnt of Mr. Johnson, a'terapt to associate him. 



tion of Gen. Jackson is proof positive of hib> 
notorious incapacity to fill them. Thereis some- 
thing transcendental in this syllogism. And if 
we reflect that in addition to Mr. Johnson's cor- 
rected list of civil offices, Gen. Jackson has fill- 
ed the important ones of commissioner for re- 
ceiving the cession of Florida, of Governor of 
that Territory under the Spanish laws, and ne- 
gotiator of several of our most important Indian 
treaties; that he ni'ver solicited an office in his 
life, or abused tiie confidence which his con- 
stituents repostd in him — that Mr. Adams never 
filled one which connected him immediate^ 
with the people, t'^c great central fire which 
distributes warmdi and life to our whole sys- 
tem, and tiiat his services were recommended 
to one party by descent, and to the other by 
purchase, its value as apolitical argument may 
be correctly estimated. The evident distortion 
of Mr. Johnson's judgment seems to be chroni- 
cally confirmed by the fact, that Gen. Jackson 
resigned several of these offices, manifesting a 
preference for private li*e, in unison with the 
taste of Cincinn.atus, of Wa.sliington, and c#8ll 
the greatest patriots of the world, and in oppo- 
sition to that low ambition which caiuiot exist 
out of the purlieus of the treasury. The clas- 
sical reader wdl remember how the Roman 
writers celebrate the reluctance with which the 
Dictator ab Aratro left Ids farm, snd the satis- 
faction with which, crowned with laurels, he 
retired to it. The same disposition was Seen 
and admired in our beloved Washington. In a 
letter to a member of Congress, who was per- 
suading him to accept the office of President, 
then just created, he thus expressed himself; 
" Ynu are among lln.- small number of those who 
know my invincible attachment to domestic life, 
and that my sincere wish is to continue in the 
enjoyment of it solely, to my final hour. My 
increasing foralness for agTicultural amuse- 
ments, and my growing love of retirement, aug- 
ment and confirm wy decided predilection for 
the character of a private citizen." And he 
concludes — " You will perceive, m/ dear sir, 
from what is here ob.served, that my inclinatjons 
will dispose and decide me to remain as I am,un- 
less a clear and insurmountable conviction sfiould 
be impressed on my mind, that some very disa- 
greeable consequences must, in ail human pro- 
bability, result from the indulgence of my wish- 
es." This letter was written when Washing- 
ton was in his 57th year, and Jackson was 58 
when he made his last and most splendid re- 
signation. This is the temper and these are 
the habits that render " military chieftains" the 
defendersof tlierepubiic in war, andits guar- 
dians in peace; and it is not the least extrava- 
gant of Mr. Johnson's paralogisms, that in the 
same breath he should descant on the danger- 
ous influence of military renown, and reproach 
its posS'.'.ssor with an obstin.tte predilection for 
private life. Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams, it is true, 
have never yet offered to the world mat best 
and most lovely evidence of merit, which modes- 
ty displays; they iiave never resigned one office 
without the prospect of another, and are not 
likely to impose on their eulogists the task of 
portraying the grand but quiet virtue of disin- 
terestedness. Yet Washington, the miUtary 
chieftain, served eight years without giving rea- 
son to doubt his wisdom or integrity, while 
Messrs. Adams and Clay, the diplomatist and 



the orator, have eftected in less than half that 
time, a general conviction that they are desti- 
tute oi'both. ■ - 

Hut, says Mr. Johnson, Gt-neial Jackson not 
only " resigned tliree, but passed thruiig-h all 
tliese offices, acknowledgini^ liis untitness in 
two instances, manifestly feeling' it in all, and 
lc;aving; no single act, no trace behind, which 
stamps his qualifications above mediocrity." 
Such allcg'ations as tWse are enough (to use 
Mr. Johnson's peculiar dialect) *'to sta.np 
theirauthor below mediocrity" — astliey abound 
in misstatement and misconstruction. An indi- 
vidual is appointed to one office, and succes- 
sively promoted to two others, and because he 
\'acates the subordinate ones in order to reach 
the hig'hcst in the series, these acts of resig'na- 
tion ai'e Interpreted into a confession of hisov/n 
unfitness. Uid Mr. Clay acknowledge his un- 
fitness for the Speaker's chair, when he resign- 
ed it and 'oot oince in the cabinet of Mr. 
Adams ' Does a Colonel evince a conscious ■ 
incapacity when he accepts the commission of 
(Jeneral ' (Jen. Jackson res)gT,ed his seat in 
the House of Representatives to fdl a place in 
the Sen.ate, and this station he resigned with a 
patriotisnj and iibeiality highly honorable to 
him, to make room for Hen. Daniel Smith, his 
neighbor and friend — a gentleman whose su- 
perior age and scientific attainments gave him 
peculiar claims to public confidence, and in- 
spired a hope that he would prove a useful ac- 
cession to the party wriich was then opposed tn 
the administration of the elder Adams. This 
disinterestcl act, which few of the many who, 
can make long speeches would be capable of, 
is urged in the address as further proof of inca- 
pacity, and the formidable array of evidence 
10 that point, is completed by the assertion that 
" no trace," that is. no speecli is left behind 
him in his civil career, placing him above me- 
diocrity. 15ut before the conclusion here de- 
signed can be admilieU, it must be ascertained 
whether a long speech in Congress, is not in 
nine cases out of ten, at least, a proof of jnedi- 
ocrity.* A member of Congress, v.'ho, without 
t'ne possession of rare oratorical powers, makes 
!on^ spceolics, is known to have given full ex- 
ertion to his abilities, and has no claim to a re- 
putation higher than that which is acquired by 
a large portion of his comrades. AVIiereas a si- 
}ent member is regardtil as possessed of such 
strength of mind and dignity of taste, as to dis- 
dain the slender repute which one or more 
speeches create, and is, for that very reason, 
considered far above mediocrity. When 
Patrick llenrj- was asked " who he thought 
the greatest man" in the famous Congress of 
'r4, from v.'hich he v.-as just returned, he re- 
plied — '• If you speak of eloquence, Mr. liut- 
ledge of South-Carolina, is by far the greatest 
orator ; but if you speak of solid judgment and 
sound information. Col. Washington is unques- 
tionably the greatest man on that lloor."! Yet 
Washino-ion "passed through and resigned" 
this and other civil offices, .without leaving " a 
trace" behiinl, which in tlie accurate style and 
estimation of Mr. Johnson, "stamped his quali- 
fications abov; mediocrity." It is r.ither unfor- 
tunate for one vi'ho undertakes to instruct the 
people of Virginia, tint his most oracular cpl- 

* Frank Juhnson made a speech five days loiiEf. 

• Win''! lil'-of Henryipa.i: 111. 



nions should conflict witii the dictates of con.- 
mon sense, the judgment of Patrick Henry 
and the example of Washington. 

The temper of Gen. Jackson is said to be a-- 
un?uitable as his capacity, and "the spirit of 
domination displayed in !iis celebrated letter to 
Gov. Uabun," is referred to as evidence that the 
othce of President should not be intrusted 
to liis "impetuosity of temper" ami "fiery 
misrule." In a deep prophetic tone it is added, 
a foreign war may come, may rage with vl-c^ 
lence, and may find General Jacicson at the 
head of tb.{i civil government, and commander 
in chief of the laud and naval forces. Dissen- 
tient views among tie statesmen may arise — 
controversies grow up between the State .and 
federal authorities — na discussions and contro- 
^ ersies have heretofore arisen — and who theij, 
we pray you, can answer for the consequences 
of that spirit which said to Gov. Kabitii, "wlieu 
1 am in the field you have no authority to i^sue 
a military order." it m.ay be thought singular 
that Mr. Johnson, after having so bitterly revil- 
ed and lamented the unfairness of tearing "from 
their context" the expressions of the President, 
should, when urging a charijC so personal in its 
nature as this against his rival, and attaching to 
it, as a consequence, "the dissolution of the 
Union, and death to the hope« of every free go. 
vcrnment upon earth," be guilty of this very 
unfairness himself, v.'ith a violence too whi(;li 
cannot be conceived wrthout attending to the 
following summary of facts : 

When General Jackson assumed the direc- 
tion of the Seminole war, he found General 
Gaines near Hartford, in Georgia, at the hcatl 
of the contingent for;e of that State, which he 
speedily put into motion. Advancing with his 
raw force of one thousand men, in the direc- 
tion of Port Scott, he passed on rude rafts ami 
scarce practicable routes, tlie fenny swamps 
»|d flooded rivers of that region, impelled by 
tne energy of his character and the hope of 
finding the supplies which had been ordet^^S 
there, at Fort Early. But when b» reached 
that, place, the danger of famine was npt 
abated, there bajng only a barrel and a half of 
flour and a few buslj'.-!s of corn in the Fort. In 
the neighborhood lived a small tribe of Indians, 
the Chehaws, whose friendsliip, though doubt- 
ed, now proved sincere. To these sons of the 
forest, in his extremity, he applicil, desiring- 
them to bring in sucli .supplies of coi'n, peas ariU 
potatoes as they couhl sjjare, !md pi-imising 
liberal pay forthem. Theyimmedialely brought 
a small supply, and on the General's encamp- 
ing near their village, which lay directly in his 
route to Fort Scott, their aged Chief, Howard, 
the survivor of many wars with the kings of the 
forest and tlie foes of his tribe, received him as 
a brother, and the simple-h<ai'ted community 
emptied almost to exhaustion, to relieve th« 
wants of their guests, the small stock of food 
which had been collected for their subsistence 
through the winter. Knthusiasm succeeding 
their kindness — the few warriors of the village 
joined the American stand.ard, and it was only 
in compliance with Jackson's request, that the 
grandson of Howard, a youth of eighteen, was 
left to as.^ist that patiiarch of the woods, in .Tt- 
ten.V ^^ to the old men, women and chilJreii. 
Thus, confiding in the honor of Gen :.ial Jack- 
sen, and in tlje faith of the TJuffed States., thft 



Ob 



Chehaw villiigers weVe left iii complete expo- 
sure. But what had they (o apprehend, or 
what had General Jackson to appreliend for 
Ihem' To tlie commandinjf officer of the 
small garrison left at Fort F.arly, he had given 
instruction to consider the Ciiehaws as friends, 
and there was no power behind him that could 
be danijerous to the allies of the United States. 
Havinp^ clasped the i-iglit hand of Howard in 
friendship, niai-shalled the warnors of the tribe, 
and assured the women of peace and protection, 
who, with their " yoiino: barbarians," witness- 
dd his departure, he hastened onward to the 
tli-atre of JR-ar. 

Where the iion walks harmless, the wolf 
pr.-'wls most ferocioii^ly. A Captain \Vi'ig-lit, 
of tile tieoi'gia militia, upon some false informa- 
tion, conceived and cominunicuted to the Go- 
vernor, the imjiression, that uficr the marcli of 
Gen-J-al Jackson from the viciaity of Hartford, 
hoslUiues .had bt-en c'jmmitted on that section 
of tiie frontier by the Vhilhmees and Oponees — 
.subordinate or ta'hcr incorporaied s^pts of the 
Chehaw tribe. The Governor, on this erroneous 
representation, issued a very ■,neoii>^.dcr,ite or- 
der, empowerincr t':ie Captain to march at the 
head of two companies of cavaiiy, and such in- 
fantry as could ije dr;iwn frilm the g;u-rison of 
Foit Karly, ag-aiiist the supposed atfgressoi-s. 
U wasm v'aintiiatthe commanding ■ifiicerthere 
assured Captain Wright of the friendship and 
innocence of the OheUavv.s, and infonned him of 
their rcLcnt^'id and hospitality to tjen. Jackson. 
But why prolong.; 'he dfcadfeil recital! The 
Governor's party havl the power and the will to 
destroy. I'hey'burst lk.c a tempest on the de- 
voted village. Helpless age and unresisting 
infancy they confounded in one torrent ofde-_ 
struction TLcJ bayonet, red with the blood of 
the infant, was plu'r.ared into tlie breast oftiie 
mother. The ag'tftl "Howard, supported by his 
grand-son, advanced with a wliiteflag-, and w^ 
shot With that emblem of faith and peace m liis 
feeble hand. Tile same cruel volley despatch- 
ed his grand-sou— the villac;e v/as given to the 
flames — the women and children to the edge of 
the sword, or they fled from instant slaughter,^ 
in terror .and esile, to f.imine. Wider scenes of 
ucsolation have indeed been spread on the face 
of tlie globe, when Hyder descended like a 
thundercloud from the mountains of Mysore, 
upon the pldns of the Citrnatlc— or wiieii Tur- 
vcau left La Vendee shrou<lcd in solitude and 
ashes. Put a deeper stain of dislionor, or a more 
intense visitation 'of wo, was never seen or in- 
flicted, tl-.auatthe secluded village of the Ctie- 
haws. The massacre of Wyoming was m-rcy 
to it, and the revenge of Brandt far less cruel 
than this :imity of the Umted States- It violat- 
ed atone bloV, humanity, friendship, and the 
faith of.lreaties— the obllgiitions of justice, gra- 
titude and nonor— and involved in its conse- 
quences the disgrace of the nation, the murder 
of our citizens, and the probable renewal of tlie 
war, wliichwus then almost concluded. Against 
this sh.ameiul outrage', the heart of Jackson 
' avone, and! lie rsseiiiod it witii indignation, but 
1 i.ot'witijout digniiy; comphening to the e.xecu- 
live of the Uiiitedbtates aiidreir.onslvatmg with 
that Of Georgia. To the former he s.ays, (Tth 
Mav 181§,} "Tlio- outrage wliicli has been 
comniittbd'on the superannuated warriors, wo- 
m«naii3cj.ti:dve". o+'the C'- ^ ' • ■ 



were then in the field, in the service of the If. 
States, merits the severest chastisement. The 
interference, too, of the Governor of Georgia, 
with the duties imposed on me, claimsthe early 
attention of the F-esident. All the effects of 
my campaign may by this one act be destroyed, 
and die same scenes of massacre and murder 
with which our frontier settlements have been 
vi.sited,agaiurep.ated'."' To the latter, (7 May) 
after referring to lUe ^nassacre as "base and 
cowardly," and to an enclosed copy of General 
Ghiscccfc's letter detailing it.he observes, "Ti>at 
a Governor of a State sliould make war aga-inst 
an Indian tribe at perfect peace with and under 



:;, vvhose sons 



•General Jack^'on was informed of this cala- . 
mity by a lette . -^r- ,;-«.rer,'J Glascock, dr.led 
the SOih April . ,ie, v,-.'itten at Fort Earl)', on 
his return to Georffia, with the contingent of 
that State. The followingis an extract: "On 
arriving witiiin thirty miles of the Cheliaw vil- 
lage, 1 sent on Major llobir.son, with a detach- 
ment of twentv men, to jirocure beef. On his 
arriving there, the Indians had fled in evi-ry di- 
rection, the Chehaw town hiiviiig been consum- 
ed about four days before, by a par'.y of men, 
consisting of 230, under Captain Wris^ht, now 
in command at Hartford. It appears that after- 
he assumed the com" .and of that place, he ob- 
tained tlie certifi:ates of several men on the 
frontier, that the Cliehaw Indians were enijaged 
in a skirmish on the Dig Bend. lie immediate- 
ly sent or went to the Governor, and obtained 
orders to dt.stroy the town, of Plnilemee and 
Ononce. Two companies ofcava!: *were imme- 
diately ordered out aid placed under his com^ 
mand, and on tiie 22d he reached this place. 
He ordered Capt. Botliwell to furnish him with 
twenty-five or thirty men to accompany him; 
having been authorized to do so by the Go- 
vernor, the order was complied with. Cap- 
tain llothwell told him that he could not 
accompany him himself; disappnjved the plan, 
and informed Captain Wright that there 
could be no doubt of the friendship of the In- 
dians in that quarter, and stated that Oponee 
had, on that day, brought in a public horse that 
had been lost. This availed nothing, mock pat- 
riotism burned in their breasts; they crossed 
the river that night, and pushed for the town. 
W'.ien arriving near there, an Indian was dis- 
covered grazing some cattle; he was m:ide a 
prisoner. I am informed, by Sergeant Jones, 
that the Indian proposed to go with the inter- 
preter and bring one of the Chitfs, for the 
Captain to talk with. It was not attended to — 
an udvaace Vaa ordered — the cavalry pushed 
forward and commenced the massacre Even 
after the firing and murder commenced. Major 
Howard, an old Chief, who furnished you with 
considerable corn, came out from his htuse 
with a white flag. It was not respet ted; an or- 
der for a general fire was given, und nearly four 
hundred guns were discharged at linn before it 
took effect. He fell and was bayenetted. Hissoh 
(grand-son) wiis also killed." After continuing 
such horrid details aa .above, Genertl Glascock 
adds: "Since then, three of my command, 
wlio were left at Fort Scott, obtained a fur- 
lough, and on tloir way to this plnce one of 
them was siiot." So th.atthe outrage produced 
by the. order of the Governor of Georgia, wa.s 
alieadv l.-ein? rr'a' -Jtcd on his fe'lo^v citizen? 



Oi 



the protection of the United States, is assumincj 
a responsibility that I trust you will be able to 
excuse to the United States, to wliich you will 
have to answer;" aMd he adds, "you, as Gover- 
noi- of a State within my military division, have 
no right to give a military order when I am in 
the field." This last is the plirase which Mr. 
.Tohnson has " torn from its context," and re- 
peated with an aggravating abbreviation, and in 
alarming italics. " iVhen I am in the field you 
fiave ri'j ri^ht lo is!me a mliiiary order." Now, 
altliough the negation may at first appear too 
geueri!, yet the context plainly limits it to the 
JUld of command on whicli Jackson was then 
•mployed. It obviously was not his intention 
to say that tl-.e Governor liad no right to regu- 
late the militia concerns of tiis State, or to order 
cut quotas in tlie service of the United States; 
but that he had no right, as Governor of (ici-r- 
gia, to interfere with his duties, by operations 
* extraneous to the soverc.g-my of tht State, and 
hostile to the Indians at pe.ace witli and uiider 
the protection of the United States. In this !ie 
was perfectly riglit, and evinced a disposition 
to preserve rather than to disturb tlie liarmony 
so (iesirablc between the States and the gcr.eral 
government. The power of making war is 
vested exclusively by the constitution in tlic 
federal government, and the equivalent duty 
imposed on it of guaranteeing tile intf^grity and 
injependrncc of tlie several States, 'l^his duty, 
the federal government was then in the act of 
discharging in favor of the State of Georgia; 
and yet, according to Mr. Johnson, the Gover- 
nor of Georgiii was to interrupt its military ope- 
rations, ami to murder its friends and aliies, 
without the voice of remonstrance or admoni- 
tion. I.e.t us suppose, for a moment, tliat aftor 
General Brown iiad concluded a friendly agree- 
ment with the iiufiiilo Indians, .and with their 
?uppUes of provisiuns and men, had invaded 
Canada, Governor Tompkins had come on his 
track, buriit the friendly village, and de.strnyed 
iir dispersed its inhabitants. Would it have 
been an unpardonable offence in General 
Brown to remonstrate against tlut outrage, and 
to inform Governor Tompkins that he had tran- 
scended his authority? Would it have display- 
ed a " dangerous spirit of domination," or an 
honorable feeling of justice and humanity? 
And would it have exposed Gen. Brown to the 
suspicion and execration of his fcUuw citizens, 
of entitled him to their approbation and sup- 
port? .Mr. Johnson's acquaintance with histoiy 
will remind him that the taking of Sagnntum, 
vhile in alliance with the Homans, was the im- 
mediate cause of the second funic war, and 
that the destruction of that city ex -lied a digni- 
fied resentment in the Roman people, wnich 
defeat after defeat, and slaughter after slaugh- 
ter, could nut subdue, and gave a moral interest 
as v.-ell as a politicd force to the vengeful ex- 
pression of the elder Cato, "delenda tst Cartha- 
gn." Not to mention other examples of feel- 
ing repugnant to the sentiments with which 
Mr. Johnson contemplates the seiisilyility of 
General Jackson for the fate cf the Che 
haws, the pride which on a late occasion 
Kngland took in stretching forth her power 
as an a;gis over her "ancient ally," m;iy be cited 
— when Mr. Canning, as the organ of his coun- 
try, declared to the n.atior.s in a tone of f,— ne- 
-, .q 'i.,f,;;nrf'. if'jt vk'^n ih-' mar'-,') o*" fareisn 



conquesi touched the jrontitrs of Portugal, ii 
must stay its haughty step. Yet, while we ad- 
mire the spirit of the Koman people and of the 
Knglish statesman, we are persuaded to be- jj 
lieve, by Mr. Johnson and his .star chamber : 

judges, that when our own pa.riot protested 
against an outrage on liumanity, a violation of 
faith, and a usurpation of authority, acquie^- 
ccr.ce in which would have stained with dis- 
grace our common sense, our common nature, 
and our common country, he displayed a " fiery 
misrule cf 'emper," and "a dangerous spirit 
of domination." 

It mav, perhaps, be within the exteWve cir- 
cle of his sophistry to contend that the Gov- 
ernor of Georgia, as the head ol a sovereign 
State, had a right to make war on the Indians, 
the right of war being an incident inseparable 
from sovereignty. Waiving tiie constitutional 
pact between the States and the federal govern- 
ment, and tiie laws of Congress placing the In- 
dian tribes under the control and keeping of 
the United States, which would at once d^'feat 
this course of argument, it will be enougli to 
observe, that even if the Gyvernor had the 
right of waging this war, he was bound to pro.s~ 
ec.itc it according to the law of nations and th .; 
usages of war. Tiicse would have rendered i . 
liib duty to ascertain fii.^t, whether the injurv 
he complained of was really committed bv the 
Chehaws — and if it were, sccondiy, whether 
the authorities of that tribe would hiakc, or re- 
fuse proper reparation. This is the practice of 
ail civiliz.ed states — is that of the United States 
— and was exemplified in the late disturbance 
with ths Winnebagocs. So that, concediii:; 
tlie right of war to the Governor, bis violation 
of the laws and usages of war to the injury cf 
t)ic Chehaws, justly exposed him to the lemon- 
straiices of Gen. Jackscn, who, as an ollice.- 
of the Uiiited States, tiie guestof the vc.nerib!'". 
Howard,and the commander of the Chehaw v. ar- 
rior?, was in strict alliance with tiial tribe, and 
boon I to protect it. The fact is, tliat the Gov. 
eriKir of Georgia, was for a time, so infatuated, 
as to consider his otticial dignity invaded, and 
his power encroached upon by this remun- 
straiice of the General, and under tiiat iinprct- 
sion wrote a letter to him, reminding him of 
Georgia's " bleeding fioiitier," ami taunting- 
him with aflTcctiug "ainill»ry despotism." 
The fact is too, th.^t this, his letter, nia;!e its 
gasconading appearance in a Georgia Journal, 
before it was received l)y the General, and fell 
into disreputable oblivion soon after. And the 
pro'iability i.s, that Mr. Johnson, who though 
prodigal ill charges, is penurious in proofs, has 
been guided to this buried slander by a sense for 
defamation as k;'en and c>'editable .'is that wliici': 
leads certain winged i,'«o*?/c.s- to tiie carcasses of 
the dead. But it has as little trulli as fragrance. 
For from the time tin. Georgia Brigade encamp- 
ed on the Cak.iiulgee, and under the condiicto; 
Gen. Jackson, marched by the way of Fort Ear- 
ly to Fort Scott, up to the close of the war, the 
southern frontier of that State could neither 
have bled nor been expo.sed. — A thousand men 
either stationed on that frontier, cr penetrating 
from it into the Indian ooiintry, natujally bore 
off anything like histUitj; and accordingly 
General Jaekson met with no opposition until 
he reached the Mickasuky towns, at least 150 
mlle>; so;r*h ofHartfyi. Reside-; ;' .> 'i' -n- >^ 



)> 



:. 'C coiuiiigcnf, consistin,^aiso of 10C0.mcii, had 
iriHTchedon the 14-th cf i'ob. from I'ayettcville 
ill Tennessee, uiickr the command of Colontl 
JIaj'nc,. of tlie United States Army, and after 
I reaching' Fort Mitcliell, on their way to.join 
%- dencra! Jackron at P'ovt Scott, liad fi(;m infor- 
f mation that tlieir rations which liad g-ivon out 
i foiild not hi", replenislied in the direction of 
' , Fort bcott, filed orrtotlie left, and by a route 
nearly parallel to the advance of .lackson, liad 
passed into Georgia, at Hartford; where f'ol. 
ilayne witii 40U men remained for the protec- 
tion of tliat frontier, until after the period at 
v.'hicli Govf:rnoi« Uabun represented it to be 
"bleeding."* There rould therefore have 
been no real cause, as there was"iio pcssib'e 
jnstificatioi.forthc attackontb.e Chthaws;and 
of this the liovcrnoriiimself was soon 'iensible, 
for in a letter of the lltti Way, fi\ .n Milledge- 
ville, Genera! Glascock says to Gen. Jackson — 
•' I had an interv.ea- with the agent and the 
tiovernor, and th^y have concluded that a talk 
\\-\\l immediately be held v.-itli the eliiefb of that 
place — ascertain tiic amount of property <le- 
stroyed, and make ample leparation for the 
same. This is at once acknowledg-infj the ira- 
jiopriety of tlie attack, and not in the le.ist dc- 
j^rcc tiirowlnu off the stigma that will be at- 
tached to the State." 

The next charj^e is headed with the follow- 
ing' important dictum, " Military men should 
never be allowed to forg'ctthat the obl.gation to 
obey, being the .sol? foundation of the aiitliori- 
ty to commi.nd, they shoul'd inculcate subordi- 
nation, not by precept only, but by example." 
AncJ ills a'leij'ed tliat in defiance of it. General 
Jackson has committed a threefold offence. 
" He has offered indignity toth-' Secretary of 
War, in the very letter assigning- his reasons for 
disobeying' the order to disband his troops — he 
lias placed Ins own authority in epposition to 
that of the War Uc;)aj'lment, bv' a general or- 
der forbidding the officers of his command to 
obey the orders of tlie Department, unleajthcy 
passed througlx the cli.innel which he had 
chosen tn prescribe — arid he disobi-yed the or- 
d'-r of tile Government in his military opera- 
tions in tlie 8panis!i Teriitoiy." Sweeping 
■Jiargcs are almost always unfounded, because, 
in order to make them plausible, it is necessary 
to suppress tlie very ciic unstances which quali- 
fy the actions tliey inculcate. In the precise 
tone of Mr. Johnson, an English essayist might 
say that the (jongress of '76 qffcretl an indigni'.y 
iothc KingoJ Great Eritain, in t/ie dulurnfmi 
af independtncc assigning ilu-lr rensonsf^f diso- 
htyirtg his autliority. }'',vcry case of the kind is 
characterized only by its circnm^taiicc:; and 
•when an expert disputant, ti-iined to the trliks 
of the forum, advanctis a charge and omits the 
circumstances explanatory of i'ts foundation, it 
is strong evidence tiiat he is iiimself conscious 
of its injustice. Now it turns out that the al- 
leged disobedience of Gen. Jaci;son was jus- 
tiiied by the circurootances of the ca.^e, was 
approved by llie government, and sanctioned bv 
events. Under the acts authorizing the Prcs'i 



* See the despatch of Gen. Jackson to the 
U'ar Depart.ment cf tli? 25th Mareii, from Fort 
Gadsden, three weeks before the massacre of 
the Ciieliaws, and also his letteii of the 11th cf 
August to Gov. Ur.btjn. 



dent to acceptthe services of oO,00& voluntecrt, 
General Jackson, then commanding the 2d di- 
vision of that militia which he soon rendered so 
famous — tendered to the Government of the 
United States the services of himself and two 
thousand five hundred men of his division, and 
tlie tender was accepted. The detachment 
having been embodied and organized, was or- 
dered to proceed by water to New-Orleans. 
Suhhcqueiitly to his departure. General Jack- 
son was advised to halt near Natchez, and in 
compliance widi it, he took a position in the 
neigtiborhood of that city. Here while attend- 
ing to the health and discipline of llie coips, 
he received the laconic mandate from the Waa 
I)c])arfment, with disobedience to which he is 
so grievously repr.'aehed. It is first to be no- 
ticed, tliat as all men have some degree of falli- 
bility and some degree of discretion, and as the 
imperfections of language and tlie interposition 
of distance, give ample scope for the operation 
of both, it may well happen that the non-execu- 
tion of an order is the best possible mode of 
obeying the Government. When an officer 
receives an order, which the exercise of a 
sound discretion convinces him woidd not have 
been i.ssued ha<l the condition of the circum- 
stance'j in which it wai to operate been known 
to the authority from wliich it proceeded, the 
spirit of his duty comes in direct opposition to 
the lettci' of his order. Obedience in such a 
case, coii-sists not in a blind submission to the 
words, but In a zealous fulfilment of the inten- 
tions of the GoveiTiincnt. The order of the 
Kmperor, it is true, authorized Grouchy to con- 
tinue his unprofitable contest with the Pnis- 
sianSj but the spirit of his duly required his 
presence and exertions at W.aterU>o. By disj 
regarding the signrd which recalled him from 
fight. Lord NeUon fulfilled the wishes of his 
Govenimeot,. shook the throne of Denmark, 
ami shattered the confederacy of northern 
powers. So obvious is tlie distinction between 
nominal and real obedience, that it could not 
have escaped the attention of Mr. Johnson, but 
for the loyal amazement with which he is affect- 
ed at the idea of indignity to the head of a de- 
partment. This seems to overcome all his bet- 
ter faculties, and to le.avt him nothing but the 
powers of genuflection and obloquy. He for- 
gets that an order may be obscure, and there- 
fore liable to misconstruction, and that it may 
contain imp'iifections of date or e.^prcssif^ 
which bring into doubt its genuineness. In the 
case now considered, all these causes operated 
against a strict execution of the order. Gen. 
Jackson could not be easily convinced that it 
ivas the intention of the President; af^er ac- 
cepting the services of his volunteers, and re- 
moving them sis hundred miles from their 
homes in an inclement season, pregnant with 
disease, and beyond a vast wiUleriiess filled 
with hostility, to deprive them of food to 
sive them from hunger — to strip them of tents 
to cover tliem from the wfcather, and of .arms to 
defend them froiu sav.ages. Yet, on tlie 15tU 
Alai'cii, he reeeivcj the duplicate of an order 
addressed iet him at New-Orleans, lequiring 
him, "on its recei]>l, to consider his corns 
dismissed from pubhc service," .and to " de- 
liver iver to Gen. Wilkinson all articles of pub- 
lic nroperty which may luave been put into its 
possession" — not leaving the men a mcuthfui of 



JM 



lood — »nthelianus of the dctaclimsnta musket 
or cartridge — in the possession of the corps a sin- 
gle tent or wag-on, or the smallest accom- 
modation for their sick, of whom there were 
more than 150. He received another copy of 
the same order, whicli was dated near a montli 
earlier, (before General Armstrong-, whoso sig- 
nature it bore, had come into the war depart- 
ment,) and containing variations of expression 
which made it apjitar not to be an exact copy. 
However, he determined to obey it nith .^s much 
exactness and as little delay as possible. He 
saw, what Mr. Johnson does not perceive, that 
its declaratoiT part efi'ectcd itself. He and his 
detachment were dismissed ll>c service of the 
United States. The order was not a direction 
to disband, but & notification of di.-jmissal, so far 
effected itself, and required in no dcgTee th;. 
agency of Gen Jackson. This Mr. Johnson may 
assure himself of by conceiving that Gen. Jack- 
son, or any other General, were directed >o con- 
sider himself end Aii corps engaged with the ene- 
my, and reflecting wliether that would be deem- 
ed an order for attack. Its mandatory cl:. use, 
relating to public property, and admitting of 
.some exceptions, he conceived it his duty, both 
'.0 the government and to liis men, not to carry 
into full execution. Viewingoursas a just and 
paternal government, he considered Isis detach- 
ment pretty much as tlie law considers a pre- 
termitted child, and determined to do that for 
his men which tlie government had, it appear- 
ed, forgotten to do. In a letter to the Govern- 
or of Tennessee, under whose authority tlie 
order of the Secretary had replaced him, he 
says, "I have, however, from the necessity oi 
the case, determined to keep some of tlie tents, 
and to march tlie men back in as good order a3 
possible, and I will make every sacrifice to atkl 
to their comfort. 1 have, recpiired of the con- 
tractor here twent\' days rations, which will 
take my men to Colbert's; and I must trust m 
Providenci- and your exertions to furnish them 
with supplies from there to Nashville." To 
Gen. Wilkinson, who had enclosed tlie order, 
he says: • 'I have had the lionor of recejvmg 
vour letter of the 8ih i list, with its enclosures, 
containing directions for me to deliver over the 
public property to yoi-i, v/liich is in the posses- 
sion of my detachment. Tiie order will be 
complied with, except a small reservation of 
tents for the sick, and some other indispensable 
articles. I acknowledge the order was une.v- 
pected; but I coincide with you in sentiment, 
that those who are bound must obey." Let 
the reader recollect that the law under whicl\ 
the services of this corps had been accepted, 
made the arms and accoutrements of tlie sol- 
dier his private property at his discharge — 
operating like a bounty on enlistments — that 
of course Gen. Jackson had no right to apply 
it to this species of mihtary property, and that 
he only suspended its execution so far as to re- 
tain a few tents and other articles indispensable 
to the care of the .sick, until he could get liis 
corps through the wilderness, which was al- 
ready the scene of tliose Indian murders that 
soon brought on the Creek War — tliat to 
effect this j.atriotic and honor.ible purpose 
he borrowed 5000 dollars on his own private 
account* and that tlie governmer.t itself 



Of a merchant of Natche? 



sanctioned his proceedings, and then uet--; - 
mine the degree of credit to which Mr. John- 
son's ch.arge is entitled. Let it be also remem- 
bered that this chivali-ic corps contain<d the 
Coffees and the Carrols, wl>o fouglit wherever 
they conld find a foe, and the Lauderd.iles 
and the Uonrlsons, who ff;)I with so much glory; 
and that had Gen Jackson, tluougl: fear of 
'•indig-nity," disbanded bis troops an-1 left them 
unc-ivered, unfed, un-aefciideJ vie':.., to dis- 
ease to want, and tn murder, tli ■ ;-, ariots of 
Tennessee vould have liecn ju.stly disglisted 
v.'ith a service, wl.ich, when inspired with gra- 
titude and affection for t'.ieir fiithful leader,, 
they adhered a with such signal zeal and tri- 
umphant efficiency. 

It appears, then, tliat so far from desernng 
censure for the moihfied execution of the order 
in question, he merits the praise of prudence 
and generosity; and is entitled to tlie gratitude 
of bis countiy for that seasooab.le and enhghten- 
ed independence which had the eifcct of at- 
taching to him and to her the matcri.ils of fu- 
ture safety and honor. As to the indignity oi- 
fered to the Secretaiy of Vi'ar, at which our 
modern Macsycophant is so bustling and buoirtg, 
it is probalile that the .Secretary, who was by 
no means dull of apprehension, cid not per- 
ceive it. Rut if he did, he could only consider 
it a private injury, as, by his own act, Gener.il 
Jackson was no longer under his authority; and 
was, therefore, out of the rule of obedience 
upon wliici'. Mr. Johnson founds the right to 
command. His letter, after representing tlie 
discrepancy betv.'een the date of the order, 
(5th Jan.) and the official notification of Gen. 
Armstrong's entrance into the War Depart- 
ment, (3d Feb.) assures the Secretary of his 
determination " to obey the order, and to de- 
livc" ever to tlie quaiter-master of the depart- 
ment all public property in my hands, that can 
be sp.ared from the convenience and iif .aUh of 
my men, on their return to Nashville; it beinj; 
the place at which Ihay were rendezvoused by 
the orders of the president of the Unite ' States, 
and to w'nich place 1 siiall march them as soon 
as the necessary sunplios can be had for the 
purpose." lie then expatiates on the loss of 
pubhc spirit and of patriotic livts, and on the 
great di.stress which would atieiid the i.nmedi- 
ate dispersion of has men — expresses his con- 
viction that th;;ir arms belonged to them, and 
his surprise that an order so neglectful of tbeii- 
feelings and interests, should have been traced 
by tile hand " of an old revolutionary soldier, 
who knows the privations of a soldier's life, 
who exercised his talents (not at a very prudeii'. 
moment) in their behalf, at the clo^e of the 
last war." Now this, so far from otiering an 
indignity, really conveyed a delicate allusion 
to the Newburg letters. Gen. Armstrong had 
not the folly to consider it au indignity, and, 
Gen. Jackson being out of service, not the 
riglit to consider it an offence. He was no 
doubt gratified at his prudence m not putting 
that interpretation on his l.iconic o'-der, which 
iiiiglit have been a natural one in situations so 
safe, near, and plentiful as Niagara and Norfolk, 
but which would have oecn incalculably dis- 
trcssing_toJthe Tennessecans atNatche.-.. When 
it is taken into cous-deration too, that the ten- 
der of this corps had been accepted in August, 
that thev bad heenassembied in December, had 



60 



embarked on the Cumberland in January — that 
after voyag-ing', often througli floating ice and 
stormy weather, more than 1000 miles, they 
had encamped near Natchez on the 21s' Feb. 
and had then been dismissed without ceremony 
or accommodation, on the 15th March — tlie 
leader will be apt to conclude that more mo- 
deration on the part of Jackson, would have 
been mean spirited, woHld have betrayed a 
want of that sensibility to the clamis of friend- 
ship, and neighborho.id, and fellowship, which 
he so heroically felt — which did him so much 
honor as a mer, and were so fortunate in the 
event to his country. 

The winding course of Mr. Johnson's defa- 
mation, briug-s i>ext into view the charge of dis- 
obedience to the War Department, in the shape 
of "a g-eneral order;" and if a man can lose re- 
putation by niakint: unjust .itt;tcks upon the 
fame of another, it will tend as hule to Uk honor 
ai those which have already been refiited. The 
circumstances e.xphuiiing- this case are the fol- 
lowing: while Gen. Jackson was in the service 
of the United States, it occurred several times, 
and at seasons of the gfreate.st pressure, t.-.at 
Oiftoers to whom he Lad assigned iniportant du- 
ties, were silently witlidiawn from their posts 
by orders from some subaltern iu the line, sta- 
tioned as a deputj' in the adju'antaudinHpector 
genei-.d's office, at Vv'ajCiinijlon. On the 1st of 
October, 1814, for txample. just a fortnight 
after the first attack en I"or^ Bowyer, and while 
the whole Biitisii armament was hovering be- 
tween Mobile and New Orleans,* un order was 
issued from the war dep.vtnient sig-ncd John K. 
Bell, deputy inspector g-eneral, directing Col. 
i-' parks, and the officers of the 2d regiment, in- 
cluding" the gallant Major Lawrence, to proceed 
forthwith on flie recruiting service! Tnis order 
was received w l.lle Gen. Jackson was effecting 
the tinv:!y esjjulsion of the British from Pensa- 
colii, and hai! left .Mobile in charg-e of Col. 
Sparks, and Fort Bowyer in that of Alajor Law- 
rence. WMt commendable pradeitce these 
officers declined obedience, and remained at 
their posts. General .(ackson complained of it 
to the government, pointed out the serious 
consequences that might have been produced 
by it, and suggested the propriety of comnnml- 
caling in future ailordeisto his subordinates 
through !iim, inasmuch as his capacity to de- 
fend the extensive and defenceless line of ter- 
ritory committed to his charge, would be des- 
troyed, if the cfilceis on' whose vigilance and ex- 
ertions he depended were recnoved from their 
stations without his icnowledge. 

This representation received no effectual at- 
tention from the government — and the anoma- 
lous practice it coi;denmed, continued at inter- 
r.als to prevail. A forcible instance occurred 
in the person of Major Long, who, having re- 
ported himself under a regular order to Gen. 
Jackson for duty, was directed by him to the 
upper Mississippi, for the purpose of sketching 
the topograpliy of a district in that quarter, 
upon which a contest witli the Indians was then 
apprehended. The next thing the General 
heard of his F.ngineer, was, while he was anxi- 
ously expecting his report, tlirough a newsp.a- 

• .See despatch from Mr. Monroe to Gen. J. 
'^f the 2rth Sept. nnd from Gen. J. to Mr. M. of 

T>).-;?-Uhand27thAug'. 



per notice in New York, that Uie Major had 
some time since established himself in that city, 
in obedience to an order from the War Depart- 
ment. Gen. Jackson (4th March, 1817) again 
appealed to Mr. Kontue (then President^ on 
the subject, reiterated his former reasons 
against the irregularity, and deprecated with 
much earnestness its prevalence in his division, 
when no emergencies of war existed to require 
it, and when his head-quarters wei e at Nash- 
ville, a point of convenient distribution for 
orders directed by mail to the various military 
stations in the south and west. This commu- 
nication, like tilt former, proving , ineffectual, 
detei'niined no longer to have more responsi- 
bility than power, he took measures to bring 
the subject before the government in a way 
that would admit of no further neglect On the 
22d April he issued a general or.ler forbidding 
the, ofRiers of hisclivi.sion to obey an) order 
from the War Department which did not pass 
through ths olHce of his Adj;:tant 'G'-neral. 
About two monllis after this, the Presi- 
dent still declining any decision on the mat- 
ter, and snH'ering it to fester by delay, an 
order was issued from the War Department, ^ 
to Gcner.al Ripley, then in command at New Or- 
leans, which in compliance with Jackson'r Gen- 
eral Order, he did not obey. Fmding one of 
his officers involved in difficulty by an act of 
military subordination and fidelity, Jackson im- 
mediately assumed an attitude which none but 
a V'artinet or an attorney can /ail 'o admire, iu 
a letter t othe President, (12th Aug. 181?",) he 
referred to his former communications on this 
subject, and to the cases which had produced 
them — repeated the substance of his genera! or- 
der, and stated the dileinma of General Ripley, 
and with his characteristic spirit and honor thu.s 
relieved liirn from all responsibihty: " This has 
given rise to the proper disobedience of Maj. 
Gen. Ripley to the order of the Depvunent of 
W ar above alluded to, for which I hold myselt" 
responsible." He adds — "In the \'wv, I took 
of this subject on the 4tl. of March, I had flat- 
tered myself yon would coincide, and had hoped 
to recei\ e your an.swer before a recurrence of a 
similar infringement of military rule rendered it 
necessary for me to call your attention thereto. 
None are infi'llibJc in their opinions; but it is ne- 
vertheless necessary, that all siiould act agree- 
ably to their convictions of right. My convic 
ti<ms iu favor of the cour.se I have pursued are 
strong, and should it become necessary, I will 
wUhngiy meet a fan' iiivfstigaiion before a mili- 
tary tribunal. The g<^od ot the service, and the 
dignity of the commission I hold, alone actuate 
me. My wishes tf^r retirement have already beer, 
made known to you, but under existing circum- 
stances, my duty to the cfTicers of my division 
forbids it, U-ihl this subject is fairly understood. " 
The final decision, w'hen it came, was that orders . 
to inferiors should pass tlirough the command- 
ing officer of th- division, always thereafter, 
unless m case of necessily. Admitting the prin- 
ciplt contended for by Jackson, and termln.ating 
a practice, which, under the aspect of legal au- 
thority, was subversive of discipline, injurious 
to s.jrvice, and repugnant to justice. It is true 
that by the constitution, the President is Com- 
mander in Chief of the army, and that by a cus- 
tom almost equivalent to law, ttie orders of the 
'Secretary are cons'^rlered the orders of the Pre*'- 



«>1 



Lilt, and that among the illegitimate descend- 
an:s of this custom, was the practice of confid- 
ing' the power of tlic Department to Lieut-en- 
ants of tlie line, whose enormous deviations 
from propriety, as in the order to Co!. Sparks, 
broup;ht it into question and disrepute. But 
the President is Commander in Chief, only in 
the same sens'; in which the General is com- 
mander of hiS division; has no ftronper claim to 
the o.^edier.ce of the '.k-neral than the latter has 
to t))e obedience of llie Colonel i and his orders, 
whether issued under liis si^n munual, or 
throujfh the Hecietary of War, or the imposinjj 
instrumentality of a sufealurn, are t.i be irstivin- 
ed by the laws of CongTesL^ and the pripciples of 
the constitution. No CJan will contend that liis 
autliority in the ainij' is ab.solute — that he can 
of his oivn aeco 'd inflict capitai punisnincnt on 
a sohlier — can Siake a lienten.ini command a 
captam, a colontl a (general, or exact duty from 
either withojit allowing him his proper rank. 
Now the essence rf rank consists in the su- 
jjeriority of command which it confers; and 
any order of the President making an infe- 
rior disobey the orders of his superior, is a 
derog'ation of the rank of that superior, and 
produces a disorder, the removal of wbicli ne- 
cessarily exposes lO disturbance in a similar and 
equivalent degree, the autliority of the Presi- 
dent over file superior. The oi-der to Col. 
Sparks required a direct and violent disobedi- 
ence to Gen. .Jackson's command, as that to 
Major Long' effected it. To ha\e rendered 
these orders eiairely legal and expedient, they 
should have been communicated through the 
commanding General. They would tlieu liave 
pre.served the just equ;tlily between responsi- 
bility and power, which the nature of delegat- 
ed authority requires. .\nd instead of causing 
one act of obedience, and one of disobedience, 
they would iiave p'.oducsd two acts of peifect 
obedience, through ag^-nts related in due sub- 
ordination to each other. The course pursue d 
by the government, rioieover, invnlvedthe sig- 
nal injustice of fixing ■pnbliclij the proportion 
between Gen. Jackson's power and responsi- 
bility, upon which proportion, it must be pre- 
sumed, he consented to as-iumethe latter, and 
then privalcly, and without his kno\vlc(ige, re- 
ducing tlie former belc.v tiiat proporlion, by a 
proceeding much in the nature of an txposi fac- 
to law. The silence and hesitation persevered 
in respecting his remonstrances, while they 
tended to produce an impression that tlie rca- 
sonshe advanced were not disapproved, created 
a strong demand fur the deci.sive mea.-sures he 
adoptsd, and the fact which is but too ^pparcTit 
tliat the irregularity he complained of, was cal- 
culated, if coutinued,^o disappoint the depart- 
ment, as well as the General, as it might be re- 
torted by the latter in various perplexing ways, 
furnishes anoiher strong objection to it. Its 
only excuse is a complete jiistiiication of it, 
where it can be shovn, and a marked cor.dem- 
Iiation of it, where it cannot bfc shown; viz: «e- 
av;ity. To this fair adjustment and full re- 
dress. Gen. .lackson brought this abuse in the 
serv'ce, and for Ihe spirit and judgment he dis- 
played on that occasion alone, he deserves the 
gratitude of the army, anti the respect of his 
fellow citizens. 

iHaving in a former number shown to ymir 
-"iders tliat his military operations in Florida 



were m direct obadience to tlie orders of tbc 
War Department, t shall not be detained by 
iMr. .Tohnson's repetition of that unfoundect 
charge, further tlian to advert to the clumsy 
dexterity with whicli he shifts his ground — at 
one moment inveighing against the (ieneral, 
for disobedience to the orders of the Depart- 
ment, and at the next reviling him for conduct 
Ml direct obedience to them. From this dilem- 
ma he^ cannot escape, unless he can proce that 
the orders vesting Gen. Jackson " with full 
piiwers to conduct the war in the manner he 
might think best'' -authorizing him "tomarcli 
across the Florida line, and attack tiie Semi- 
noles within its limits" — and requiring him to 
collect a force sufficient "to beat the enemy 
and terminate the eoaflict," did not justify.Jii;^ 
invasion of Florida, within the limits of which 
"the enemy" was situated; or his temporary 
occupation of the Spanish Pusts, of wiiich, in 
defiance of the stipulations of a treaty and the 
duties of a neutral, the Seminoles held either 
hostile control or rnihtaTj' possession . A dis- 
jjosition to avoiil labor and repetition, suggests 
the propriety of a similar reference for a refii- 
t,ation of the charges grounded upon the m/j- 
cr.lkd declaration of murliriliaw — an act of vigor 
a^id forecast, Vvdiich in its origin and consequen ■ 
ces w;i3 vindicated by urgent necessity, justifi- 
ed by powerful analogies, sanctioned by exam- 
ples, and ratified by events; covering that city 
witii gioiy and protection, endearing its per- 
former to all wlio vvere willing to fight in its 
defence, and tiirilling every patriotic heart in 
this Union with emotions of joy and triumph. 

These offences against the law and the Con- 
stitution being disposed of, we come to those 
with whicii Mr. .lohn'on declares " mercy 
and humanity unite in accusip,g General 
Jackson." They stand in bis catalogue in 
the foUowin!' order: — " The cold-bloodc^ 
m'assacrc at the Horse-Shoe" — " the decoyed 
.and slaughtered Indians at .St. Marks" — "the 
wanton and unexampled execution of Ambris- 
ter" — " and of the .still more injured Arbuthnot, 
a trader and an advocate for peace." With 
respect to "the cold blooded massacre at the 
Horse-Shoe," as no o"der for one was ever 
given by Gen. Jackson, it is a calumny on the 
cour.ige and humanity of his officers and men, 
who have added unfading laurels to those whicli 
they gained on that despei'ate day — many of 
whom, in their umhtdled campaigns, found 
honorable wounds or glorious de.ith — and some 
of whom have filled and occupy the highest 
stations in the esteem and government of a 
grateful cotmtry. My business is confined to 
the correction of the more intentional injustice 
of die .address, and therefore, after assuring 
(be reader that there is no foundation whatever 
in truth or in histon- for such a ch-jrge, 1 siiaU 
do no mere ih;m :>ubmitthis inexcusable misre- 
presentation to that sort of destruction wiiich 
the'testimony of a witness undergoes, when it 
is proved, that in order to establish a certain 
point of interest, he has made sniciiin declara- 
tions, which h.ad no fnund:ition in fact, and 
could have none in bis own knowledge. Gen. 
Carroll, the late Governor of Tennessee, and a 
distinguished disciide of Gen. Jackson in war, 
whose rank and presence in this action ^:^\Ci 
bim a minute acquaintance witl; its features, 
upon reading Mr. .(ohnson's addvoss, furnished 



toe tbUowii'.yfoiaieniciil ; — " I hive seen tho ad- 
rlrcss nf t!ie anti-Jackson Convention of Virginia, 
in which Gen. Jacksru isc'iar^til withthe coU- 
blooded nussacie of the Indians at the Iloi-se 
Shoe. Durin(?ihc wl'olt'ofthc Creek war, I serv- 
ed as liispectdv Gcncr;d of the Ami) — was pre- 
sent at the battk of the llowe-Shoe, andean say, 
of my own personal knowli-dg'e, tliat the charge 
is wholly destituts of foundation. To\vards 
the close of the action, after the breast-works 
had br-en taken by aSba.iit, a nunriher of Indians 
topk rcfnj^e under a <j;iantity of brush and loi^s. 
Gen. Jacfc-ion advanced to witliin & short dis- 
tance of the place of their conc>"aliTieiit, and di- 
rected his 'nferpretcr, Georcje ?i?a) field, to m- 
stiJ'ethem, tlial if they won.d surrender, they 
shonld be treated with the greatest humanity. 
They answered the proposition by firing- upon 
sttd woiindini;; Mayfu'ld Bcvevely in the shoul- 
der. .-V si;ni!ar proposition was also made by 
,Iim rife, or old Chinneber-, and the fire of the 
i'ndians was the only rejily it received. After a 
number of our men wer- killed and wounded 
by those Indians, and after they liad twice re- 
filled to surrender upon any terms, the b:-\ish 
was set on fire, and biit few of them escaped 
Jeath. Tho prisoners taken on that day, in- 
' tiulintj a large number of women and children, 
v.-cro humanely treated by Gen. Jackson. I 
have infde the above statement in justice to 
Gen. Jackson, am! the bravo men wiio fougiit 
the battle of the Horse Shoe."* 

The iestimony of numerous eye-witnesses 
niitjht be added to this statemen", but no 
!nnUi],.;icntion of certificates could render it 
more respectable, or isore completely effect 
the explosion of this " cold-biooded" slander.' 
The reader must be struck with the emphat- 
'■r, yet forheariiig' tone in whicli it is cx- 
pri.'-:''ed, p^-o^'i:-,,r that althoujrh the writer was 
sensible of the inj'.islice of ilr. Johnson's re- 
'IccC.on (ui himself, he was not at all moved 
by it. 

But perhaps it is intended to impress the 
public mind with the belief, that dislodging 
those des,>erate Indians wli'> rejected <iuarter 
nnd prolonged the b.ittle after resistance was 
'.ain, was of itself a "cold-blooded mass.acre." 
Arc t.ien the enem'cs of the U. States, v.'hen 
waging a savage i-risparing war, to requite with 
wounds and deatli our ulTers of humanity and. 
protection, and yet be sand from death orreiali- 
ation? Are our commanders to begin an action 
.^-overpow' r by great efforts the main force of 
'he enemy, and tiien abandon the field and the 
victory to a few desperadoes? General Jack- 
.<-on's duty to his country and his goverjin^.ent, 
compelled him, if in his power, to defeat the 
enemy; and that operation necessarily involves 
tlie destruction of every adversary who refu.ses 
to yield. Had the desp' rate parly at the Horse 
Shoe, been a detachment of jjonaparte's I.mpe- 
rial Guard, tlie veterans of fift}-pitched battles, 
■•ind eonimui'.ded by Ney or ^ult, they must 
have suffered the fate of the Indians — as "k gar- 
rison wnleh refuses a summons, may, by the 
laws of war, be blown into the air. ISiitwlio 
were these determined and deluded savages.' 
Tlis same who,| when the sudden hostility of 

' Ramsay's History, continued, published in 
1318, gives an account similar to this of Geneva] 
■•arroll, v. 3. p. If?. 



their nation rcie like in iniinaatiuii oa the bc^ 
tlements of Alabama, herding hundreds of wo- 
men and children into Fort Mimms, broke into 
that asylum with treachery, fire and murder; 
who followed to that feast of butchery, where 
quarter was neitlier offered nor allowed, the vol- 
canic voice of IVeatherlortl, and as it rose .above 
the shouts of fury and the shrieks of despair, 
breatlling inextinguishable rage and demanding 
relentless Slaughter, obeyed its ferocious sum- 
mons, until but ir out of 300 of our unarmed 
citizens were left alive. They were the same 
men who, under cover of a truce granted for 
their benefit by Gen. Jackson, had entrapped 
and slaughtered the son of Chinnibee — the 
Massanis.sa of the Creeki — the friend and ally 
of the American people.* These .are t!»e be- 
ings, whose self-piovokcd destruction, in 3 fair 
and liard -fought action,f the people of Virginia 



• Chinnibee v.'as chief of the Natchez tribe. 
A few days before tlie battle of the Horse Shoe, 
a party of the hostile Creeks communicated t'> 
him their wi.sh to submit to General Jackson, 
and join the friendly Creeks. Foe this purpose 
Chinnibee interceded, and pledged himself as a 
liostage for tlicii' fidelity. They accordingly 
came into his fort, where they were received as 
friends. In the course of a fev,' days, they men- 
tioned that they had corn and some other pro- 
visions secreted in the neighboring hills, and 
asked for permission and assistance to convey 
it to the fort. Chimiibee furnished them his 
horses, and sent with tliem his youngest son. 
After getting about fifteen miles from the fort 
they turned upon young Chinnibee, and mur- 
dered liini with the indecency and cruelty pe- 
culiar to savages — c.irried oS'the horses-r-join- 
cd the ho.stile Creeks, and were eng.aged in the 
battle. To the honor of the noble fatlier of this 
unfortunate son, it must be added, that after 
the action h^d commenced, Capt. tlordon, who 
comm.anded th' spies, discovered, just as the 
order for storming the Indian bre.ist-v.'.-.k was 
.about to be given, that the women and chil- 
dren who were within the works, might be 
saved by the intervention of Chinnibee, and 
would otherwise be destroyed in a successful 
assault. lie copumunicated this to General 
Jackson, who suspended the order, although 
his men were suffering from the fire of the In- 
dians, both those prepared to make the assault, 
and those who were swimming the river to sup- 
port it, aud desired old Chinnibee to endeavor 
to get the women and children to a place of 
.sS'ety. ^Vlthougli his son had been murdered 
so cruelly, with a humanity truly christian, thi.-i 
old man mounted the breast v.'ork at the hazard 
of his life, and calling to the women, told them 
he was re.ady to .save them and their children. 
They hastened towards him, he sprang into the 
fort, .and the poor creatures clinging to hi.9 
hunting shirt and clustering around him like a 
swarm of bees, were brought out of the fort and 
saved from destruction. The General then 
gave the order to storm, the works were car- 
ried, the enemy destroyed, and the victory 
gajied. Does this look like a cold-blooded mas- 
.■■acre' And yet fifty witnesses will confirm it if 
Mr. Johnson is incredulous. 

■j- The loss of the Americans in tliis action, 
was 55 killed and 145 wounded. Among the 
former were Major Montgomery, .of the regular 



bi', 



are aansed if> cuiisidcr, ia order to vilify a 
fiitht'ul officer, a "cojd-bloodcd massacre!" 

TlVe charge " of t!ie liecoycd am! slaiig-htcred 
Indiana at St. Marks," is next in order aiul 
equal in truth. Us subject is iridisstj'.ubly con- 
nected with the crimes and Cite of Arbutliiiot 
and .Vmhns'.er, artd blend-i itsilf intimately «-itli 
the operations of lackson in Florida. But Use 
scene of 'hcse transactions was so remote and 
obscure — covered by unlravelled wiMerncsses, 
unmeasured ■ swanips, and undffi.ifd jurisdic- 
tions — the characters upon which tliey opemt- 
ed so notorious and yet so uakr.own, their alle- 
giance so diversified, and then- motives so v.iri- 
ous, that the attention even of a faU' inquirer is 
often bedininied and confounded in their stvidy, 
as the stronj^est eye is mocked in pursuing the 
everchang-in^ reflection from ag-itated water. 
In their present state of indigesuon, tliey fnnn 
a mass of rubbish, behind which every scribbler 
who chooses to revile .lackson and hopes to de- 
lude the public, entrenches liimself. I confess 
it was with astouLshment, somelhing like that 
which tlfe reader of Tom Jones experiences on 
jindin;^ the philosopher Square meditating on 
the (itnesB of things behind Molly Ser.grim's 
blanket, I di.scovercd C Jct.nson ensconced 
within it. And it is less to expose him, than to 
prevent the.leader of any future convcnticlers, 
who may put their heads and their haunches 
togetherfor tiie purpose of hatching public mis- 
reprcsentp.t'On^, that I nivjke the patience of 
the render's attention to the followlnfj detail: 

The drumoti!' ptrsonx en'^AQcd in liie catas-^ 
trophe which Jack^">n is accused of producing, 
were — Lieut. Colonel Niclm!*, of the British 
artillery — WooJbi- e an Engli.^h advcn'urer of 
tine address and ilesperate niorab, trainer of hos- 
tile Indians, with the title if not the r.mk of 
Captain,* and in that respect, adjunct and suc- 
cessor of t«ichoIs — Arbuthnot, a "Scotchman, 
who had left his wife in Europe, nurried a co- 
lored one in the Wust Indies, and with a son by 
the former one taken a tradin.af position in Flo- 
rida, got himself elected Chief of the Indians at 
war with, the United States, and as such had 
sanctioned thebutcheiy of Lieut. Scott and his 
party — Ambrister, a half officer and half bucca- 
neer, who, with tlie commission of "auxihaj-y 
lieutenant of colonial marines," giVen by admi- 
ral Cochrane during the war with his country, 

,\vas taken three years ifter the peace, leading; 
the Indians and fugitive negroes lii battle against 
the troops of the United stales. Hambly and 
l>oyle, s,.bjects of Spain, agents of ;i comuier- 
eialfirr.iin Pcnsacola, dri' ;ng 1 he Indian trade 
in an establishment on th' .Vpilachicola, and fa- 
vorers of peace — Cook, eeik to Arbuthnot, al-- 
soil! favor of peace — Fx.uicis or Hillis Hadgo, 
Cliicf of the prophets of tljc Creek Nation, ap- 

1 pointed by Fecumseh in his insurrectional vuit 
to the Southern tribes in the fall of lal2. an in- 
veti-.rate enemy of the United States, liad re- 
fused to unite v.'ith his country. nen in the capi« 
lulation of Fort Jackson, aba"denrd his country, 
and at the head of the outlawed Rc-dstick,s, had 



taken rel'ug-e and protection wiih tiie ieViunoii,,.? 
in Florida, instigated them to rapine and mur- 
der, and had witnessed and encouraged the 
massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party— 
H; mithlimaco, a Kcdstick Chief, the princr- 
pal warricT of the prophet, and principal per- 
petrator -jf that massacre." 

The motives and li.abilities of th.ese men were, 
as various as their names and nations. The 
motive of Nichoils Wfs; success in his prorossioij 
and service to his country, stained with'the de- 
sign of d-basing- tiie chivalry of war, by the em- 
ployment of savage asstciates. To tills Wood- 
bine added, and in a pred^mii^ting degree, fh;:; 
infamous desire of .plunder and profit. Lucre 
was the sole iSiject of Arbuthnot, and his uiean.i 
for procuring it were sagaciofiis and unscru])i.- 
lous-^proposing to acquire an influence over 
all the surnnuidiiig Indian tribes, by means cl' 
it to disturb their existing' relations with their 
civilized neiglibors, both as to territory and 
trade, and to engross the entire profits of the 
latter. A mixed and unprincipled thirst for 
gain and for fame, seems to have actuated Am- 
bribter. Interest, which incited Arbuthnot and 
Ambrister to produce confusion, made Hambly 
and Doyle anxious to preserve pe.ace. Cook 
was engaged to be married to a girl in New 
Vrovidence, felt therefore an inordinate .attach- 
ment to life, and little di-position to run the ha- 
7.:irds of hi.s employer, Arbuthnot. Tiie "self 
exiled" Prophet, loving his country less than he 
hated her en- mies, was filled 'with revenge fo-.- 
the disaaters of tiie Creek war, for the loss of in- 
fluence which they had occasioned him, for the 
severities which his refus.il to submit to the ca^ 
pituialioa't' of Fort Jackson hid occasioned liTm, 
an! forliie "exemplary punishment" denounc- 
ed aga'nst bun byi.ie order of the Secrctarv of 
War, XlG'eh Jan. 181S) vrh'cit was coinniilted 
fir r X!-cutiou to Gen. Jackson. He was further 



army, an officer of great promise, and Lieuten- 
ants Moaiton and Sominerville. •Amr.Mg- the 
latter, the present Gcnci-als Carroll and Hous- 
ton, thel»te and the present Gover.aDrs of I'en- 
nessce. 

•Lato'i.", page .T. 



* The Hedsticf;: were a powerful tribe of tile 
Creek Indians, whose national standard was a 
red pole dc'corated with human scalps, 

— — ■ "Bcsinca'cd wifh l)ko(', 

'.' Of liuntan sacrifice, and parent's lean:" 
Their postes.sioiis once reached from the Ala 
^lama to the Mississippi, and one of their prin- 
cipal villages was on the lat'er river, where B.a- 
ton Rouge (IJed S.aiF) now stands. The "out- 
lawed ReJstick.s" were that portion of this tribe 
who, refusing to. abide by the capitulation o; 
I'ort .lackson, were oitilaiusd by the Creeks. 

f The agreement comuionly called the treaty 
of Fort Jackson, Was, in reality, a military ca- 
p!luli:lion, so designated and prescr'bed hy tho 
government . In a letter from the War Depart- 
ment, of tile 2l/tli .March, ISl-l-, first addressed 
to Gen. i'jnckn.y, and then communicated to 
G;p. Jackson, it is said — "since the date of my 
Last letter, it has occurred to me that the pro- 
posed treaiy with [l.e Creeks should take a form 
cllvi^fUxr m'tj^ -If. and should be in tlie nature 
of ■xciipi-'nl^ l!0-i " Under ill's and similar or- 
der.s, tl.e ci/iilutiitioii was c included. And vet 
Mr. Clay, in his .speech (.Ian. ISth, 1819,)' on 
the Seminole war, at'aches b'ame to Ut. .lack- 
son for_"\he dictatorial tei-ms" of thi: trcitty, as 
he call? it. So that then, as now, if Gen. jack-, 
son executed the orders of the governnicnt hi- 
was censured, and if he only appeared to trar 



ti'l 



V 



siimiiiujeii by t'ne prids of c'liaracter, whicli a 
l^ite visit to Eng-Iand, and a flattering' reception 
irom the I'rmce Regent hud i.ispi-ed, ami by 
tlic hope nf reviving the hostile spirit of the 
Creaks, and reg'aining' his ibrmer inliuenc« ami ' 
possessions. Willi a hatred to the United 
Stalts equally passionate and tierce, Hini'.thh- 
maco was infuriated by a natural thirst for car- 
natfe, saperstitioua reference for the propheti- 
cal ri'- nity of Francis, and habitual eagerness to 
execute ''.is most brutal purposes. 

Tlie r^rency of these individuals, impelling, 
moderating' or counterr.oting each other, and de- 
rivin;^ more or less encoiirag-einent and aid from 
tlic riiianish auth%rities, lisd kept up v. state ot 
hesi'titiug wai-, but unremitting robbfvy and 
blooOiklicd on our j.nutliern frontier, ever since 
the termination of the Creek war, in Aug^u'jt, 
iai4. Jn its least offensive but most danger- 
O'lisfonn, it was repelled by Gen. Jackson, 
'when ho dislodged the British armament from 
Peritacola, in November of that year. It is the 
business of history to recOTd hciv, with more 
than T!iothe"'s care, a patriot's fire, and a stales- 
man's foresigiit, on the liist intellijjeiice of its 
appearance there, he fiewuncrderen to the pro- 
tcctiouof Mobile, and fortified and gaa'risoned 
I'ort Bcwyer. How, wliile he :iwp.kened by 
desp.atches, tfie vigilance of the cabinet, just 
composed afccr the capture of Washington — he 
roused the patriotism of the people, and call- 
ing on Coffee and his voiiinteers with a voice in 
which th. , lieard the ti'ump of Pame.be ibrced 
the Britisu to abandon Pcniacoi"., and the 
Spaniards to maintain their neutrality. How, 
after securing ihe left fi:<iik of iiio exttnslve 
liufttpf defence, peiielrabii: by rivers, and ac- 
ci-'S'.<;Lble by bays, he passt-d wi'th incredible e.x- 
pcdition.to th'; banks of the Ussissippi, witli 
little other aid from the government >han stnls 
inhlligMC' a.^d Uiplomaiic dirr.ctioaf,* witharrrfs. 



' The fu'st nitelligenco v;hich Gen. Jackson 
-;":^ived from the government of the projected 
, .:,ck on Ne^ Orleans, was in a letter from Mr. 
.li'jnriie, (then Secretai'y cf War) of the 7lh 
i^cpt. 1H14. But as early as the lOtli Aug. he 
had desp.itched by express the same iutelli- 
sjC'iee in a corroborated form to the Depart- 
ment, the receipt of which, and of four other 
despatches of that month, are 'acknowledged 
bv Mr. Monroe on the STth Sept. In the letter 
of the ~th. Gen. Jackson is eniphatically told, 
"you should repair to New Orleans as soon as 
vour arrangements can be completed in llie 
other parts of the disirict, unless your prencncs 
should be required ai otlur fohits." In a letter 
■of the 10th December, he is told in a spirit 
oulte prophetical, considering be had no effi- 
' ient sup;dies from the Ucpartment, thai l/i/ 
!uking a iuiiabtepotiliun in. tlievicinittj of iVpu.- 
Orlcias, he ivUl he cihtblf.d " to overinhdm the 
..u'iny whcnrcer he. presents himself" and tliis 
'.vithout the Secrelary's haviiia^any definite 
knowledge of .h'ck'ion's >;tr?u;-;ijm' giving any 
iinfyniiatirtii of the eneiny's. itut .suppose tlie 
enciiij had got possession of Mobile, which the 
.same letter describes as of litllc importance, 
"comparatively a trifling object withAl^e Hrit- 
ioh government," a'-.d wliic'.i nothing but Jack- 
sou's bold cxisulsion of tliem from Pens.icola, 
and persevering traiuteucnce, in spite of th- 

A/.Jfrfi'- "!•' ofiiri-rs of 'ii ' S,-i r»t;'Uri-c; *o -,) 



filp.cs and nionty, collected by himself, with 
raWjUrrurnished and inferior forces,he vanquish- 
ed bn«!i in attack and defence, the most formi- 
dable veter^ins of I'.uropc, and surpassed in 
skill and courtesy, her renowned and accom- 
plished Generals. Since the peace with England 
these lawless disturbances had been continued 
by forays of I'apine and murder, principally on 
the southern borders of Georgia, which, after 
some movements of troops, many talks with 
the Indians, and much diplomacy with Spain, 
Were persevered in until the fall of 1817 — 
murder and tnilitary execution were committed 
on our ui.>:;:speoting soldiers and helpless wo- 
m^n and children. Public opinion now appeal- 
ed to t!ie government, and the government to 
Gen. Jacks'!!!. He took the fiell, and with 
that unerring aim of judgment and courage, 
wliicb, like the noble instinct of the mastifl', 
spring's right at the heart, he penetrat_ed and 
destroyed the sources of this cruel and infa- 
mous war, with the utmost possible expedition 
and the least practicable bloodshed. VVilhoiit 
provi.sioiis, :i;id with a force of only 1000 raw 
militia and Indians, to whom 'oo he wasastran- 
ger, he entered Florida, built Fort Gadsden, 
routed the Iiulians at iNIicasuky, found in their 
village near 300 old scalps, and on the pro- 
phet's red pole 50 fresh ones, most of them 
rccogniFed by the hair to have belonged to 
the unfortun-.ite party of I.ieut. Scott. Here, 
ascertji 'ling from the prisoner.'^ that s. part cf 
the enemy had fle<! to St. Marks, and also as- 
certaining t'lt ci-iminal complicity of the com- 
mand.ant, he firmed a determination to prevent 
any further abuse of Spanish neiitrahty nnd 
American rights, and took possession of that 
fortres ■-— w!k re he found "tlie advocate for 
peace," Ar'.'.'hnot, who, with the innocent 
and va':..^t I'-ol; .iiculiar to his countrynieiii 
whc: they mc iitate shrewrf and (!.tn;;erou' 
designs,* sat an unconcerned guest at the 
table of the commandant. From Si Marks, 
disco-'ering tti.at the remnant of tlic routed 
Indians and negroes had retreated down 
the west coast of East Florid.a, in the direction 
of Woodbine's gi'and depot of Virginia and 
Georgia runaway slaves, he pursued and over- 
took them near the r;onfiniiah swamp, where 
Bi!ne were killed, many taken, and the only 
woman Vilio escaped death from the murderers 
of Lieut. Scott, recaptured. The enemy re- 
treating to tb.c Suwaney were not allowed time 
to renew their strenglli or courage, liut were. 
again attacked and routed, with such loss and 
di.spersion, tiiat the victors hoped ihey had lin- 
islied the war. 

On this occa.sion .'Vmbrister was made pri- 
soner. Thearmy returned to St. Mai'ks, where 
the General, having received information from 
the Governor of Alabama, th.it a large body of 



on the recruiting service, [of a garrison at Fort 
Bo-.vyei',] prevented — tlieir 14,U0U men might 
have been passed up the Tombeckbee, rekind- 
ling tlie Indian war all the way, and :n four 
d.iys march from the highest navigation of tli.a' 
river, have readied the Mis.sissippi at the Chick- 
ii>'.aw lUuffs, cutting oH'iN'eu' Orleans from sup- 
plies and support, ensuring b'..t!i to themselves', 
and then New Orleans must have fallen witho'i: 
a blow. 

',':u;iiisto Lord Mai'bficjd. 5coW, pa-il-> 'ii 

['■}}/"*. rO'}C^'l^rfil ;'ri '>'/'* '^''J'' ^ 



UJSITEU STATES TEJLEGKArH— -i^a^/Y/. 

Tliis paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekly, 
until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar, 

BY GREEN &■ JAR VIS. 



VOL. I. 



WASHINGTON, APRIL 12, 1828. 



No. 



hostile Indians who had been commithnp frtsh 
murders on the Alaba.-.i.'i, were as-;emb'ing near 
Pensacota, and v/cri- tlicie freely admitted and 
constantly fiirniihe^l wiUi means of subsBtejice 
and waj-, he deter.Tiini.-d to cut of this bst he;id of 
the Hydrje — Ui *|ijpply any defect of will or 
power that ir.ig'ht c-xist on the part of the Go- 
vernor to obKerv<' his neutrality, and to occupy 
that place for a ti.ne also. Marchinjf ny the 
Ochecjee Bluffs, he mms confirmed hi his inten- 
tion by findiiip the nivigation uf the liscanibia 
occinded to lil:; supplies, lie therefore pro- 
ceeded, and entcniij; Pciisacola on the '24th of 
May, he took Fort n.in:;i-.ca ■ on the 27th — hav- 
ing', in his short campaig-n of three months, and 
with an undisciplined force, v.j-yinjj from one 
to two thousand, overrnn a counin Ijiijerthaii 
Italy — forced a Parthian eiieny three ti-.i.cs to 
action, and thougli once inferior in nviinbcrs, 
thrice defeated him ; \sithout any materials for 
a military bridge, having' passed rivers as larpe 
and as deep as the Po or the Adige — without 
other subsistence frequently than acorns^ raw- 
hides and water, having- marched more than 
800 miles ; willi scarce any artillery, having 
taken by force cr intimidation three fortresses, 
«nd with little more than the energies of his 
own gTc at mind terminated forever this savafe, 
servile and piratical tt'ar. It was a subject of 
glory to Pompey the Great, that after having 

'I'orste:' Scrtorians, h ; she ." ' »« to conduct 

the war against the firates. AVlien Gen. Jack- 
Fou undertook the Seminole War, he had de- 
feated the best troops, and among the finest 
(Jenerals of Europe, and terminated the most 
glorious campaign of the age. Yet he is found 
as ardent and persevering against these hordes 
of savages and .slaves, as si;. ccrcly devoted to 
the country as any young aspirant for fame, lit- 
tle dreaming that in the bosom of tliat country, 
ingratitude Was to hatcliabrood of Vampires ! 

During these operations, it h.appened tliat the 
Prophet Francis and his instrument Kenhagee, 
king of the Mississukian, in whose town the 
,"59 scalp*; were found, had after the murder of 
Lieut.»^t)tt a.-.d his party .'!ei7:ed Uanibly and 
• Doylt,V*t«the instigation of Aibuthnot, under 
who^ -anSiority as chief, and that of Francis 
they w%re<lried in council and sentenced to be 
torturt^ to death, for their friendship to the 
United States. From this wretched fate they 
were rescued by the spirited inicrference of a 
negro, Sc-ro, the commander of 6'J other ne- 
groes in the servi:e of tlie hostile Chief Bow- 
legs, and were by his agency conve)'ed, as pri- 
soners of Arbuthnot, and his Jiidlans to St. 
Marks, for safe keeping. Her'- they were re- 
ceived by the commandant as prisoners, and 
here they saw numerous evidcmies of the pai-- 
tictpation of the Spanish authorities in the Sem- 
inole war, but escaping in a ciliue, they were 
taken up by Lieut. M'Keever, of the United 
States' Navy, iff the adjacent Bajr. With a sort 
'•' ih'amatic coincidence, it cani? to rass that the 



thirst for blood having risen in the breast of th*^ 
proj)liet and his warrior Himithlimaco, they 
soon repented the rescue of Hambly and Bovie, 
and eatne to St. Marks in quest of them, just 
after they had made their escape. With the 
frucious perseverance of wolves they pursued 
their fligiil along the coast, hoping that weathor 
or weariness would force them ashore, and soon 
descried a vessel at anchor, with British colours 
■flyin;? at the mast head. — After some rcconi>oi- 
teiing thi-y went aboard, were conducted into 
the cabin where tliey found Hambly and Doyle, 
who immcdLati ly identifying them as the mur- 
derers of I.ieut. Scutt and his party, and their 
own captors and trmentors, they were put in 
irons bv Lieut. M'Keever. These circumstan^ 
ccs bein.^ all '• ■■Az known to Gen. Jackson, by 
a ma.<s of proof and undisputed notoriety, in 
conformity with the order of the Secretary of 
War "to inflict exemplary punishment on the 
authors of the atrocities" — committed on Lieut. 
Scott's party, and Mrs. Garrett's family, he had 
them hung, in accordance with the principles 
of the Law of Nations, and in obedience to the 
dictates of humanity, which their atrocities had 
outraged, and to which the terror and cxampic 
of their fete was a just sacrifice, and provcu » 
salutary propitiation. 

The reader will see that the onlj- decoying 
was practiced by Lt. M'Keever and before h** 
can agree to censure that, itmu', '' -- ji'io ah tlist 
our naval officers had no right t use iuch strat- 
aj;ems as the officers of othe? riations practice,. 
altliough the colors of all nations are furnisheti 
them for this e.vpress puopose; and it must be 
farther shown that it was the duty of GeneraJ 
Jackson to see that Lt. M'Keever should dress 
and manage his sh.ip exactly to the taste of Mr. 
Johnson. These Indians were taken by strata- 
gem and surprise as Andre was, and like th«t 
unfortunate officer, who never violated a feeling 
of humariity, they were "slaughtered" — that is, 
they were hung. In this punishment, as jus- 
tice, liumanity, and the law of natic.is were 
satisfied, it is to be observed that they being 
out of the United States, our own laws were nut 
concerned. 'Had they been brought within our 
limits all their crimes must have j;ori-; unpun- 
ished— for they had not violated ourmutiiupal 
or maritime, or martial laws. Hut the law of na- 
tions vests the right of retaliation in the com- 
manding general, and the imbecility or d»honor 
of the Spanish authorities haviui; Justified the 
assertion of our beligercnt rights, it w»» ilia 
duty of Gen. Jackson to fulfil t). ■ instrucUins of 
his governient and bring fhest laurdercrs ts 
punishment.* 

•Although the feeling and common sense of 
every man must c(«iivin«e him that thie death cS" 
the prophet and Himithlimaco was due to hu- 
manity and justice, yet it may be proper to for- 
tify that well founded decision by respectable 
suthority. Vatte) says, 530. 34) "When FC 



ot. 



i.ui U3 '.!>>» ^ouie Lu luc case ti Arbuthnot. vinced lliC Couiti ot' Spain and of England o»" 
rrom the recspturcd American woman, who tliejusticeoftheirpunishnient. Andyct because 
was the sole remaining survivor of Lieutenant it is too vohitninous and intricate to be readi- 
Scott's i)arty — from Cook his Clerk — from ly examined,* Mr. Johnson fonnd upon it impu- 
Phcuix hi3 acquaintance — from letters and tations which with the rancourous, have the re- 
napers found in a vessel of his, captured in the tributive property of injustice, and thougli aun- 
mouth of the Suawney, and others obtained edat tlie reputation of another, will o.dy affect 
from the Indians by our agent, it was proved his own. There is one thing that ought to be 
incontestibly that "this advocate for peace," by mentioned as remarkable both in his ire and his 
misrepresenting the terms of the treaty of grief — namely, his solemn affirmatio]\ that Ar- 
Ghent — the conduct of the American and the butlmot who was hung, was "more injured" 
intentions of the British government, had in- than Ambrister who was only shot — hemgcon- 
c'lted in time of peace tlis Seminole Indians to vinced, as if from experience, that death by 
hostilities against the United States. That to hanging is worse than death by shooting, 
aid those hostilities, he had applied in behalf When a writer has clearly established his ti- 
ofthe Indians, to v.uious functionarits of Bri- tle,to disbelief, it cannot be necessary to op- 
tain for supplies, and to disguise them for pro- pose a formal refutation to each of his misstate- 
tection. That he had furnished tliem with in- ments especially if as in the case of Mr. John- 
telligence and ammunition, for military purpos- son, his errors have been exposed before. It 
es, and had given them advice and orders in the appears that in the list of unfounded charges 
management of the war. That he had direct- contained in the address, arc two which had es- 



ed the seizure and presided at the condemna- 
tion of Hambly and Doyle in consequence of 
their being "the advocates for peace" with the 
U. States. That he had instigated and counte- 
nanced the massacre of Lt. Scott and his party, 
consisting of about 40 American citizens. That 
as an Indian r.hief, he had permitted our gal 



capcd my notice. They relate to the six mili- 
tia men, and to the alleged usurpation of pow- 
er to appoint milititia officers. The first of 
these charges is now before tlie House of Rep- 
resentatives, and as its determination by that 
body v/ill not only have the authority of trutii 
but'of the nation, I shall not enter on the easy 



lant officers to be assassinated, our brave sol- task of refuting it. The second was long ago 

diers to be butchered and their helpless wives deniohshedby the memorial of Gen Jackson 

to be murdered, or with more horrible cruelty wliich w.as presented to the Senate on the 6tli 

spared to see their infants "taken by the heels of March, 1820, and which convinced Mr. Jef- 

and their brains dashed out against the sides of fersun of his " salutary energy" in the prosecu- 

the boat."* And that when one of the two cution of the Seminole War. It will be enough 

women who had been sp.-ired (the wife of .an 

Aracricanserjeant)wasfrom pregnancy no long- * For the evidence in these cases, see docu 

er able to keep up with the inarch of her cap- ments (35) accompanying the President's Mes- 

tors, this "advocate for peace" ordered her to sage of the 2d December, 1818, and those (65) 

be put to death, and that accordingly she was accompanying that of the 28th Dec. following, 

bayoneted through tlie womb! From the same particidarlj thejet'if frem Gen. Gaines of the 

and other sources of proof it was demonstrated 2d Dec. 1817, with its enclosures, th.it from 

that Ambrister had not only instigate i 'he In- Gen. Jackson, of the ;-.h April 1818, and the 

dians to war against the U. States, but iiad ac- report of Col. Uutler oi die 3d May, in the first 

taally joined them with a party of runaway ne set. In the second, Nos. 45, 46 ami 61, with 

groes and ltd them in battle— having used his the deposition of Lieut. M'Keever and the tes- 

commission as a British officer (a nation with timony of Plieni.'c and Cook before the Court 

which we were at peace) to promote his per- arc chiefly apposite. In addition to the autho- 

nicious influence among them, 'and having en- rity already produced for their execution and '■ 

deavoredby force to convert a Spanish fortress in Illustration of tiie principle that must have 

.nto a place of savage hostility againsttheUnited satisfied the foreign governments ;on the sub- 

States. ject; the following reference is made to Vattel, 

These are the men whose crimes had de- (52 o. 29.) " We may refuse to spare the life 

stroyed so many innocent lives, for the sake of an enemy who has surrendered, when the 

of Otter skins and runaway shaves, and whose enemy has been gjilty (a fortiori when he him- 

punishment is lamented with such dignified self h.as) of some enormous breach ctffliojlaws 

sorrow by Mr. Johnson, for the sake of Mes.srs. of nations, and particularly when he li^^eV^la- , 

Adams and Clay. The evidence against them ted the laws of war." Arbuthnot and Ambris- 

satisfied a sourt of gallant and intelligent offi- ter had violated the laws of peace ai^d %ifar,. of 

;ers,of their guilt — satisfied the representatives God and m-an — and to have treated thens like 

and the government of the nation — and con- ordinary prisoners of war would have beSn en- 

couragement. Vattel (321) says, "retaliation 

are at war with a nation wliich observes no rules maybe exercised even on the innocent," a 
and grants no quarter, they may be chastised in principle on which Gen. Washington acted in 
the persons of those of them wlio may betaken, the case of Sir diaries Asgill, Jlarshail 3d 
They are of the number of the guilty, and by 391,) and that " when your army is out of your 
•his rigor the attempt may be made of bringing own territory tlie right of retaliation is in the 
-hem to a sense of the lawsof liamanity." The commanding General, aiid he has the right of 
prophet and Himithlimaco were not only s.acrificing the lives of the enemy to his own 
^'.imong the guilty," but U>e leaders of the safe'y or that of his people, if he has to con- 
guilty, tend with an inhuman enemy, and %o treat him 

* Vids in the documents hereafter specified, as his own people have been treated. See also 

Cook's letter, and the account ob tainejJ from the details in the Itwue of I.^ixls, lUhMi;-, 

•he r^,sp\"j:id womsn- " '^''.°- 



tore/cr Oie riider to tliai docuuient, and par- 
ticularly to the deposition of Col. Hayne ami 
to the letter of Colonels Dyer and Williamson, 
in ils appendiz for proof that the charge is ab- 
solutely and totally false. M''ould it were in my 
power also to convince him that Mr. Johnson 
does not know it to be so. 

Having thus completed the exposure of this 
Labored attempt to degrade a great citizen and 
delode a great state, it remains to look at the 
character and condition of tlie body of which it 
purports to be the offspring. In individual 
character it is enviable, in numbers respectable, 
but in popular influence and constitution, me.v 
gre and scant. Like a dying peach tree, it has 
all leaves and no fruit. It appears to be more 
numerous than the House of Delegates, the 
broadest representation known un the State, 
and yet, consisting as it does of detached and 
discontented politicians, its constituents! would 
hardly form a brigade of militia — and they would 
be all against any thing ntilHanj. It is in truth 
a " most forcible feeble," — and the address is 
the most enterprising experiment on record for 
propelling falsehood by the force of authority. 
Of this experiment, it is but justice to say, Mr. 
.Tohnson appears Xohe the organ, the manager, 
the Mx. But now that his torpid /or;56(/o" has 
exploded, what will he do with his corps of en- 
gineering judges, misguided by him into the de- 
files of dilemma and discredit' Will be disband 
tliera in the v.-ilderness of fallacy and falsehood, 
far from their silling, .and as it would seem, their 
superior parts, bruising their delicate shins or 
bumping their tender rotundities against the 
stubborn obstructions of fact, and the bold pro- 
jections of argument, straggling and scrambling 
to make their way back to privacy and privilege 
without steam boatsand without milage. * In op- 
position to orders from W.ishingrton.he cannever 
dare to "divulge their draggletailed show" in 
a regular retreat, as that might "ofi'er an indig- 
nity to tlie Secretary of War," and produce his 
own dismission from service. The chaplain of 
the expedition too, the "oily man of God," 
what will become of his reverence' But this is 
a subject too serious for ridicule, too awful 
even for pleasantry. The God of Moses, from 
Pinar'3 fiery top, has said — "thou shalt not bare 
false witnes3 against thy neighbour;" and the 
redeemer of mankind, tlie Lord of meekness 
and compassion denounces punishment on "evil 
speaking," and says for every malicious word a 
man shaii utter "he shall give an .iccount at the 

• Borne few years ago, a brace of these ad- 
ministration judges took a fancy to travel in 
steamboats, ©ne of them embarked high up 
on the Potomac and having coasted an immense 
peninsula, landed in Richmond. The other 
took water on some of tlie western rivers and 
made his w.ay to the treasury either by Wheel 
ing or New Orleans. In imitation of Mr. Ad- 
ams they charged comtruciive mileage, when 
their legal mileage was on the direct ordinary 
route. The charge of one was thrice the 
amount of his just claim, that of the otlier 
sbout five times. The legislature made them 
disgorge, although Mr. Clay had sanctioned 
*he doctrine, in allowances, when Speaker, to 
his western friends. The matter occasioned 
.some anger and much fun in Virginia, all at 
■.-■•' '•X'^zri'^ of t'n'; '■.Tnbo.'.t judges. 



day of Juugiiieiul" iov that account let the 
reverend gentleman prepare. 

In respect to Mr. Johnson, it can hardly be 
said that modesty or eloquence is pre-eminent 
among his political virtues, or that his profes- 
sional ability is likely to be decreased by infu- 
sions of talent into his general writings. Of 
him it will neve/ be said — 

"How sweet an Ovid was in Murray lost." 
Acknowledging in his letter of adhesi- n, strong 
distrust and disapprobation of Mr. Adams, he 
yet insists that it is "ineffably stupid" in the 
people of Vn-ginia, the most alert and spii-ituai 
devotees of liberty in.the civilized world, not to. 
postpone their decided favorite to the object of 
his public disesteem. Nor is he entitledto the 
praise of invention; for, after laboring lustily in 
the field of fiction, he furnishes his party with 
nothing original. While all his charges are 
false, not one of them is new; and though all 
his inferences are fallacious, most of them are. 
trite. An indelicate memory furnishes his pre- 
mises, and an immoderate presumption regulates 
his conclusions. Insensible to the grandeur of 
the character he traduces, he seems forgetful 
of the intelligence of the people to whom he 
appeals. But it is strange that an individual so 
inconsiderate of others, should not have more 
respect for himself. He does not appear to 
consider that by repeating, he adopts these 
stories — partakes of the disgraceful motion o? 
the scandal, and marked as "the tenth trans- 
mitter" of falsehood, descends with th^ pro- 
gress of an impenitent sinner, who sinks in in 
famy as he advances in age. 

If these remarks should appear intolerant, 
it must be remembered that the re-action ot' 
injustice is proportioned to its violence; and it 
long, that for the poison of concentr.itpji slan 
der, the most effectual antidele is expanded 
truth. _ JEFFERSON. 

From the Ithaca Journal. 

MR. ADAMS' DEFENCE OF GENERA! 
JACKSON. 

There is a misconception of the true charar- 
!er of General Jackson, and an honest preju- 
dice against him, existing in the minds of some 
persons, which an impartial invsstigation can- 
not fail to dissipate. Anxious that all such 
doubts should be removed, and that all true A- 
mericans should unite in the cause of principle 
against intrigue and corruption, with a confi- 
dence thai they are at the same time yielding 
their support to talents and integrity, we shall 
occasionally notice those passing calumnies 
which the enemies of General Jackson have 
now revived, long after they have been tri- 
umphantly refuted, with the baSe hope tlw 
these refutations may have escaped tlie memo- 
ry of some, and the observation of others. Of 
this class are the charges relative to the Semi- 
nole war, the invasion of Florida, the execu- 
tion of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, &c. &c. Are 
not the retailers of these calumnies aware, tha'. 
the charges were officially investigated by Cor.- 
gress, through Mr. C/ay's instrumentality; and 
that, notw'ithstai>ding Mr. Clay's influence and 
exertions procured an unfavorable report of the 
Committee ; yet that General Jackson was ho- 
norably acquired by .in almost unanimous vet* ' 



bB 



-jfConErress.' Do tUfv not know that General the province, Untied at another, establ.siied 
.•"ackaonMiaEsbly iustiftedanddefendedbyMr. himselfon the Apalactucola river, and there 
Adams; and that this iustification stands upon erected a fort, from which tn sally forth v/ith 
i-ecord as the most able and honorable act of his motley tribe of black, white and red corn- 
Mr. Adams' public life? Admitting that Gene- batants, against the defenceless borders ot the 



United Stales, in that vicinity. A part of this 
force consisted of a corps of colonial marines, 
levied in the Britisli colonies, in which George 
Woodbine wasa Captain, and Robert Christie 
Ambristie, was a Lieutenant. 

For several monl'.is after the ralification of 
the treaty of Gt'.ent, this post was retained. 



ral Jackson, in the emergencies of his trying 
situation, SHirounded by an insidious and s.avage 
enemy, with the cries of the desolate, and tlie 
blood of their murdered women and children, 
appealing to him for vengeance — admit, we syy, 
that under these circumstances he did overstep 

the bounds of propriety— can the American bo- . ,->„•■,,. 

som find for him no excuse, no palliation— Remonstrances were made to the British Gov- 

while the oii/cutom^ politician, who sits d"\vn ernmen'.;the conduct of >,icliolls disavowed, 

free from danger or alarm, and coolly and and the fort eventually abandoned by him 1 his 

deliberately in his closet /us^:^'* all his acts, is f^-rt, however, Mr. A. states was retained by 

taken to its confidence'— The heated, over- the banditti to whom Nicholls had left it, "as 

zealous partisans, who urge these char-es a post from «hich to commit depredations, 

SKainst General Jackson, seem bhnd to the- outrages, murders, &c." not«-itlistandiiig Gen. 

dilemma in which they place their favorite. If ...^ckson, in April, 1816 " wrote a letter to the 

General Jackson is guilty, Mr. Adams cannot Governor ot Florida, cal.mg upon him to put 

be innocent; but the crime of the one must be down this common nuisance to the peaceable 

ascribed to impulse, to necessity; while that of inhabitants of both countries." 



impulse 
the other is the result of cool and deliberate 
depravity! The virtuous and enlightened A- 
merican, however, who would rather sympa- 
thise with the friends than with the enemies of 
his country, will find no grounds in these 
transactions, for the condemnation of either, 
ife will recognise in the conduct of. Gen. Jack- 
son, the intrepid warrior, the brave and disin- 
terested patriot; and in that of Mr. Adams, tlie 
unprejudiced advocate of his country's rights, 
the fakhful organ of the government and peo- 
ple. We have before us the litter of Mr 
Adams, then Secretary of State, dated Nov. "8, 

3818, to Mr. Irving, 'Minister Pienipotenti.ary ^^ _,_ ^_,^,._ ___^._ __ 

to Spain, containing his defence of General expedition to England, than the peaceful inhab- 
J.ackson's conduct. It comprises an interesting jt^nts of the borders of the United States, were 
liistory of the Seminole war, and the events vis,ted with allthe Horrors of savage war; the 
which followed. We sliall extract from it as jobbery on tlieir property, and the barbarous 
liberally as our present limits will permit; and a„j indiscriminate murder of women, infancy 
wc ask the revilers of General Jackson, and and age. 



"In the year 181", Alexander Arbuthnot, 
of the island of New Providence, a British sub- 
ject, first appeared as an English trader in Spa- 
nish Florida, and as the successor of Colonel 
Nicholls, in the employment of instigating- the 
Seminole and outlawed Red Stick Indians to 
hostUities against the United St.ates, by reviv- 
ing tlie pretence that they were entitled to all 
the lands which had been ceded by tlie Creek 
Nation to the United States, in .\ugust 181-1-. 
• * • In his infernal instigations he was but 
too successful. No sooner did he make this 
appearance among the Indians, accompanied 
by the propiiet IIilUs Iladjo, returned from iiis 



those who are honestly prejudiced against him, 
tOTcad these extracts with attention. 

"In tlie month of August, 1814, while a 
war existed between the United States and 
Great Britain, to which Spain had formally de- 
cTared herself neutral, a British force, not in the 
iresh pursuit of a defeated and flying enemy, 
iiot OA-ersteppiiig an imaginary or eopiivoeal 
houiidary between their own territories, and 



"After the repeated expostulations, warning's, 
and offers of peace, through the summer and 
autumn of 1817, on the part of the United 
States, had been answered only by renewed 
outrages, and after a detachment of 40 men, un- 
der Lieutenant Scott, accompanied by seven 
women, had been waylaid and murdered 
by the Indians, orders were given to General 



■those Kelunging in some sort, as much to thcii- Jackson, and an adequate force was pliiced 
enemy as to Spain; but approaching by sea, his disposal to terminate the war. It was as- 
and by a broad and open imanion of the'Span- certained that tlie Spanish force in Florida was 
isK province, at a thousand milefi, or an ocean's inadequate for the protection even of the Span- 
distance from any British territory, landed in ishterritory itself, against this mingled horde of 
Florida, took possession of Pensacola, in the layvless Indian? and negroes; and altliough their 
tort of Barancas, and invited by public prucla- devastations Were commixed within the limits 
inations, (doc. 1.) all the runaway negroes, of the United States, they immt-diately sought 
all the savag'j Indians, all tlie pirates, and all refuge within tlicFloridaline, !i there only were 
the traitors to their countrv, whom they knew, to be overtaken. The !Kces.sity of crossing the 
or imagined to exist within reach of their sum- line was indispensable; for it w;is from beyond 
mons, to join their standard, and wage an ex- the line tliat Uie Indians made their murderous 
terminating war against tlie portion of the. Uni- incursions within that of the United States. It 
ted States immediately bordering upon this was there th.at tlicy liad their abode; and the 
neutral and thus violated tu-ritory of Spain, territory belonged, in tact, to them, although 
■J"he land commander of this British force, was witliin the borders of the Spanish jurisdictio-i. 
B certain Col. Nicholls, who (.Iriven from Pen- There it was that the American commander met 
sacola, by the approach of Gen. Jackson, ac- the priclpa! resistance from tli-.in, there it was 
tually'let't to be blown up the Sjianish fort that were found the stUl bleeding scalps of our 
— • ' '- — J -^ — ' 1 ..«• -i>-....,i „;,;,,...., 4',.,.ci.i.. butchered by them; there it 



at Barrancas, when he found it could not afford citizetis, freshly bi 
him protections find evacuating that part of was that he release'. 



i the onlv 



iman who h-ad 



ihd 



been suflel-eu to si\n ivo tire iUissaDTJ; of t!ie par- 
ty under lieutenant Scott. 

"Ill the course of his pursuit, as he approacli- 
ed St. Mark,«;, he was informed direct from the 
Governor of Pensacola, that a party of the ho.s- 
tilc Indians had threatened to seize that fort, 
anil that he apprehended the Spa'iish g^arriso:! 
tlierc was not in strength sufficient to defend 
it agninst them. This information was confirm- 
ed fiom other sources; and, by the evidence 
protluced upon tlie trial of .\mhrisler, is prov- 
ed to have been exactly true. Ky all the laws 
of neutrality, and of war, as well as of prudence 
and of humanity, he was warranted in anticipa- 
tint^ his enemy by the amicable, a;ui, that being- 
refused, by the forcible occupation of the fort. 
There will need no citations from printed trea- 
tises on international law, to prove the correct- 
ness of this principle. It is engraved in ada- 
inai\t on the common sense of mankind. No 
writer upon the laws of nations, ever pretended 
to contradict it. None, of any reputation or au- 
tiinrity, ever omitted to assert it." 

Mr. Adams st.ates, that in the Fort of St. 
Marks, Arbuthiiot was found "an inaiate of 
the commandant's family;" that here he held 
his councils with the hostile Indians, s\ipplied 
Hiem with ammunition, provisions, fee. He 
states that the conduct of the Governorof Pcn- 
sncola was equally reprehensible, and that npon 
the approach of (ien. Jackson to Pensacola, 
tile Governor of Pensacola threatened to meet 
and expel him from t!ie territory witli force. 

" It became, therefore, in the opinion of Gen. 
.lackson, indispe'is.\bly necessary to- take from 
the Go%-ernor of Pensacola, the mean'; of carrv- 
inff his threat into execution. Before the forces 
under his command, the savafjc enemies of his 
coiintry had disappeared. Itut he knew that 
the tnoment those forces should be disbanded, 
if slieltercd by the Spanish fortresses, if furnish- 
ed with auimnnitions and suiiplies by Spanish 
ofTicers, and, if aided and supported by the in- 
stiijation of Spanish encourag-enient, as he had 
every reason to expect they woidd be, they 
■wo\ild re-appear, and fired, in addition to their 
ordinaiy ferociousness, with reveng-e for tlie 
chastisement they had so receinh- received, 
would ag-ain rush with the war-hatchet and the 
scalping-kiiife, into the bordire of the United 
States, and mark every footstep with tbe 
blood of their defenceless citizens So farasall 
the native resources of the savages extended, 
the war was at an end, anil General Jackson was 
about to restore to tlieir families and thor 
homes, the brave volunteers who li.ad followed 
his standard, andwhohad constituted the prin- 
cipal part of his force. This could be done 
with safety, le.iving the regular portion of his 
troops to i^lrrison his line of forts, and two small 
llctachments of vohinteer cavalry to scoiu- the 
co'jntry round Pensacola, .and sweep oil" the 
iMrkinjf remnants of savages, who had been 
scattered and dispersed before him." 

Gen. Jackson, therefore, took posssession of 
Pen- icola, "not in hostility to 3|;aiii, (says Mr. 
Adams,) but as a necessary measure of self de- 
fence," intending to restore it whenever the 
Spanish authorities could occupy it w ith a coni- 
plete force. 

Mark, now, the strong language in which 
Mr. Adams justifies these proceeding's of Gen. 
Jackson; ar.'d in tl;e spirit of -liiith he niutt 



stanclJuslIiieU in the liearts^of the Aiuerioan 
people. 

"But the President will neither inflict pun- 
ishment, rK)r paas a censure upon G'en. Jackson, 
for that conduct, the motives of which wer(? 
founded in the purest patriotism; of tlie neces- 
sity for which he had the most irumediate send 
eflVctiial means of forming a judgment; and. 
the vindication of which is written in ever]^ 
page of the law of nationsi as well as in the fil'st 
law of nature, self-defence." 

The above are extracts. from Mr. Adams'.* 
letter, which relates to what is tenned Generaj 
Jackson's tvv4siuv of FhriiLi — ** the motive'? 
for which (to repeat the emphatic language of 
Mr. .\-<Hm3) were founded in the purest patfi' 
otism; of ttie iwcf-tsili/ of which he hatl the rao.st: 
immediate and effectual means of judging-; anfl 
the viNiurATio.v of which is written in every 
page of the law of nations, as well as in the fir^f 
law of nature, ar/f-ifrfowc." We shall now givi» 
a few of Mr. Adams' s remarks, relative tD,the 
true character and well merited fate of ArbutJi- 
not and Ambrister. 

'• The connexion between Arbufhnot and 
Nicholls, and between Ambrister, Woodbin'; 
and M'Gregor, i.s established beyond all ques- 
tion, by the evidence produced at the trials be- 
fore the court-martial. From his letter to Ham- 
bly, dated 3d May, ISIT, fsec the document 
marked G in the proceedings of the court-mar- 
tial,] it appears that liis trading was a pre- 
tence; and that his principal purpose was to ac*; 
as the agent of the Indians of Florida, and out- 
laws from the Creek.s, to obt.ain the aid of the; 
British government in their hcretllities against 
the United States. He expressly tells Hambly 
there, 'that the chief of those outlaws was the 
principal cawse of his (Arbuthnot's) being in 
the country; and that he had come with an an- 
swer from F/arV Bathurst, delivered to him by 
Gov. Cameton of New Providence, to certairt 
Indian talks, in which this aid ofthe, British go-. 
\-ernmeMt bad be'=n solicited. 

Hambly himself had been left by NicliolTs a» 
the agent between the Indians and the British 
government, but having found that Nicholls 
had failed in his attenjpt to prevail upon thf; 
British govcrnineiit to pursue this clandestine 
war, in the midst of peace, and that they were 
not prepared to snpport his pretence, that half 
a do-zeu outlawed fugitives from the Creek naj 
tion; whei; Arbuthnot, the incendiary, came, 
and was insti(;\atirg them by promises of sup- 
port froiii Great Britain, to commence tliei:- 
murderous iocm-sions into the United State?, 
Hambly, at tbe request of the chiefs of the. 
Creeks themselves, wrote to him, warning him 
to withdraw from among that baud of outlaws, 
and giving bim a soleinn Joreboding ef th-i 
doom that awaited him from the hand of jus- 
itce, if he jiersevered in tlie course that he pur- 
sued. Arbuthnot nevertheless persisted; and 
while he was deluding the wretched Iiulian« 
with the promise of support from England, li<i 
was wTiting letters for them to the British mi- 
nister in the United States, to the Governor 
Cameron of New Proviilcnre, -to Col. Uichoils, 
to be laid before the British govermoent, and 
even to the Spanish Govcrr.er of St. Augu.-I- 
tiue, and the Governor GeneraJ-rjf tbe Havana, 
soliciting, iu all quarters, aidaiuisupport, arms 
and .amnumition, for the Indiaijs against the 
UiJted States, bewailing- ti'.i destaiJtiari sf ths 



7U 



•legro fort, and ciiarging the British govern- 
ment with having drawn the Indians into war 
with the United Stutes, and deserting them af- 
ter the peace." • * * • 

" Let us come to the case of Ambrister. He 
was taken in arms, leading and commanding 
■ he Indians in the war against the American 
'roops; and to that charge, upon his trial, plead- 
ed giiilty." » • • • , • 

Documents are here quoted and facts relat- 
ed, showing the connexion of Ambrister with 
Woodwine, andth> hostile savages. Mr. Adams 
'hen gives the following recital of inhuman 
butcheries to which the savages were instigat- 
ed by these wretches; and he asks.if they are not 
" sufficient to cool the sympathies" eScited by 
their execution! 

" The Spanish government !s not^ at this 
dav, to be informed, that, cruel as war in its 
inifidest forms must be, it is, and necessarily 
must be, doubly cruel when waged with sa- 
vages; that savages make no prisoners but to 
torture them; that they give no quarters; that 
they put to death, without discrimination of 
age or sex. That these ordinary characteris- 
tics of Indian v/arfare, have been applicable, in 
their most heart-sickening horrors, to that war 
left us by Nicholl's, as his legacy, reiVisfigated 
by Woodbine, Arbuthnot, and Ambrister, and 
stimulated by the approbation, encouragement, 
and aid of the Spanish commandant at St. 
Marks, is proof required? Entreat the Spanish 
Minister of State, for a moment, to overcome 
"he feelings, which details like these must ex- 
cite, and to reflect, if possible, with compo- 
sure upon the facts stated in the following ex- 
tracts, from the documents enclosed: 

Letter from saUing-master Jairus Loomis to 
Commodore DanielT. Patterson,- 13th August, 
1816, reporting the destruction of the negro 
fort: 

" On examining the prisoners, they stated 
that Edward Daniels, O. S. who was made 
prisoner in the boat, on the 17th July, was tar- 
'cd and burnt alive- " 

Letter from Archibald Clarke to General 
Gaines, 26th February, 1817". (Message, P. 
V. S. to Congress, 25th March, 1818, p. 9.) 

•'On the 24th inst. the house of Mr. Garret, 
residing in the upper part of this county, near 
the boundary of Wayne county, (Georgia,) 
was attacked during his absence, near the mid- 
dleoftheday, by this party [of Indians, ] consis- 
ting of about fifteen, who shot Mrs. Garret in 
t%vo places, and then despatched her by stab- 
bing and scalping. Her two children, one 
about three year.s, tlie other two months, were 
also murdered, and the eldest scalped; and tlie 
iiouse was then plundered of every article of 
value, and set on tire." 

Letter from Peter 15. Cook, (Arbuthnot's 
clerk,) to Eliza A. Carney, at Nassau, dated 
Suwahnee, 19th January, 1818, giving an ac- 
count of tlieir operations with the Indians, 
against the Americans, and the massacre of Lt. 
Scott and his party. 

"There was a boat that was taken by the In- 
dians, that had in it thirty men, seven women, 
font small children. There were six of the men 
got clear, and one woman saved, and all the 
rest of them got killed. The children were 
taken by the leg, and their brains dashed out 



If the bare recital of scenes bke these canr. :t 
he perused without shuddering, what must be 
the agoni::ed feelings of those whose wives and 
children are,)from day to day, and from night to 
night, be exposed to the victims of the same bar- 
barity : Has mercy a voice to plead for the per- 
petrators and instigators of deeds like these ' 
Should inquiry, hereafter, be made, why, 
•within three months after this event, the savage 
Hamathli Meico, upon being taken by the A- 
merican troops, was, by order of their comman- 
der, immediately hung, let it be told, that that 
savage was the commander of tlie party, by 
which those women were butchered, and thos'j 
helpless infiints were thus dashed against the 
boat. Contending v.'ith such enemies, althougti 
humanity revolts at entire retaliation upon 
them, and sp.ires the lives of their feeble and 
defenceless women and children, yet mercy, 
herself, surrenders to retributive justice the 
lives of their landing warriors taken in arras, 
and still more the lives of the foreign, white 
incendiaries, who, disowned by their own go- 
vernments, and disowning their own natures, 
degrade themselves beneath the savage charac- 
ter, by voluntarily descending to its level. Is 
not this the dictate of common sense ' Is it not 
the usage of legitimate warfare? Is it not 
consonant to the soundest authorities of nation- 
al law' " When at war (says Vattcl) with a 
ferocious nation, which observes no rules, and 
grants no quarter, they may be chastised in the 
personsof those of themwho may be taken; they 
are of the number of the guilty, and by this ri- 
gor the attempt may be made of bringingthem 
toa sense of the law»»f humanity." Andagain: 
" As a general has the right of sacrificing the 
Wvts of his enemies to his own safetj', or that 
of his people, if.hj^has to contend with an inht;- 
man enemy, often guilty of such excesses, he 
may take the lives of some of his prisoners, and 
treat them as his own people have been treat- 
ed." The justification of these principles is 
found in thcirsalucary efficacy 'for terror andfor 
example." 

It appears that Arbuthnot and Ambrister 
v.'ere executed — not as some of the revilers of 
Gen. Jackson have asseited, %o:thout trial — but 
conformably *o the sentence of a regu!:ir court 
martial, and Mr. Adams thus sums up in con- 
clusion, hisjustification of the measure: 

"That the two Englishmc;n,executed by order 
of den. Jackson, were not only identified with 
the savages, with whom they were earning on 
the war against the United States, but that one 
of them was the mover andfomentcr of tlie war, 
which, without his interference and false pro- 
mises to the Indians of support from the British 
government, never would have happened; that 
the other was the instrument of war against 
Spain, as well as the United States, commis- 
sioned by M'Gregor and expedited by Wood- 
bine, upon their project of conquering Florida, 
with these Indians and negroes; that as accom- 
plices of the savages, and, sinning against their 
better knowledge, worse than savages, G::neral 
Jackson, possessed of their persons and the 
proofs of their guilt, might, by the lawful and 
ordinary usages of war, have hung them both 
without the form:<lity of atrial; that, to allow 
them every possible opportunity of refuting the 
proofs, or of showing any circumstance in ex- 
tenuation of their crimes, he gave them the be- 



/ 1 



•.rlit of trial by a coui't martiai of highly respec- 
table officers: that the defence of one consist- 
ed solely and exclusively of teclinic;tl cavils at 
the nature of part of tlie evidence against him, 
,ind the other confessed his guilt." 

Thus Mr. Adams not only justifies General 
Jackson, in the execution of Arbuthnot and Am- 
brister, but he goes farther; he would have jus- 
tified hi, ii, had he "hung them both wituoit 
THE FOHMALiTT OF A trial!" After this, let not 
the supporters of Mr. Jldams arraign the con- 
duct of Genc-ra'/Ji/cAfon as connected with his 
arduous and patriotic services in the public de- 
fence; but let them "cool thtir sympathies" for 
the enemies of their country, and seek some 
more honorable method of promoting the suc- 
cess of their favorite. 



THE TRICKS OF THE COALITION. 

We have before us a letter from a highly res- 
pectable gentleman in New Hampshire, to his 
friend in this city, who says: 

" You ask, what are the causes (of the elec- 
tion of Bell &c.) There is no doubt that the 
coffin handbills, and the story of the Dickinson 
duel effected it. A'l you have seen in the pa- 
pers, and heard, can give you but a very im- 
perfect idea of tlie exertions which were made 
to secure votes for the Administration ticket. 
These handbills, spurious lives of Jackson, &c. 
Sec. were carried to every house in every town, 
as far as my knowledge extends. Thousand.^ 
of them were brought to and per- 
sons were hired to go and read them to the ig- 
norant " 

A friend from Delaware has forwarded to us 
a pamphlet which purports to be an impartial 
account of Gener.al Jackson, but which is in fact 
3 compilation of all the fiijsehoods which the 
niitful press oi' the coalition has invented. 

The elections in Virginia arc now m progress, 
and the last Intelligencer, printed at Lexington, 
contains just so much of Mr. Barbour's shuiiied 
up documents, relative to the six militia men, 
as was arranged by hfm to make an impression 
hat they were called into service for three 
months. 

We have before said that the Legislature of 
Tennessee passed an act authorizing the Gov- 
ernor to call into service a portion of the mili- 
tia, for the purpose of putting an end to the 
Creek war. Under this act several regiments 
were placed under the comm.and of General 
Jackson, in 1813. 'Ihty ivere honoriibly dis- 
charged at the end of three months. Speaking 
of these men, the Governor in his letter of the 
10th of December, 1813, said: 

IVillie Blount to the Secretary of Ti'ar. 

N.isuviLLE, 10th Dec, 1813. 
Sin: The force from this State, called into 
service to act against the hostile Creeks, is 
composed, in part, of United States' volun- 
teers,*enrolicd under the acts of Congress; of 
the militia, detached under a requisition from 
the War Department; and, in part of volunteers, 
who, being best armed, turned out, upon the 
pressing emergency, to repel an approaching 
invasion of this State and the Mississippi Ter- 
ritory. The fii-st named, think that their term 
of sei*vice expires (as 1 have before advised 
vnu>onthi'« dav Th*" second. I understand. 



are cf opii.ion, tint their tefin of service will 
expire at the end of three months from their 
entrance into service; that time being consider- 
ed, by the militia law of this State, passed 
prior to the act of Congress under which the 
detachment was made, as a tour of duty. The 
third description, I have reason to believe, con- 
sider that they ought [not] to be expected to 
serve longer than a three months' tour from 
their enti-ance into service, if tliat long. When 
these troops were called into service, the term 
they were expected to serve was not mention- 
ed in the instructions I received from the War 
Department, or in the act of the General As- 
sembly of this State, under which a part of the 
force w.as called out; neither was it mentioned 
in my order calling them out — 1 not having 
been advised of the most acceptable term to 
the Government, and knowing no other limita- 
tion to their service than such as was provided 
for by acts of Congress, unless sooner discharg- 
ed by order of the President. 

I believe the principal reason why these 
troops, in part, feel a de-.ire ic be discharged 
on the 10th inst is, th.at the volunteers think 
that they should not be compelled to serve lon- 
ger than one year from the time they were call- 
ed into service, as they h;ive held themselves 
ready to act at the call of Government since 
the 10th December, 1813. This has occision- 
ed much uneasiness and embarrassment at 
camp. The balance probably are influenced 
by their recollection of a tour of duty under the 
provisions of the militia law of this State, and 
by their want of clothing, &c. for a longer 
term of service; and another argument may 
be, that the circumst;inces under which they 
were called (to repel an approaching invasion, 
in part) did not admit of delay in their making 
the necessary preparation for a toiu" of six 
months,as the act of Congress respecting detach- 
ed militia requires, linless sooner discharged by 
order of the President; in other words, they 
had not time to prepare. Their promptitude 
promoted the service; their prompt attention to 
the call of Cover. i.iient, and the important ser- 
vices they have rendered in the field, during • 
the short terra thoy have been in service, teach- 
es the belief, th:»t they cannot be actuated, in 
their willingness to return, for any other rea- 
sons than the abovcmentioned. These facts 
and opinions are stated for the informatioji of 
Government, with whom alone it rests to de- 
termine how long they shall serve, to order 
their discharge, and likewise to order, in the 
event of their discharge, how their places are 
to be supplied . It is presumed that the object 
of the camp:t)gn is not yet effected, and it may 
not be for some time to come, witii best exer- 
tions. 

Under these circumstances, and from a de- 
sire, felt here, to promote the good of the ser- 
vice, it tt'ould be acceptable to the men in ser- 
vice to be informed how long they are expect- 
ed to serve, and, if they are to be discharged, 
by whose order, and how their places are to be 
supplied. Information on these points is re- 
spectfully solicited, believing that the good of 
the service, and the situation of this frontier, re- 
quire it. I am requested to make these, in 
quiries. I have the honor, S;c. 

WILLIE BLOU!{T 

The Ho" Sr.cnmnT "" Wjn 



la reply to this letter, the Secretary of War 
wrote aa follows: 

Tk€ Secretary of War to Governor Ulounl: 
WiB DuPARTniiiST, Jan. J, 181.1.. 

Sm: Your Excellency's letter of the 10th 
•iU. has been received. 

It is thought most udvisable, under all cir- 
cumstances, that the consti-uction given to their 
eng-agements, by the organized volunteers of 
1812, be admitted. In no othercase, however, 
have volunteers of the same description refused 
to make good three hundred and sixty five 
days' actual service. 

The militia may be considered as havingbeen 
called ou> under the law of 1795, which limits 
the service to three months. The President is 
the more disposed to make this decision, as the 
State law provides that aperiod of three months 
shall be deemed a tour of duty, and as the spi- 
ritand patriotism of Tennessee leaves no doubt 
but that a succession of corps, competent to 
the objects of Government, will be regularly 
provided. 

Your excellency has been informed that Mr. 
McGhee, the contractor, was supplied with 
funds to meet thu requisitions for provisl>iis, 
and his receipt for money, which you furnished 
for his accommodation, iS herewith returned. 
It was distinctly stated by him, that your Ex- 
cellency would be paid out of the advance which 
he received while at this place. 

J. ARMSTRONG. 
Gov. Blount, of Tennessee. 

It will be seen that this correspondence re- 
ported by the Secretary of War, proves that 
the troops to which it referred, were called into 
service by the State of Tennessee, and that the 
reason assigned i.i, that the troops having been 
called into service under the State authority, 
considered that their term of service was 
limited to three months. That they were dis- 
charged at the end of three months, appears 
from the following address of General Jackson 
to the troops. (See Eaton's life of Jackson, 
page 121:) 

'•Your General having reported that your 
teian of service will expire on the 14th, I as- 
sume no claim on you beyond that period. I5ul, 
although I cannot demand as a right, the con- 
tinuance of your services,! do not despair of be- 
ing able to obtain them througli your patriotism. 
For what piu-pose was it that you quitted your 
humes, and penetrated the heart of the enc- 
ir.y's country Was it to avenge the blood of 
your fellow citizens, inhumanly slain by that 
enemy; — to give security in future to our ex- 
tended and unprotected frontier, and to signal- 
ize the valour by w'.iich you were animated? 
Will any of these objects be attained if you 
abandon the campaign at the time jou contem- 
plate' Notonc! Yet an opportunity shall be 
ail'orded you, if you desire it. If you liM-e been 
really actuated by the feelings, and governed 
by the motives, v/hich yourcommaiuling gene- 
:■»! supposes inufluenced you to take up arms, 
und eiit-,rthe field in deiVnoe of your rlghta, 
r.')iie of you will resist the appeal he now make^, 
or hesitate to embrace witli eagerness, the op- 
portunity he is about to atrord yon. 

" The enemy, mort^ than half conquered, 
■••C% deriving ciicotirageTCenl und hopa 'Vim th .■ 



tardiness ot our ..perauuiis. ana tlieuistractiuut 
which have unhappily prevailed in out camp, 
are again assembling below us. Another lesion 
of admonition must be furnished them. They 
must again be made to feel the weight of thaj 
power which they have, without cause, pro- 
voked to w.ar; and to know, that although we 
have been slow to take up arms, wc will never 
lay them from our hands until we have secured 
the objects that impelled us to the resort. In 
less than eight days I shall leave this encamp- 
ment to meet and fight them. Will any of you 
accompany me? Are there any amongst you, 
who, at a moment like this, will not think it an 
outrage upon honor, for her feelings to be test- 
ed by a computatio[i of time? What if the pe- 
riod for which you tendered your services to 
your country has expired — is that a considera- 
tion with the valiant, the patriotic, and the 
brave, who have appeared to redress the in- 
jured rights of that country, and to acquire for 
themselves the name of glory? Is it a consi- 
deration with them, when those objects are still 
unattained, and an opportunity of acquiring 
them is so near at hand? Did such men enter 
t^ field like hirelings— to serve for pay > Does 
all regard for their country, their families, and 
themselves, expire with (he time for which 
t'leir services were eng.aged? Will it be a suf- 
ficient gratification to their feelings, that they 
served out three months, without seeing the en- 
emy, and then abandoned the campaign, when 
the' enemy w.as in the neighborhood, and could 
be seen and conquered in ten days! Any retro- 
spect they can make, of the sacrifices they have 
encountered, anl the privations they have en- 
dured, will .atl'urd but little satisfaction un-_ 
der such circumstances; — the very mention ot 
the Creek war, must cover them with the blush- 
es of shame, and self-abasement. Having en- 
gaged for only three months, and that period 
having expired, you are not bound to serve any 
lougcri— but are you bound by n'lthing else? 
Surely, as honorable and high-minded men, 
you inust, at such a moment as the present, feel 
other obligations tlian the law imposes. A fear 
(if the punishment of the law, did not bring you 
into camp; — that its demands are s.alisfied, will 
not take you from it. You had higher objects 
in view, — some g.'eater good to attain. This, 
your General believes, — nor can he believe 
otherwise, without doing you gi-eat injustice. 

*'Your services are not asked for longer than 
twenty days; and who will hesitate making- 
such a sacrifice when the good of his country 
and his own fame are at stake' Who under 
the present aspect of affairs, will even reckon 
it a sacrifice ? When we set out to meet this 
enemy, this post must be retained and defend- 
ed; if any of you will remain, and render the 
service, it will be no less important than if you 
had marched to the battle; nor will your Gene- 
ral less thankfully acknowledge it. Tuesday 
next, the line of march will be taken up: and 
hi a few days thereafter, the objects of l!ie ex- 
cursicm will be errected. .^s patriotic men, then, 
1 ask you for your services: and thus long, I have 
no doubt you will cheerfully render them. I 
atr, v.cU aware, that you are all anxious to re- 
turn to your faiiiilies and homes, and that jou 
are entitled to do so; yet stay a little longer, — 
go with me, and meet the enemy, and you can 
then reti^rn, not only with the ccnstic'sness cf 



iuviii^ [icnoriueti }"o.a- iliny, but witli the glo- 
rious exultation of having done eveii more tliau 
they requireii." 

Gov. Blount 'm his letter to the Secretary of 
War 3iid: "When these troops were cnlled 
into service, the term they were expected to 
serve was not mentioned in the instructions, I 
received from tlie War Uepartment, or in the 
act of the General Assembly of the Sta'c, imder 
wliich a part of that force were called o>it, 
neither was it mentioned in my order callinsj 
them out, I not havint^ been advised of the 
most acceptable term to tlie groverr.mcnt, and 
know of no other limiution to the service, than 
sueh as was provided by acts of Conf^ress, un- 
less sooner discharged by order of tlie Presi- 
dent." In his letter to Gen. .Tackson, he said: 
speaking of these troops, "The militia are de- 
tached for six months service." 

Yet Gen. Jackson who believed that these 
men were legally called into the service for 
sl.\ months, and tliat the Governor was under 
tiic infl\ience of iirc-side politicians, whose 
patriotism was an appendage, worn as a co- 
quette does a fine ribband merely for show, to 
be laid aside or applied as necessitx- may re- 
quire," when the appe.al to their patriotism had 
failed to retain them in the service, gave them 
an honorable discWarire. The e.vijjencies of the 
seVvice, and the patriotic feelings which ac- 
tuated Gen Jackson, will be better spoken in 
his own language. A few d-ays after this ad- 
dress to his volunteers, he wrote to Governor 
Blount as followa: 

"iladyourwish, th.itl should discli.arge a p.art 
of my force, and retire m ith tlie residue into the 
settlements, assumed the form of a positive or- 
der, it might have furnished me some .apology 
for pursuing such a course, but by no means a 
powers? iJo you wait for special instructions 
from the Secretary at War, wliich it is impossi- 



* Gen Jackson in a letter to Gen. William 
Cocke, dated Fort Sirother, February ITth, 
1814.> said: 

HEAD QUAKTERS, ? 

FoBT Stkotiieh, Feb. 17th, 1:114. S 

Sm, Your two letters of the 8th and 14ih 
ir.stant, have been received, but from the con- 
tinued hurry of business with which I am sur- 
rounded, I have not had time to answer them 
until now. 

The importance fif the service you have ren- 
dered, and the deep interest you have taken in 
forwarding my views and the objects of the cam- 
paign, command my sincere thanks. 1 hope 
} ou will continue to aid in procuring the means 
and transporting the supplies to this place: the 
active exertions of a patriot oi sixty -five >/ea.f of 
a^e, will cii lainlij stimulate the youthful soldier 
lohisduty; such exampleshave become necessa- 
ry; Ifindihost who talk most uf war anjvwke t/n. 
greatcft bustle about our injurtd rights at honte, 
are the last to liep furw « / in vidlcation of those 
rightf. I'atriolisui is an appendnge which such 
men wear as a coquette doss a ilne ribb.and, 
merely for show, .ind to be laid asid^ or ajiplied 
33 necessity m:iy req:ilre. 

X have the honor to be, Jcr. 

AXUKK^V J.\CKSON', 
Majui- (hitfrat ccr.'iiitcnuini^. 



ble for yoii to receive lii time for the t'.ange;' 
that threatens' How did the venerable Shelby 
act, Tinder simihir circumstances, or rather, un- 
der circumstances by no means so critical' 
Did he wail for orders to do what every man 
of sense knew — what every patriot felt to be 
right? He did not; and yet how highly snd 
justly did Government e.^tol his manly and en- 
ergetic conduct ! and how dear has his iiame 
become to every friend of his country ! 

" \"ou say, tliat .an order to bring the neces- 
sary quota of men into the field has been given, 
and that of course your power ceases ; and, al- 
though you are made sensible tliat the order has 
been wholly neglected, you can take no mea- 
sure to remedy the omission. Widely different, 
indeed, is my opinion. I consider it your im- 
perious dutj', ■nhen the men called foe by you? 
authority, founded upon that of the government, 
are known rrot to be in the field, to see that 
they be brought there; and to take immediate 
measures with the oHicer, who, cliarged vi-itk 
the execution of your order, omits or neglects 
to do it. As the executive of the State, it is 
your duty to see that the full quota of troops be 
constantly kept in the field, for the time they 
have been required. You are responsible tu 
the government; your officer to you. Of what 
avail is it to give an order, if it be never execut- 
ed, and may be disobeyed with impunity. Is 
it by empty mandates, that we can hope to 
conquer our enemies, and save our defenceless 
frontiers from butchery and devastation? Be- 
lieve me, my valued friend, there are times when 
it is highly criminal to shrink from responsibili- 
ty, or scruple about the e.-cercise of our powers. 
There are times when we must disregard punc- 
tilious etiquette, jnd think only of ser^•i^g our 
countiy. What is really our present situation' 
The enemy we have been sent to subdue, may 
be said, if we stop at this, to be only exasperat- 
ed. The commander in chief. General Pinck- 
ney, who supposes me by tliis lime prepared for 
renewed operations, has ordered me to advance 
and form a junction with the Georgia army- 
and, upon the expectation that 1 will do so, arc 
all his arrangements formed for t!ie prnsecutioa 
of the campaign. AVill it do 1 1 defeat his plans, 
and jeopardize the safety of the Georgia army ? 
T he (ieneral Government, too, believe, and 
h'lvearightto believe, that we have now not less 
than five thousand men in the he.irt of the 
enemy's country: and on this opinion are all 
their calculations bottomel; and must they all 
be frustrated, and I become the instrument by 
which it is done ? God forbid ! 

"You advrse me to d's^harge or dismiss from 
service,^intil tlic will of tlie President can be 
known, such portion of the miht'a as have ren- 
dered three months' service. This advice as- 
tonishes me, even more tlian the former. I hava 
no such discretionary power; and if I had, it 
would be impolitic and ruinous to exercise it, 
I believed tlie militia who were not specially 
received for a shorter period, were engaged for 
six months, unless the objects of the expedition 
shoukl be sooner attained; and in tills opinion 
I was gre.atly strengthened, by your letter oi 
the 15th, in wliich you say, when answerin,^ 
n.y inquir)' upon this subject, "the militia are 
detaciied for six months' service;" nor did I 
know, or supjjosc you iiad a flif^'erent opinion,, 
'-inili theaiTvi . '■.' ■;■.? ^-.,■. ' '.'->"• 



7 4 




am first told to retire into the settlements, i 



yeur 

berts 

difficult 

it, willabantlonmeonthe4tl\ofnextmoi)thinor 

shall I have the means of preventing it, but by protect the frontiers; next, to discharge my 

full iusl.ficatioii. As'vou would have no power troops; and then, that no measures can be taken 

to Eive such an order,"l could not be inculpable for raising others. No, my fnend, if troops be 

in obeying, with my eyes open to the fatal con- given to me, it is not by loitering on the tron 



seque.-ices that would attend It. But a bare re- 
commendation, founded, as I am satisfied it 
must be, on the artful suggestions of those fire- 
side patriots, who seek in l!ie failure of the ex- 
pedition, an excuse for their own siipineness; 



tiers, that I will seek to give protection; they 
are to be defended, if defended at all, in a very 
different manner;— by carrying the war into the 
heart of the enemy's country. All other hopes 
of defence, are more visionary than dreams. 



"and upon the misrepresentations of the discon- What then is to be dene 1 11 tell you wha.: 

tented from ihe ai-n.v, who wish it to be believ- you have only to act with the energy and deci- 

ed that the dilRculties which overcame their sion the crisis demands, and all will be well. 

p'.tnotism .ire wholly insurmountr.ble, would Slso me a FoncE esoaoed for six months and 

affo-d me but a feeble shielf" ags.inst t!.e re- I win, axswrr for the UEsri.T— but withhold 

proachcsof my country or my conscience. Be- it, and aU is lost,— the reputation of ^ the State, 

lieve me, my respected friend, Ihe remarks I and your's and mine, along with it. 

make proceed from the purest personal regard^ • j^ ^^,p,.. ^^ t|,;s letter, Govemcf Blount wrote 



If you "would preSi rve your reputation, or that of 
the State o\-er which you preside, > ou must take 
a straight-forward determined course. veg:irdless 
of the applause er censure of the populace, 
and of the forebodip.gs of that dastardly and de- 
signing ciew, who at a time like this, may be 
espected to clamour continually in your rars. 
The verv wretches who uow besi^-t you with evil 
counsel,' will be tlie first, should the measures 



to General Jackson as follows: 

Governor. Blount to GeneralJacJiSon. 

"Nashville, December 22, 1814. 
Jlear Sir.- Since writing you fully of this date, 
I have received, by Major David Smith, your 
very interesting letter, replete with patriotic 
sentiments, dated the 15th instant. You will 
see, by mv letter of the 10th, to the Secretary 



■which they recommend, eventiuite in disaster, „ • j^^^ j ^^ placed with the respect to 



to call dou'n iinpr.-cations on your head, and 
cad )0u with reproaches. Your country is in 

;anger apply its resources to its defence ! Can 

any com-se be more plain' Do you, my friend, 
at such a moment as the present, sit with your 
arms folded, and your heart at ease, waiting a 
solution of your doubts, and a definition of your 

■ the application of force, which, under such cir- 

■ cumstances, I'shall not be at liberty to use I 
'have labored liard to reconcile these men to a 

continuance in service, until they could be hon- 
orably discharged, and had hoped I had 
gi'eat measure, succeeded ^ 
operating with thcii' ov.n pre_. 
a sanction to their conduct, and render useless 
laiy further attempts. They wdl go; but I c?i 
neither dischafg'- nor dismiss them. Sliall I be 
told, that as they will go, it may as well be peace- 
.ably permitted, can that be any good reason v hy 
I should do an unauthorised act' Is it a good 



nstructions, which, as it relates to the good of 
the service, and a most righteous cause, in sup- 
port of which you are most laudably and zea- 
lou-sly engaged', I mucli regret T/ie tmfortu- 
rude constrvdion given by the irorrps, so gtneral- 
ly. respecting their term uf service, at this very 
inlereitina crisis in public affairs, in this section, 
of the Union, is to ie lamented; but, since it is 
the most general, ami likely to become tlmosl the 
universal, consirvlion in camp; and since there 
is no authority vested here, that can be interposed, 
. . to "ive a counter current of opinion, with the pros- 

But your opjn'O". ^^^^ ^j- efftding any permanent good to the ser- 
■jud^ces, will give ^.^^^ ^^ ^^ ^/^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^,j ^^^ engaged in, and as ii 
is likely that my Ittter of the 10th instant vnli 
produce new orders for a term of service yet to 
commence, which under all sircumstances, would 
be most judicious m Govrnmcnt to give, the bet- 
ter to effect the objects oj the campaign, more espe- 
cially as there is reason to believe that a British 



i-eason why 1 should violate the order ot my jigg{'f,(,g arrived at Pemacola: I cannot doubt 
superior officer, and e\ince a willingness to de- ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ Government will shortly give new 
feat the purposes of my government; And i,„t,.,|c;io„s to have a new force organized, to 
wherein docs the "soend policy" of the mea- ^^^^^ ^i,„ objects of the campaign, & to oppose 
•^ui-es that have been r.'C'immended consist' Or ■ - ■ ._...... 

in what way are they "likely to promote the 
public good?" Ts it sound pohcy to aban- 
don a conquest tluis far made, and deliver 
up to havoc, or add to the number of our 
cnemie?, those friendly Creeks and Cherokees, 
who, relying on our protection, have es- 
Slid our c vuse,- and aided us with their 



the British; and that the President will be sat- 
i5fi.:d to consider that the three montlis' tour 
paiformedby your, and by general Cockes de- 
tachments, with so much good to the service, 
and so much credit to yourselves, may termi- 
nate the present camp.'iign." 

It will be seen by this letter, a copy of which 



■jecretarj' of War, on the 



Is it ijood pohcy to turn loose upon our was enclosed to the Secretary of "' 
eless frontiers, five thousand exasperated 24th of December, that Gov. Bkn 



pOUSL 

dXnceks'3frontie7s','fiVe"thous:mdexa^^^ 24th of December, that Gov' Blount in reply 

savae-es to rer-l- their hands once more in tlie to Gen Jackson's earnest appeal to to send him 

blood of our citizens^' What! retrograde under him men for sx months, laments the unfortu- 

Mieh circumstances! I will perish first. N.j, I nate construction given to their term of service 

will do mv duty: I will hold the posts t have es- bv the troops, says— that he has no power to 

iabli-,hed' until ordered to abandon them bv the interpose to give a counter current, and hopes 

commanding gener.al, or die in the struggle; that Government, meaning that ot the United 

■ane SMire have I determined not to seek the States, will give new orders, whKh it is hooed 



lb. 



• I'a effect '.nore pcimaiieiit good to the service 
Accordingly Mr. Armstrong on the 11th of 
Jjjnuary says : 

7/ie Seerctary cf War, to Governor Blount 

Wah Depabtmest, Jan. 11, 1814. 
Sill: You are authorized to supply, by militia 
ilrafts, or by volunteers, any deficiency which 
may arise in the militia division, under the com- . 
mand of Major General Jackson, and Vv'itliout 
referring, on this he.ad, to this Department. It 
may be well that your Excellency should con- 
sult General Pickney on such occasions, as he 
can best judge of the whole number necessary 
to the attainment of the public objects. 
I have the honor, &c. 

J. AU.MSTKONG. 
His Exc'y the Governor of Tennesssce. 

And sgain, on the 31st of January, 1814, he 
wrote : 

"Sin: \ l»ad the honor to reciive your Excel- 
lency's letter of the 5th inst. My letter of the 
11th v.'ill have anticipated your inquiries rela- 
tive to further detachments of militia. The at- 
tention of the Paymaster of the Army will be 
particularly directed to t!ie payment of the 
troops, who have been in service from Tennes- 
see.. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
your excellency's most obedient servant, 

(Signed,) J.ARMSTRONG." 

His Excellency W. Bloust, - 

Governor of Tennessee. 

Again on the 4th of February, the Secretary 
^irote to Gen. Jackson as follows: 

Tfic Secretary of fVar tn Gctwal Jaclcsoii. 
Wad DEPAUTjiE^T, Feb- 4, 1814. 
Sin: Since the receipt of your letter, of De- 
cember 30th, the Governor of Tennessee lias 
been required to call out the mditia to reinforce 
your conunand, and provide for the exigencies 
of the service in that quarter, in which he isalso 
required to consult the commanding General. 
J. ARMSTRONG. 
Gen. AsiinEW Jackson, Fort Strathcr. 

Acting, as we presume, under these orders 
the Governor of Tennessee, on the 20lh of 
May, 1314, issued the following general order: 

"• Nashville, May 20, 1814. 
Sin: In compliance with tlie requisition of 
Major General Thomas Pinckn 'y,thut the posts 
of Fort Willianis,Fort Strothcr, Fort Armstrong, 
Fort Ross, and Forts Old and New Deposit, 
should be kept up, the doing of which he has 
confided to you, until the objects of the Govern- 
ment in relation to the war against the hostile 
Creek Indians shall have been fuUy elTected; 
and from tlie probable expiration of the time of 
service of the troops, now occupying tliose nn- 
portant posts, commanded by Col. Bunch, prior 
to a final accomplishment of the views of Go- 
vernment in relation to the Creek \v.\r, you vill, 
without delay, order out one thousand militia in- 
fantry of thr. 2rf division, fur the term of six 
MosTHs, unless sooner discharged by order of 
the President of the United States, or, you may 
accept a tender of service of the aiove number 
of volunteer infantry from the 2J division for 
'heafores^irl tciTTi, for the 'ii.Ti'pnse cf garrison- 



ing the said poits, at J6ur option: whidi lia 
titde, in relation to calls for men to act against t!r. 
Creeks, in furtherance of ike views of guvemment --. 
in that behalf, is given tome hy instructions front 
the JVar Utparlment. Those troops will be 
commanded by aii officer cf the rank of colo- 
ncl, and will be required to rendezvous at Fa- 
yetteville, on the 20th of June next: thence 
they will proceed to the above-mentioned posts, 
under yourorder, in such number to each, as you J 
.shall assign. It is important to tlie public in- ' 
-terests, that they should be at their posts be- 
tween the 1st and lO'.hof July ne.xt, as about 
that time the term of service of the troops, 
now there, under colimel Bunch, will expire, 
and at which posts there is much public proper- 
ty committed to their charge. 

You will order the muster master to attend 
and mjstcr tiie troops into service — you will 
call on the contractor for provisions, and on the 
assistant deputy quartermaster likewise, fc.~ 
S-ipplics in his depai'tment. 

(Signed) WILLIE BLgUNT.' 

To Maj (ien. Andbew J.vckkox, 

Second division of Tennessee Militia." ' 

Upon the receipt of this order. Gen. Jackson,. 
then a Major General in the militia of the State, 
issued the following general order: 

" Brave Tennesseeans of the 2d division. The 
Creek wnv, through the Divine aid of Provi- 
dence, and the valor of chose engaged in the 
campaign, in which you bore a conspicuous 
share, has been brought to a happy terminatloi:. 
Good policy requires that the territory con- 
quered should be garrisoned, and possession ■ 
retained, until appropriated by the Government 
of the United States. In pursuance of this po- 
licy, and to relieve the troops now stationed at 
forts \VilIiams,Strot'iei, and Armstrong, on the 
Cooia river, as well as Old and New Deposit, I 
am commanded by Ins excellency, Governor 
Blount, to call from my division one thousand 
men in tlie service of the United States, for the 
period of six months, unless sooner discharged 
by order cf the President of the United States. 

The Brigadier Generals, or officers command- 
ing the 4th, 5th, 6th, 7tli, and 9th Brigades cf 
the 2d division, will forthwith furnish from their 
brigades respectively, by draft or voluntary en- 
listment, two hundred men,^ with two captains, 
two first, two second, :ind two third lieutenants, 
ai'd two ens:;;::- well .armed and equipped for 
active service, lO be rendezvoused at Fayette- 
ville, Lincoln county, in the State of Tennessee, 
on tlie 20th of June next; and then be organiz- 
ed into a regiment, at which place the field ofil- 
cers, and the muster master will be ordered to 
meet them. 

Officers commanding the brigades composing 
the 2d division of Tennessee militia, are charg- 
ed with the prompt and due execution of this 
order. 

ANDREW JACKSON, UaJ. Gen. 
Commanding 2d division, M. 71" 

Under this order the six militiamen were mus- 
tered into service on the 20tli of June, for a 
tour of six months, in eonformity with General 
J;ick.snn's prcssuig request to Gov. Blount, in 
his letter of the 15th of December, saying — 
•• send me a force engaged roa six .moxtiis, and 
1 will iinswer for f>>- •■^•'■jl'. — '.•;' vifhhnhl ;f nniX 
all in lopf ' * 



7(j 



W-c have timg pVoved that these men were 
>g^lly mustered into service for six months, 
which more fully appeal's from an extract from 
the letter of the Becretai-y of War, to the edi- 
tor of this paper, dated 

Department of WAn, 

October 16, 1827. 

"The motives whicli inrUiced mc to comply 
■with your former request liave influenced me 
again, though not witliout difficulty, to trans- 
mit you the information requested, which is 
disclose*! in the following extract from a report 
made to me hy 'he third Auditor: ' It appears 
Col. Philip Pipkin's regiment was mustered 
into service at Fayettevillc, in June, 1814, for 
sis months, by Robert Hays, Assistant Inspector 
General of the militia of said State, and that 
said regiment was mustered out of service by 
the same officer, at the same place, on the l,'7th 
.Tanuar)', 1815 ; the services generally com- 
inenced on the 20tli June, 1814, from whicli 
time to the 27th .January, 1815, the troops were 
generally paid, exclusive of travelling allow- 
ances fVoni Fayetteville to their homes.' " 

From this certificate it appear?) tlial the six 
mihtia men were mustered into service on the 
20th of ,Fune, 1814, and the inquiry naturally 
arises — why did the Secretary of War bring 
into his report the correspondence with the 
Governor of Tennessee, about militia who were 
dismissed tlie service on the 14th of December, 
1813' We have mot this view of the case, be- 
cause we have hail no desire to blink tlie ques- 
tion in its worst shape. We mijht well rest 
our defence of Gen. Jackson, so far as he is 
involved in this inquiry, upon the simple 
fact that the Governor of Tennessee was tlie 
source through wlioni he received the order of 
the Secretary of War, relative to the tenn of 
service — the order of the Governor expressly 
says that the requisition is made for a term of.^ix 
months, under the in^irurHi'nis of IlitlVur Depart. 
nent. Gen. J.ickson was bound to believe .and 
to execute the order of the Governor of tlie 
,S'/a/f. 

So much for the term of service. Rut the 
term of service has nothing to do with the mer- 
its of the case. Harris an. I his associates were 
condemned to die for mutiny and destruction 
of public property, committed before the expi- 
ration of three mouths. Col. Pipkin, their com- 
manding officer said of them: 

" A short time previous to this, fl'is 20!h of 
" September J the same party demolished the 
" bake house, destroyed the oven, and did ma- 
" ny otlier disorderly and mutinous acts. T!ie 
" day previous to their desertion, a largo num- 
" her paraded armed, and marched towanls 
" t!ie commis^sary ^-.jrcs. I ordered them to 
•' disperse, but my order w:4S disregarded, .and 
** thev forced tiie guards statitjned for the pro- 
" tecticn of the stores. The Commissarj' an- 
" ticipated their design, closed ami locked the 
" door, but that did not restrain ii:em; for one 
' ' of the men, (wlio was af'terw ards shot by seii- 
" tence of t)ic court martial, 1 immediately 
*' snatched up a p'lck-axe, and cut t'le door olf 
" iis hinges. Tliey then entered the house, 
" and took outclevLn i'urTclsof Hour, and made 
' ' public prociania'.inntoa!! who intended going 
' . • :r.e, to come fcrviard aiid omw rations. 



" which they dkJ. They afterwards proceeded 
" to the bullock pen, and shot down two 
" beeves, and the balance taking fright, broke 
" the pen and ran some distanae, where they 
" killed a third." 

Colonel Russel who is appealed to in Binns' 
Coffin Handbill, in reply to Col. Arthur L. 
Campbell, of Kentucky, says: 

7th. Mutiny and desertion are the highest 
crimes known to the law for the government of 
the army. 

8th. The evidence in support of the charges 
against the militia was positive, and free from a 
shadow of doubt. They committed the offence 
in broad d.T.y light, in the presence of the troops 
that remained faithful, the agents of the con- 
tractor, and every body on the ground. 

9th. They were without justification or ex- 
cuse, though so long as they hoped for life, they 
alledged as an excuse, their pretended belief 
th,at no law existed to hold them to service more 
than three months, in which they had been sus- 
tained by the opinions of some of their officers. 
However, before their execution they abandon- 
ed this excuse, as they knew better — arwl said 
tiiftt those officers who liad encouraged them to 
the fatal deed, ought to die as well as they. 

Col. Ku.ssell is a friend of Mr. Adams, and 
having been referred to in the "coffin hand bill,'' 
as an eye witness, is entitled to be believed bv 
the friends of the administration. He com- 
manded the regiment who executed the sen- 
tence of the court, and in reply to the state- 
ment that these men were executed after the 
peace , he said : 

" We h.ad iw hiowkdge of a ircnfif of pfar.- 
having been signed at Ghent, till more than a 
montli afirr the .approval of the sentence, and 
15 or 20 days after its execution. At such a 
ti ne, the least relaxation in discipline might 
have proved ruinous to the country." 

In reference to the State of the army at the 
time of the e.\ecution of these men, Col. Ru.s- 
sell said; 

14. "In the then state of things, the execution 
of the w hole posse, although painful to behold, 
wasTiothing more tlian a due administration of 
justice; nor did I ever hear it doubted or ques- 
tioned, tilt in the summer of 1824, when the; 
whole affair was so perverted and misrepresent- 
ed, that a stranger, if he believed the tale, 
must have thouglit that the General and all his 
officers delighted in shedding innocent blood 
for amusement. I felt bound to correct the ab- 
surd story, when and wherever I heard it, and 
I have alwaj's continued to do so." 

Having thus, as we trust for the I4st time, 
noticed this affair of the six militiamen, we 
beg le.ave to make a few comments. It is 
painful to find ourselves constrained to speak 
in such terms of the Secretary of War; but 
we shrink not from duty. AVe are fortified with 
truth, and upon hira be the consequences of 
his conduct. 

Mr. BarboMr during- the past summer, in tra- 
velling- through the country, retailed Binns' in- 
famous pamphlet about tlen. Jackson. That 
lie has lent himself to the further circulation of 
the ;;hurge, appeal's frorn tiie m-ir.ner in which 



'/ v 



lie arranged tlie documents under the call of 
tlie House, on Mr. Sloane'3 resolution. That 
the documents were thus arranged by him ap- 
p^rs from the fact that Gen. Duncan, the niem- 
b4r of Congress from llhnois, called at his of- 
fice a few days before his report was made, for 
the purpose of transacting some official busi- 
ness; Mr. Barbour begged him to call on some 
other da>-, and said that he wns 'hen engaged 
in examining the documents relative to tlie six 
militia men, and pointed to the papers which 
were spread before him on the table. Gertf 
Duncan casually ni«nlioned this fact in conver- 
sation, and we now state it w ithout his know- 
ledge; but Mr. Barbour having, in a subsequent 
report, endeavored to charge the arrangement 
of the papers to tlie clerks in his Depaitment, 
we appeal to Gen. Duncan, and to sundry other 
members of Congress, who have conversed with 
liim on the subject, to confirm what we say. — 
The documents thus examined by Mr. Barbour 
were submitted to a committee, who found that 
he had so arranged them as to make an impres- 
sion that Harris and hi.n associates M-ere called 
into service for three months. They exposed the 
imposition attempted to be practised upon the 
House. The Secretary of \Var,thus convicted, 
endeavored, b\ charging it lo his clerks, to es- 
cape the odium of the act. 

In the mean time, two title pages were made 
bv the public printer, for the purpose of ena- 
bling the partisans of the coalition, to circulate 
the documents separate from the report of the 
Committee, in violation of the order of the 
House. That trick was also detected, by the 
vigilance of Col. Hamilton, the chairman of the 
Committee on Military AlFairs, when the parti- 
zans of the administration employed another 
print to publish a new edition, purporting to 
jje upon authority ot the House, although in di- 
rect violati m of its order. Again, the ])arty 
prints, acting tipon the example set them here, 
print so much of the correspondence as relates 
to the militia, called into the service in 1.813, by 
order of the Governor oF Tennessee, who were 
discharged the service, on the 14th of Decem- 
ber, 1813, and omit all that part of the corres- 
pondence, which relates to thesix militiamen. 
To aid this fraudulent publication, the Secretary 
of War, procured from Mr. Charles J. Nourse, 
the following false certificate, whicli in viola- 
linn of the A ill of the House, he prefixed to his 
report* 

Certificate of the Chief Clerk of the Depurtnifnt 
of Wur. 
DKPiBTMENT OF Wab, Jan. 24th, 1823. 
I certify that 1 have, by direction ef the Sec- 
7'etary of Wai', carefully examined the records 
of this Department, and that the accompanying 
papers, numbered from 1 to 12,are true copies 
of all the correspondence in the War Depart- 
ment, between the President or Secretary of 
AVar, and the Governor ot Tennessee, during 
tiie late war, on the subject of the time for 
which the drafted militia of said State should 
serve in the armies of the United States; and I 
further certify, that it does nut appear from the 
records of this Department, that any applica- 
tion was made by the Governor of Tennessee, 
to the War'Department, on the subject of the 
length of service of the detachment of the '["eu- 
nessee militia, detailed under the orders of the 



Governor of that State, issued on the iOtU day 
of May, 1814, and afterwards placed under the 
command of Lieutenant Colonel Pliilip Pipkin; 
or that .any orders, general or special, were 
made or issued by the I'resident of the United 
States, or by the Secretary of War, concerning 
or relating to ilie length of service of that de- 
tachment. CIIR..J KOVllSV., Chief Clerk. 

We say that this Cffrtificate was given in vio- 
lation of the will of the House, because it was 
expressly stated by the membei-s of the majori- 
ty that they wanted no certificate cr opinion 
from the Secretary of Waj'. Yet he procured 
this certificate from the ciiief Clei k, which he 
substituted for his own. 

We say that the certificate is false, because 
it asserts that it does not appear from the re- 
cords of the department, that any application 
was made by the Governor of Tennessee, to the 
War Department, on the subject of the length 
of service of the detachment of Tennessee mili- 
tiamen detailed under the orders of the Go\-er- 
nor of tliat State, issued on the 20th day of MaVj 
1814, and afterwards placed under the com- 
mand of Lieut. Col. Pipkin; or that any orders 
genera! or special were made or issued by the 
President of the United States, or by the Sec- 
retary of AVar, concerning or relating to the 
length of service of tliat detachment" — when 
from the letters of Governor Blount and the 
Secretary of War, reported by Mr. Barbour, it 
appears that the whole of that correspondence 
related to the term of service of the troops then 
in the field, and those that were subsequent!/ 
called into the service; and it further appears 
that Governor Blount not only understood the 
letters of the Secretary of War, to authorize 
hira to call the troops under the command of 
Colonel Pipkin, into service for six months, 
but the Secretary of War, himself, so under- 
stood them. M hy else, wnen Governor Blount 
wrote to him that he had construed tlie order, 
to authorize him to call out these men for six 
months, and tliat he had called them into ser- 
vice for that period, did the Secretary not irt- 
forin him, that the orders had iiotbeen properiv- 
understood? 

But what is to be the result of all this cant 
about the six militiamen' Why this political 
whining about men who had committed iT.utiny 
and arson? If Gen. J.ickson bus done wrong, 
in relation to these men, he had committed the 
offence before Mr. Barbour defended his con- 
duct on another occasion; and Gen. Jackson is 
the Same man now, tl. a' he was when Mr. Ad- 
ams, in his reply to the Committee, notifying 
him of his election, said that Gen. Jackson was 
qualified for the duties of President. But we 
repeat the question — what is to be the result of 
this whining, political cait, about the six mili- 
tiamen' 

By the 7th article of the Rules and .Vrticles 
of War, " .\ny officer or soldier, who shall be- 
gill, excite, or join in any mutiny or sedition, in 
any troop or company in the service of the U. 
Stales, or in any party, post, detachment, or 
guard, shall suffer death, or such other punish- 
ments, as, by a Court Martial, shall be inflict- 
ed." By the 8th article, a similar penalty is 
awarded, where any officer or soldier " does 
not use his utmost endeavors to suppress a mu- 
tiny, or, coming to tlie knowledge of an intend- 



.'U vmiuiiy, ao£s ivA, wiuiout del»y, give inTor- thoi-ity may uiM, m lasl, forget wJwt uiey leuiiy 
malion thereof to his coromaiuUng officer." are, and finally conceit themselves to be nilers 
And, by the 20th article, the crrrie of deser- or masters, sure enough, and act according-Iy.^ 



tion, is punishable by death, or such other pun 
ishmtnts, as, by sentence of a Court Martial shall 
be inflicted." 

This law was enacted, on tlie principle that 
the militia was the bulwark of the national lib- 
erty, wliich can never be endangered, so 



The relation, I say, in which 5'ou stand to these 
personages, justifies the belief that, in your 
harangue, you spoke "by authorHy." I have, 
myself, no doulit of the fact; though it may 
very well be imagined that, in your zeal to 
serve yourself ultimately, you acted rather in- 



fenff as the people are intelligent, and the mili- discreetly towards your rulers or masters. To 
♦.ia are armed. The doctrine of our whining speak in homely phraseologj'j yra /ti //iccai our 
political hypocrites will lead to the establish- 
ment of large standing armies, and the sub- 
version of liberty. Andrew Jackson is the 
candidate of the' militia. He has led them 
to battle, to victory, and to glory. He has 
taught the militia to rely upon themselves, 
to quell domestic treason, or repel foreign 
invasion. Let it once be said, that a mihtia 
man is not subject to martial law, and it fol- 



of the bag. If, by this indiscretion, you fail in 
getting the next appointment of minister to 
England, or some other country, you have no 
body to blame but yourself. 

Passing over other parts of your speech 
which, for the most part, have already been 
sufficiently answered and exposed by members 
of the House in tlieir places, I will now advert 
to that part in which you notice the compensa- 



lows of course that regular troops must be em- tion allowed to our public ministers abroad, 
ployed to fight our battles. Such is the ten- 
dency of the profligate expeditats, to which 
the desperate efforts to impair General Jack- 
son's well earned popularity, have driven his 
r-neniies. 



In order that there may be no mistake about 
this matter, I will take the trouble to transcribe 
from your revised speech, as published in the 
National Intelligencer, so much as relates to the 
subject now in hand. 

"I hsve," iyoi said) "been induced 'to 
make these statements, not merely for the sake 
of a better understanding of the point, in the re- 
solution on which it bears, but also in order to 
prepare the v.ay for a sutisfoctory answer to 
surae of the charges made against the President 
of the United States, relative to the account of 
his compensation and allowances as a foreign 
minister. This is a sTibject on which I enter 
with some reluctance:" (no wonder,) "itisnot, 



For the United States' Telegraph. 
TO THE HON. MR. EVERETT, 
■ i member of the House oj Representatives of the 
United States, from Massachusetts. 

Sir; — Since the translation of yourfricnd and 
coadjutor, Mr. Daniel Webster, to the United 
States' Senate, you have been considered as the 

leader of the administration party in the Hf.uso perhaps, of the class which I should select 

of Representatives; ap.d, as such, I now humbly discuss on this floor." (You are right, Sii-, you 

take leave to address you. ought not to have touched it.) "It do^s not 

The speech which you delivered in tlie belong strictly to the debate; but as it has been 

House, in Februaiy last, (m the subject of Mr. introduced ontlie present occasion, with strong 

Chilton's resolution for retrenc'imen', will fur- emphasis, and with the effect, no doubt, ot 

nish the theme on wliich I jn-opose to make a giving sanction to what is said more at large on 

few remarks. I should certaniiy have abstain- the same<opic elsewhere. This is an important 

ed from doing this, had I found in tlie replis of point; for the alleg.ations have extended, not 

other gentlemen to you on the same .subject, merely to a charge of extravagance, but of ille- 

any, or a sufficient notice t;iken of some poiius gality and even fraud," (for which you might 

which you made, and some matters of fact have added, the parties concerned ought,_ in 

which you stated in tlie course of your argument justice, to have been impeached.) "High 

on that resolution. I do not here allude to the salaries" (you continue,) "are, I know, a p^opu- 

obscene story which you undertook to relate to jai subject of comment; and as those of the 

the House, (and of course to the females of the foreign ministers are, with a single exception, 

gallery) about the alleged amour between Mrs. the highest paid under the government, it is 

Adams' maid-servant and "the Emperor of all natural that they should be obnoxious to com- 

the Russias;"- nor to your still more disgusting plaint.'.' (Not so. Sir, provided they be no 

allusion to the diabolical charg-f of incest against more than /Ae /«!« allows.) "But, Sir," (you 

the late unfortunate Queen of France. The add) "it isan i(;!rffjute(ii:ru(/i, that, highas the/ 

moral sense of the community will, ! hope, may be thought, great as the aggregate may 

iudge correctly enough of this part of your per- s.eem for a service of a long series of yeass; tiiey 

Vorm.ance in your new vocation, and, I belieie, are yet too small; and but for the ertra allorv- 




was the famous " Ebony and Topaz" /ott.t/ of our Very well. We thank you for this open and 
very cliaste and learned President, given on a voluntary confession, that the administration is 
late occasion at Baltimore. But let all that in the practice of violating their oaths and tha 

law of the land. Deny this who dare. I will 



pass. 

I have much more weighty mattci-s to dis 
cotirse about to you and to the public at present 

The relation in which you stand to our princi 
pal executive sen'ants, [not rulers — I choose to 



proceed to prove it. 

The act of Cougi-ess of the 1st May, 1810, 
(Vol. 10, p:ige 194,) and no win ibrce. declares, 
" That the President of the United States .shall 
all men and things by their proper names — so «o<al!owtoany ministerplenipotentiiry,a^£a»cr 
t th'K': v,-ha :ire vested n-;-h ^'little brief au- .=:'tm than at yt.hs rate cf nir.e thousand dollari 



pc aniidm, as a cotiipcii»ation tor ali his perso- 
nal sei-viccs mid ejepenses." Here, then, while 
the law declares that a foreign minister shall 
" rwi be allowed a greater sum than at the rate 
of nine tiiousand dollars per annum, as a com 
pensation for all his personal services aud ex- 
penses, the President decides, and, what is 
more daring', if possible, proclainis to the na- 
tion, t'lTOug-h you, tl.at these salaries, thus 
positively fixed, are "too ."(;.'.7/,-" and but f,.r 
the ex/ra allowance by which tney are ched out, 
would be wholly inadequate to their object!" 
That is to say, in plain Engl' •:!, as fnllows: — 
The President, wholly disregarding- tr.e law of 
the land, which fixes the compensation of our 
forei,^n ministers, thinks these sdaries " too 
.'mall;" and by way of increasin.^- them accord- 
ing' to his own views of the st:bject, illeg lUy 
takes money fr"m another fund for t!ie p\u-p(se 
of making to these ministe'san ''extra allow- 
ance," over and .bove th. which 'he law has 
expressly provided? Now,Sif the Prr-sident can 
thus increase the salaries fixed by lnv>' for one 
set of offices of the Govern.nent, what is to hin- 
der him from makin.c; similai- " extra allow- 
ances," to such otiicr salai'y officers as he may 
think fit to reward for their services, or rather 
for their subserviency to his views ? Sup 
pose, for example, he should think that his own 
salary, or that of one or two, or more of his 
Secretaries, was " too small," in these times of 
pressing emergenty, when proselytes must be 
gained at every hazard, coidd he not with ecjual 
propriety, and just as legally, make to himself 
or to them "extra alhwanccs," out of the con- 
tingent furid, in order to eke out so much, as, in 
his own opinion, woidd prevent the sahu-ies 
fixed by law, froni being •' wholly inndeqnott to- 
lltiir object?" In sober seriouincss. Sir, you 
have made a most pi'ecious confession. If what 
you state in this regard be true, and you say if 
is an undoubted truth; then I, unhesitatingly 
pronounce, that the President has been guilty 
of a "misdemeanor," for which lie ought forth- 
with to be IMPEACHED. What, Sir! Ha^ he 
not taken an oath to support the Ccnstitutioi'i? 
Does not that instrtimcnt declare, among other 
things, that he shall "lake care that the taws ui-e 
faithfully executed? Are not these " extra ul 
lowancea" made by the President to foreign 
ministers for the express purpose, as you tell 
us, of increasing their compensations beyond 
the salaries provided for them by law, most 
barefaced, paJpable violations of law' Surely, 
there caji be no man found in his senses, and 
who has the least regard for his own cliaracter, 
who will hesitate or doubt about a matter so 
plain as this. I lay down this principle, which 
I cjare you or any other man, publicly to deny, 
or to attempt to controvert. ,That, in every 
cw.-, where the law has provided a specific 
compen9,ation to be allowed to a public function- 
ary, for the performance of the duties attache i 
to his station, no further, or " extra allowance" 
can be lawfully maje to him by any execu- 
tive officr of the Government, either out of the 
contingent fund, or any other fund belonging to 
lhe public. The fact which you have publicly 
stated, is a highly important one. ' The practice, 
of which you have advertised us, is directly in tlie 
teeth of the law of the land; and I do hope that, 
before you, or any body else, shall have a chance 
"f profiting by it, the federal legislative will 



adopt some meaaure to correct tne proccdurt- . 
If, in a case so clear, justice is not done to the 
community-, by the punishment of l!ie guilty, 
I, for one, confess that I shall feci little hope in 
the long continuance of our present civil insti- 
tutions, and almost as little conctrn in tlieir 
downfidl I have no wish or desire to possess 
the shadow without the substance. If we have 
laws, let ihcm be obeyed. If Ihry are violated, 
no matver by whom; whctier by the chief ma- 
gistrate of the country or a mail-robber, — let 
the guilty be pun.shed. On the fa'lhful and 
iirpartial execution of the laws, ipst the main 
pillars of every grod go^ ernmeiit. Common 
sense '•ill teach every man of the correctness 
of th:3 doctrine; and common honesty, and a 
real -garJfo^ ihe interest aijd liappinuss ofthe 
country, oughi. to Induce ei-ery citizen tliereof, 
to give his aid in enforcing it. 

Some other f.'.cts which you disclosed, in the 
coarse of your speech, may, perhaps, be here- 
after noiictd by me. I shall not toucii the 
president'...! question. I am no party politician; 
neither am I a : eek©r or an expectant of any of- 
fice undei' this, or any Oiher admiriistration. 
But I am, for a single individual, a hirge con- 
tributor, in the way of taxes, to the support of 
the Federal Government; and, theri;forc, I the 
more feel it to be my duty, as it unquestionably 
is my right, to endeavor to expose fraud and 
prevent abunes on tlie people. - 

A FARMER. 

P. S. I should have made this conununica- 
tion sooner, hr.d not my other vocations pre- 
vente<l it. Persons in my situa'ion h.ive not 
generally as nnxii leisure as }'ou wealthy rff^i- 
ij/iSi's, for whom, snd ai'cw o't.er favored indi- 
viduals, as it would stein, Congress almost ex- 
clusively legislate ; and, what is worst of ali 
for us, — at our expdiie. TiiTg'c('lay,1i..weve'r, 
will not, it is to be hoped; prev^jnt the Congress 
from invcstlgaung '.his subject, soon after the 
tariffbiil shall have been disposed of. 



GEN. J.'..CKSQN AND .MR. CL.W^ BOOK. 

The IlKnois Gazette, wl.ieh paper it will be 
recollected cliiiged Gen. Jackson with profane 
language .itt'ic mouth of Cumberland, on hear, 
ing of Mr. Clay's book, has pubhshed a letter 
from a ,\lr. Jesse Patterson, and a certificate of 
a Mr. Tho.nas Will'= and the aid Jesse, de- 
tailing certain decLratlons of a D.octor iliiler, 
as a justification of that slander. 

We knov/ nothing of either Mr. PaltersBn, 
Mr. Willis, or Doctor Miller; the lutter may or 
may not have said wiiat tliey charge. Rut the 
fact adtiiitied by '.he rei titic.ifo cj Patterson and 
Willis, tti^t M Her refused to give a certificate, 
is one evidence th.u he knew that the state- 
ment wliich they sa_\ lie made was false. They 
admit t'nit he is a pattisaii of Mr. Clay. „If he 
hai, told the tr.ith, he would not h.ave hesi- 
tated, when called upon, to ^ivo this cer- 
tificate, as au .act ot justice to the printer, 
whosc piiblicatiotj had been den,cd. But the 
letter of Mr pattel";c^ bt^rs internal evidence of 
falsehood. The disgusting detail of election- 
eering suns' ab«ou4t!i,e Presidehti.al olection, 
which it is |iretcnded«t>Sssed between General 
Jackson and jhi^Doo^or Miller, could not have 
JakeR place, because Gen. Jackson fs not in thp 



jy.) 



hatut of conversing upon that subjectwithhispar- 
ticular friends, much less then would he do it 
wth a stranger in a steam-boat. The bar-room 
scene too, is false, because so far from in- 
\'itinff a stranjjer to drink with him, so ab- 
stemious is Gen. Jackson, that he drinks irattr 
only, and his acquaintances know this, and know 
that even at public dinner parties, lie docs not 
even drink wine. 

Another part of the tale discredits Mr. Pat. 
terson still more. He concludes liis I'jtler by 
saying — "1 again M'erit on board the boat, tliink- 
ing that I miglit hear him (General Jacksjii) 
jneak on the subject, but he wss enjag-ed in 
playing cards, aivl T ! f: the ij;,'it witliL'-jx h.-ur- 
ihg him sav any tiling about Clav or his pamph- 
let." 

Now who can btlieve this? The steam boat 
Pocahontas touclied at the mouth of Cum- 
berland for a few minutes only. 'I"he popu- 
lace on the sh'jrc were ciowding in; the 
an.xiefy of all to see General .Tackson was 
tiatund, and his courtesy led him to treat 
-eveiy one of them with politeness — that lie 
^hould at such a time, and under such cir- 
iiimstances, sit down to play cards, is not to be 
believed. No one who lias ever travelled in a 
steamboat can believe it. Itut when it is known 
that Gen. Jackson (A.."* not, at art// lime, plat/ 
cards — the baseuess of this whole aiikiris more, 
manifest. 

Neither does General Jackson swear. 

So much of this statement as relates to Gen. 
Jackson's usualhabitsuftemperance,aridthe fact 
that he does not swear or play cards, is made upon 
the authority of members of Congress from the 
t>tate of Tennessee, who particularly are ac- 
quainted with Gen. Ji'cksoii, and wlio know his 
habits to be s'.ich as we have stated them. — 
Wretched, indeed, are the .shifts to which tlie 
coalition are driven, ..to retain their ill obtained 
power, lly them truth is trampled under foot, 
and many and various falsehoods asserted with 
most unblushing ffTroutery. 



Mli. C.VI.llOUN 

The Vice President yesterday, in conse- 
«juence of some remarks which fell from the two 
tTeiiatcrs from Indiana, took occasion to state 
more explicitly and at larg-e, his views in rela 
iron to to the .subject of Internal Improve- 
ment. So fully satisdcd was 3Ir. P.arton 
<if ihe propriety of Mr. Calhoun's vote up- 
on this subject, and jiarticularly on tlie 
propriety and consistency of his vote on the 
Jlhnois Canal hill, tliat he, with candor de- 
clared his opinion of the con-eclness of Mr. 
Calhoun's conduct, on that occasion. 

AVe con.sidcr this decision of the Senate 
upon this subject of great importance, and in 
iustice' to tluise who have participated in the 
debate, will endeavour in a few days to give it 
fit length. Ill the mean time a* the letter 
writers of tlie c lalltion make a business of niis- 
icprcsentations, we give th»* remarks of the 
V'lce-Presiden',. addreTsed'to the Senate on 
Wednesday, when called ts give the casting 
vote, limiting the surv^yj: 

The Vice President salJi • _ 

'*If tb'^ ^v.ctPin (^f Jntei'n;il Imr»mv'*Tnent ran-< 



not be confined, in p^i^ctice, to obj.ects really cf 
national importance, as contemplated by the 
act of 1821; and if it must degener.ate into those 
merely local, liavmg no reference to the pow- 
ers and duties of the general government, it 
would, and oug!it, to fall into disrepute. Such 
had alwaxs been his opinion. AV'hen the first 
act making appropriations for sur\'ey3 passed, 
he filled the office of Secretary of V.'ar; and 
acting on the jirinciple that no road or canal 
which had not a direct relation to some one or 
all of the powere of the government, a.s 
stated in the act, he deemed it his first 
duty, in carrying its provisions into efTcct, 
to de.signate, on fixed principles, the ob- 
jects vhich, on fnl! deliberation a[)peared 
to becomprchen.l:d within its; r.<visions, which 
were reported to Congress at the ncxc scision. 
The object in making the report, was to make 
fully known to Congress the \iews ol' the De- 
partment, in the execution of a trust of so high 
and delicate a character, to the end, if ap- 
proved by tliem, the .system might assume same 
definite form, which might regulate future ope- 
rations in its execution, and place the whole 
subject more under the direct control of the 
Legislative powers of tiie Government. 

With such principles, i cannot hesitate to 
give my casting vote in favor of the amendment 
reported by the Cnminittee oi' Finance. By 
completing the surveys already commenced, 
and laying the whole before Congress, with ari 
estimate of the expense, it is hoped that some . 
principle may be fixed in making appropria- 
tions for surveys hereafter, and thereby, if pos- 
sible, arrest the liability to abuse from the na- 
ture of the subject, which, if not guarded 
against must end in the overthrow of the whole 
svslelti. 



MR. SUTHEKLAND'S AMtTNU-MKNT TO 
THE TAUlFf. 

In the House of Representatives, on Satur- 
day last, after man) jnopositinns for amendment 
had been been ma le and rejected, the question 
was finally taken upon Mr. Sutherlaml's amend- 
ment in connexion with Mr. Mallary's, and was 
adopted as part of iht bill, by a vote of 183 to 
17. It is proper to I'emark heic, that some of 
the amendments tendered for the considera- 
tion of the House, ^vere looked at in a very 
friendly light, and if they had been judiciously 
prepared, miglit have received the a])])roba- 
tion of a majority of the Representatives of the 
nation. But their want of system, and the im- 
portance of tlie ciianges contemplated in the 
Custom House regulations, by the proviaions 
presented for (^ucurrence, rendered it inex- 
pedient, at so advanced a stage in the sessiori, 
to endanger the passage of the bill by their 
.xvloption. Theie seems to be a preA'aillng" 
disposition on the psrt of the House to urge 
the bill to its final reading with as little delay 
a-s possible. By the adoption of Mr. Suther- 
land's proposition, the tfoo/ and U'ciu/frns portion 
of the tariff ha,s been settled. The duty upon 
molasses will doubtless be debated to day. And 
as there are but few points of difference upon 
the other branches of the bill, it is quite proba- 
ble, it will not require much time tonu* an end 
► to the disc'Tp^inr. 



UNITED SI ATES' TELEGRAFU— Extra. 



This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published week!' , 
until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar, 



BY GREEN %■ JAR VIS. 



VOL. 1. 



WASHINGTON, APRIL 19, 1S2S. 



No. 6. 



The subscribers to the Extra Telegraph, will 
recHve number six in anticipation of number 
five. Number five will be put to press in antici- 
pation of its regular time. We have hud many 
complaints, and some apprehensions have been 
excited, because the second number did not 



we have fixed our hopes upon the people — wc 
look to them to contribute the means to sustain 
us and their press. We know that they are 
double taxed — that whilst they contribute to 
us direetlu, they contribute indireetly to our op- 
ponents. But there is this difference: What 



follow in retjular time after tlie publication of they gi\e to us, is a voluntary contribution fo: 



the first. AVe have already given one reason 
for this, which we will repeat. The publication 
of this paper was an experiment; we knew that 
it would necessarily interfere much witli the 
circulation of other weekh' papers in tkc coun- 
try, and although we had received many acts of 
kindness from the editors of such papers, 
with whom we excliang-e, we had no right to an- 
ticipate their active and disinterested efforts to 
make our project kno 
obtain subscribers for 

the project met with the public approbation,^ 
we should receive large additioiialsubscripfions, 
and it was desirable to know public septiment, 
that we mig-ht strike off a sufficient numl^sr tji 
supply those who may here.afteu sifhaCi-Rie. 
The nianufccturer who was to to fiRivc sup- 
plied us with paper, failed to do so, aini wc 
were under the neci-ssity of. sending Jfew« 
York for it. We received, in the metin 



the purpose of driving from office those whfi 
have abused their trust, and used the publi- 
money to purchase venal presses to abuse th • 
people's candidate. 

• — -- 

Desiring to gi\e the following an extensive 

circula^on, jye iiave inserted it in tlie uctra , anil 

nd disinterested efforts to invite for^it^VStientive perusal.' It is an am- 

wn to the public, and to pie ^.i„dicatipl«Bf the Cnr,«ihee V Manufac- 

r us. W e knew that, if . ' ]i ?, ,•,. T«S^ * 

tyjes tiomJfte^onoroA/^slandwto which it is.a 



rtpry. 

'the RE.\r. 



S.T^A.X©' OF THE CASE RF- 
VIEWED. 



The fijllowing.publication appeared two daj's 
sine? in the folding rooms of the House of Re- 
presentatives, and has been from thence issued* 
bv honorable Memberaof Consress, to t" 



time, such encouragement, fhrrt'-.ve have work- * ^''^ ir^ thousands. It may be supposed. 



ed off an eaition of twenty tiicu.iand co- 
pies, wli.ch en.ibles us to supply, Jo that ctent, 
new subscribers with all tlie numburs from the 
beglnnrng. • 

W.icn it is considered that this publication 
wiU give upwards of five hundred pages of 
'closely primed mailer, and that it ia intended 
to collect in it the most able an 1 interesting do- 
cuments and pubhcations which the present 

contest sk'.ll bring forth, the Editors do not he- - . 

sitate to. .-»y, tuat it v.'ill fonii one cf the most * country arc its safeguards 
valuable and coeap L)Ook..s 'oat a iriend of be- 
neral Jackson can purchase. 

To the editors oi' newspapers, it v/ill furnish 
an important book of reference, now and liere- 
after. Gr.Ucfrl for tiie aid w'lich we have re 



Uie cnun- 
., that even 
a reviejK' of this sad attempt to deceive the peo- 
ple in relation to the course of <he -\dmini9tra- 
tjpn, and its fwcnds in th?* House of Kepresen- 
tallves, as to the Tariff, is oi itself a suspicion of 
the intelligence of tie enlightened agricultur 
rt.sts of this country. Bu* no sucii inference 
should be drawn. • The writer wcil knows the 
nhiUty of every free man to understand his ov.ii 
rights, as well as his dispos'limi to defend them; 



and he h.as always /eft that the JSrmera of this 

list tf^'ai^ny 



-J*'" 
i^aii; 



•I 



igamst anstocr.icy, and agjinst "JlSINPttOL"* . 
the great engine by whi^ alone* eithSj^SrJto 
cracy or tyranny can be sustained* Srrflfi* and> 
9ver a free people. But it is no iiSpeadIno*-.- * 
to the intelligence of our farmery t!«%«*ppo;e 



ceived froui our fellow-laborers, we intend to Jhat they cannot knov.' the coitluct of theii're- 
- presentatives at the seat of government, or the 

events as they actually tonspire, in relatioin to, 
any measure before Conpess; unless there shall* 
be honesty enough in the land to give them the 
information as it is. The publication now to ba 
reviewed, prefesses to be made with thatinten- 



send, withoat c'large, a ropy in addition to our 
regular cxc;ian;,v, to c^php'ublisher of a news- 
paper who will, regularly acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of each numb«r, and publish a table of its 
contents. 

An esteemed correspondent writes to us, that 



the failure of the regular receipt cf the second ''°".' '^"^ ''''^ object of the wTiter shall be to 
'number had given rise to much speculadon to ^"^^ '*^ '' ''^ honest, and dues, in tru^i, ^ve "the 
oui- prejudice, and that it wa= currentrUte- real state of the case," qj if It nas been mad.- 



prcjudici 

ported, that we had failed, and ur.ablc to^on- 
•tinue t4ie work. We have not fiileij, Wc 
i^w ptibhsii regularly, each wc^-k, about for- 
iy tiiousnnd newspapers. V.'o h.ive Jive news- 
impeF presses, and often run th.-.'n with dou- 
bB^ets of hands, day and niglr.. This ope- 
r^«n is one of great expense As yet. 




from a lying spirit, and with the s(rfe intentio- 
to deceive and mislead th." public. 
The publication is as follows: 
"TO THE PEOPLE. 

, THE nEA7, STATE OF TUF. CiSE, 

^ seems to us to be high time that the Peo- 
ple should understand the true situation of the 



• »l»)^e ^extculca but little printing fr6m the- ftu(?^ion, respecting an increased protection ou 
"^c, (not one-fourth part as much, we bS.'Jv.foi and Woollkn Goons, now pendimr in 
, aSj has been ordered bv the House;') b:it the Hou5e of Rcnresentative", 



Arguii.Eul 13 ex'uiUalc-i;; aiia tiiere is, after 
jil, very great reason to ft-av, that nothing hut 
an imperaiive expression of public opinion will 
cause any maisure, whatever, on this subject, Co 
be passed at the pre^mt session. 

The real and sober truth is — That a Jackson 
member was elected Steakiii, at the com- 
mencement of the session; 

That the Speuker, by the rules of the House, 
appoints all (loniniiUees; 

That on tlie Committee of Mannfarturea, he 
Appointed Mr. MAit-Aar, Mv. Srr.i -.sos, of 
Pa., Mr. CoNDic T, Mi. Moonz, of Ky., Mr. 
STASBKnnT, -Mr. Whigut, of New York, and 
Mr. MittTi:.-; 

That rivE, out of tliese siti;-!} members of 
the Committee, vi?.; Messrs. Stevenson, Moore, 
Writjht, ftanberry, and Martin, arc open and 
avowed fneni's of General .Jackson; 

That M;-. Mallary and .^^^. Condict, and iHey 
alone of the Cominittee. are friends of the Ad- 
ministration; . ^ 

That Mr. Mallary and Mrf.pori,d'.c*, were 
members of ttie last Cont;Tes^»«nd botli voted 
tor, and snpjtorttyl thc,N\ ouiae.NS'Uii.t, of the 
last session; • • ♦ '*" Ai ■»,. 

That Mr. Stevenson anti Mr. Sloore we're ol-' 
■so of ftie last CongTess, and botli voted ogunst 
that bill; 

That Mr. U'l iglit, of XewYovk, 'not of Ohio,) 
and Mr. .Martin, and Mr. Stanberi)", are new 
member."!, and are all three Jackson men; and 
the two last named ;^entlenien are understood tu:> 
be decidedly ajjainst a protecting tariff; 

That the bill now before the Ilmise, wss re- 
ported by this Commi'.tcc; and tliat of »he''oni- 
inittce, Fiv.'; meiii*^crs, v;;:: x]\sjht frii-nris of 
Genera! Jurk.'oi:, agreed to the bill; and Mr. 
Mallary and .'Mr. Cnnilict," the tu'o Administra- 
tion members, were af^uitt^t it;- 

That the hill thus reported, w.is therefore the 
production of tmefricml o£ the icoollcn interest, 
Mr. Wrifjht, ^ded by fw r npponnrts oi th^t in- 
terest,_vi./: .Messrs. Stevenson, Moore, Stanbcr.- 
ry, and Jfartm; 

TJiat th£ prov'sjons of tliis bill are such, in 
tWeciptnion ftf tlie n*ost intelligent farmers and 
inafttrfSctuJ^s, that no rational tan be expect- 
oci to'v'ot? for It ; these manufacturers and wool 
gfrowesa-all agree, that this bill would injure 
both. Th'is isthe languat^e cfthese interested, 
from New Hampshire to Washington, and from 
♦ h« sea to t!ic Siissisjippi; 

That it impo.ses so heavy a dti'y on cheap, 
coarse wool, sucli as we do not raise in this 
country, as mu.^t cntirelj' break np all the ma- 
mifactnres of carpets, negro cleths, and other 
coarse fabrics; 

Thct'thjs (;iKi-mous de'y on ip'norted co::r?e 
•A'ooi, is chvi'ous'V lies'ifned to c^itch the s::p- 
Tortoftht L.iin'inji interest; wliile all well in- 
formed wool gnnveis know, that the mamitiic- 
turers above all'.ided to must use this cheap 
ioiported we.)!, or stop their factories; and 
"hat, if they stop, then, of course, there will 
be no iiMrixi for their owi\ wool at any price; 

That the vejy hi;;l) diities on molasses, and 
aome oilier artieles, were rbviou-ily inserted fy;' 
the purpc^e of giving the bill snc.ii a character, 
as that the Northern and Eastern nicr^bers could 
not Tote for It; 



the measure altogether, stcunii, to HiKuv its 
defeat on the friends of the Administration; 

Tliat Mr. Mallary has moved, and the motion 
is now pending, to amend the bill by stjiking 
out all that part of it which relates to wool and 
woollens, and inscrl'rig, instead thereof, the 
rccommemJ'ilion of the Jiarrisburgh Contention, 
as to those artick"; 

That this motion has been tinder di.scussion 
three weeks, and is strenuou.sly opposed by the 
Jackson members, both of the Committee and 
the House: 

That there is very great danger that this mo- 
tion will be defeated 4y a union of oil those 
ffoitthi-rn mfmbers who arc against tltprotectiorj. 
whutner, andthfjucksmi menibcn, from Pennsyl- 
vania, Keitliiciu/, anil Aew Yorlc. wliv, although 
thc;l profsstooe in fm-irr of protrrjivg the farm- 
ers nn^l ina-nufucturcrSs yit mte on alloccations 
and with unwavering steadiness, with their 
Soitlhern Jackson friends. That, tfterefore, it is 
probable that the bill cannot be amended so as 
to answer any goo^ purpose, either to the wool 
grower or the manufacturer, or be rendered 
other than ruinous to both. And that as neither 
the friends of the wool grower nor of the ma- 
nufacturer, can conscientiously v«te for it, in 
its present shape, little hope remains of getting 
any bill whatever tiirough the House." 

Yhat a Speaker of the House of Represen- 
tatives was elected, at the comirfencement of 
the* present session of Congress, friendly to 
General Jackson, is true; and that he was elect- 
od by the tmbias.'icd voice of the represf-nta- 
tlves of a free pe iple, "coinitig .rcsh from their 
consitituents, and re'ing their direet responsi- 
bility, over the prw;^f/!'dj/ candidate jf e base 
coalition, and by a large majority, is equally 
true; • 

That that Speaker, by the rules of the noii.ie. 
appoints tlie Standinj.' Committees is true; amt 
that, being himself an anti-tariff man, becaus': 
his constituents are all anti-tariff men, he did 
appoint the Conimirtee n.tmed- sir, ou#i4" the 
seven of whom are friends to the tariff and 
to the protectin;^ system, iu just as tnje; 

That five members of the Committee are tl •. 
friends of Ceiiei-al Jackson as against .John 
Quincy Adams, is true; and that Mr. Maliai;-- 
and Dr. Condict, "and they alone of the Com.- 
mittee," are friends of the Administration, and- 
that in their course upon the tariff they act 
as the friends of the Arlniinistrativn, and not as 
the friends of the PEOPLE, will hereafter be 
seen. , 

Th e writer has not looked at the votes of the 
members of the Committee upon the ccJcbrated 
IVooflens Bill of the last winter, because he 
C'lnsidei's it perfectly immater':d hc-.v those 
vot^^iood; yet l>e is willing to admit tlie truth 
toil'e r-ssiatia in ihe puhlicji'ioii, !iia53)uch a ■■ 
tl*?. Ii-ll has i'( erived the condemr.adon of ih. 



t M' 



f'^m^rs of tile country, as well as ihvf ailthc:'- ^wUm 
italive condenii.a'ion, and by an algsist i;^-- •*» I 
nimo'.is vole, o:' the Lcgislatt;res of son'e.n'* . 
the largest and n.ost populous, as wtdj 
most woidtiiy and most ugrtcultiirul Srase; 
this Union; a^'l v.ilhin the last fev/ (i:!ys ,h(L= 
ctivtd ibe cundennuition of the Admin/ftr; 
^niembers of the House of Represtr " 
themselves. ,, ^^ 

That Mr. Stinherry, of the rnm'?nittee, '^; 




^\i 



"That tiie Tavift" biU now before the House 
w.is reported by this Committee" is tnie; but 
that ^' the five friends of Oineri.'. Juckson" upon 
the Commiitee agreed to tlie bill is not ti-ue. 
Four of the "friends of Gtncral Jackson" and 
of " a protecting tariff," upon the Committee 
did agive fo »!, and the two friends of t/ie .id- 
ministration, upon the Committee, togctliev 
with the member of the Comraittee known to 
be opposed to all protecting laws of any kind 
whatsoever, "were age, tut it.'" 

" That tlie bill thus reported" was the pro- 
ductiDn of one friend and four opponents of the 
" woollen interest" is not true; but that it was 
'he production oi four friends of the interest of 
jyUOL and Woollens, against the exertions of 
one aati-tariff and two Administration men, is 
true. 

AVhether this bill, thus formed and thus re- 
ported, is such, "in the opinion of the most 
intelligent farmers and manufacturers, that no 
rational man an. be expected to vote for it;" 
whether "these manufacturers and wool gi'ow- 
c.s all agree, that this bill would injure both," 
the writer would respectfully suggest, are 
questions yet to be detennined by the grand in- 
quest of Farmers and Manufacturers of the 
country. Tiiat "taislitlie lang-uag-e of those 
interested, from New Hampsiiire to Washing- 
ton, and from the sea to the Mississippi," is not 
true. Wee the resolutions of the JjCgislature 
of N. York, say;ng expressly tiiat tiie wootlcns 
bill of the last vv;nter did not furnish adeqtiote 
protection to WOOL: the rcsoiutioiu of tlie 
i^egislature of Peiinsyivat.ia, m'ging further 
protection to domestic spuits, wool, iron, 
hemp. Ha.-, &c. the resulutioris of tiie Legis- 
J.iture of Ohio, urging substantially the same 
hing: the proceedings of a numerous public 
;rieetingof Manufacturers and other citizens 
iield at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, the greatest 
manufacturing town in the country, on the 22d 
of llarch last, resolving unanimously, that the 
provisions of this bill are suited to their inte- 
rests, and urgmg its passage: See also the 
thousand Peliiions and Jleinorkls now before 
Congress: and last, though not least, see the 
sworn iestiniony, not of the fanners (for no far- 
mers were called to say what their interests 
required) jbut of the MANUFACTUREiiS 
TUliWSELVfiS, and wtiich proves that the 
bill is sufficient. 

But what would these tv.'o Administration mm 
i!pon the Committee have done tar WOOL and 
woollens? This is ansv/crcd by Mr. Matlarifs 
motion to amend the bill, and which has now 
been rejected, by a vote of 1U2 to 78. 

!Iis motion, as made, and as' rejected, and 
tiie same motion referred to in this publication 
!LS then pending, and of the rejection of whicli 
•:ie pubhcation says, "there is very great daii- 
g-:T," did what for wool' 

It did not propose to raise the duty at all upon 
v.'ool costing 8 cents per pound and under, in 
a foreign market, although more than 2,000,0ClU 
ills, of that wool were imported for tlie use of 
the Woollen MamifMtunrs during the last year. 

It did pi-opose to lay a duty of '-'^ ctais per 
round upon wool, costing morctliau <i cents in 
11 foreign market. 

Wliat was this doinj for f^e farmer arid wool 



The present duty upon wool is iO per teM 
aJ valorem ; or, in the manner of valuing du- 
tu-j, 53 cuts upon every §1 worth of wool. 

A pound of wool, then, costing in a foreigt. 
market SI, would, by the present law, pay 
a duty of 33 cents; if Mr. 5'a!lary's propos; 
tion had been adopted, the same pound of wot; 
would have paid 20 cents, or 13 cents less duty 
than it now pays. 

This, tlien, is what Mr.Mal'ar;; and Dr.Coi: 
diet, the two Administration Members of tht. 
Committee would have done for the farmer 
who raises wool. Tiiis is "the real and sobe- 
truth." 

But if they would diminish the duty on wool, 
what would th.cy do for the woollen manuliic 
turer ' 

Again, Jlr. .M.'dlai-y's proposition, V)lddi, ha." 
been rejected, answers the question. 

It proposed to make, 

A yard of clnth costing CO cents, pay 22 cei." .^ 
duty. 

A yard of cloth, costing GO cents, p.iy $1 XO 
cents duty. 

A yard of cloth costing S2b CO cents, p^y 

51 "6 cents duty. 

A j'ard of cl'.-th, costing S4 10 cents, pay 

52 64 cents duty. 

Thus the lowest yard of cloth which could 
be bought, made of wo.il, w.is to pay^a great- 
er duty thiw the iiuest pound of wool, which 
any foreign country co'ild produce, alth.oug; 
wool is :iow actually imported which sells iu 
our maricLt it SI 65 per pound. This could 
only be effected by an .ictual reduction of the 
present duty upon wool, and that was resi-rted 
to, n.jl Withstanding thcsi.' eno'-.ious duties up- 
on cloths; notwitlist.inuing the faet, tiiat tlif- 
woolis wortn but half the value of the cloth i' 
makes; and notwithstanding tlie lowest poss' 
ble duty, proposed by Mr. Mallar;', upon woo' 
len cloths, is 44 cents upon every doilar of vi. 
liie. 

This too •■ is tiie real sober truth,"' and tii; 
is the relative kitulness and protection ofleied b; 
these members of the Committee, and .support 
ed by the administration members of Congress , 
to tl.e farmers and to the manufacturers of th-j 
country. 

But what did thej7-/!;r "friends of Gcncrr- 
Jackson'' and of " a protecting tariff," propos. 
to do by the bill which tiiey • ' agreed to! r" 

Let the jrienih of the c.d ministration answc. . 
in the following rocital of facts. 

But a fcv.' days since, Mr. X^uchanan o 
Pennsylvania, oiVered a proposition in relatlor 
to wool and woollens, the efjiict of which w;i- 
to increase tlie p.-esent duly upon wool fiom 
30 per cent, (what it now is) to 5'J per cenc;.; 
and to increase the present duty upon wnoileu 
cloths from 33^ percent, (what it now is) to 
Si) per cent., and placing the rates of duty, 
\)n\h.upon wool and upon woollen goojc, at tin 
sam.e standard. The effect of this would be t 
make the duty upon woollen goods, just do:- 
ble what it wosild be upon wool, because th- 
wool entering into a y.rrd of cloth is only hs' 
as valuable as the clot.i when made. Thus 5. 
cents worth of wool would mate a jardof cli.- 
worth 5?1 GO. The duty uponths wiiol v.'oulc 
be 50 per cent, upon 50 cei.ts equal to f: 
cents. Tha duly upon the cloth would b,-."'^ 
oe? cer.t. utjon S1.'"'0 c.-_ual 'o ;'0 e^•^.t'. 



b-i 



I'hib pivjposiuoi. '.v^s u>pposed by Mr. Malh- 
:y, Mr. Dwifjlit, of Jhissacliusctts, Mr. Davis, 
of Massachusetts, and others, in speeches, on 
the ground that the duty on wool '.--is too high, 
and that the duty on cloths was not high enough 
*o correspo-nd with the duty on wool ; and by Mr. 
Stores, of New York, expressly upon the ground 
that it did not ajford as much protection to the 
manufacturer as the bill reported by the Com- 
mittee. The Administ ration men voted against 
ir, and, united with the aiiti-tariif votes of the 
South, rejected it. 

Here, there-tore, is the official d;c!;vraticn of 
these political tariff men, that the bilt reported 
by the Comn'.ittee, so fiu' as it relates to zcool 
mid woollens, had done n.orc than to increase tlie 
duty on wool directly, from 30 to 50 per cent., 
and more for woollen cloths tiian to '.Mcivase the 
duty upon 'hem, from 33 1-3 to 50 per cent., 
an increase of 16 2-3 cents upoji every dollar of 
value, and therefore was to be preferred to suck a 
proposed increase, as it icus preferred by them in 
voting upon it. 

Such then is the bill which " no ra'.ional man 
can^bc expected to vote for!" Such is the bill, 
which the " manufacturers all agree" would in- 
jure both, if this publication conlaiiis the trutii. 
But the bill reijorted by the Committee does 
more. It proposes an increase of duty upon 
iroi7, an article of prime national importance; 
and these Eastern tariff nien are opposed to that. 
It proposes an increase of duty upon hemp, 
to enable our farmers to grow it witho\it a loss; 
and the Administration tariff men are opposed to 
that. It helps the farmer too much, they say. 

It proposes a duty upon imported fax, to 
enable om- farmer to sell his flax in our markets; 
and they are opposed to that duty. 

It proposes an increase of dutj' upon import- 
ed spirits and molasses, to enable oar„ farmers, 
and particularly of the 'Western and Middle 
States, to find a market for their coarse grains, 
by converting them into domestic spirits, with- 
out having tliese spirits driven from our own 
markets by the foreign spirits or by tlie JVfJti 
Su^landruni made f.om ir..io;-tca molassi-i; 
and this, together with the foregoing duties on 
iron, hemp, f.ax, fcc. is what tnis publication 
says was -'obviously inserted for the pi\rpose 
of giving the bill such a character, as that the 
Xorthem and E.iS'l'EBJV members could not 
vote for a." 

, These .idminisiraiion tariff men are also op- 
posed to this duty. 

B\it what are they in favor of '' JSIr. Sprague, 
of Maine, upon a motion nude by himself, to 
strike out of the bill the proposed duty upon 
hemp, upon sail duck, and upon rnolusses, has 
answered the question, in a labored speech, 
against any duty upon tliesc articles, upon iron, 
and virtually upon wool, and really avowing 
that their tariff pa-triotism is only extended to 
woollen cloths. He has been seconded by Mr. 
IngersoU, of Massachusetts, and even by Sir. 
Sryanl, of North Carolina, an Administration 
member from that State, and by Mr. Reed, of 
Massachusetts. 

Farmers of the country, is this the taritt' you 

want, without any protection to your interests' 

But says this pubhcation, " the v/hole pro- 



second, to throu! lis defeat on the friends of ikt 
.idministrution. " 

Honest, sincere tariff men.' Thus early to be 
.able to predict the loss of their own virtue; 
thus early to be able to fortcl their final oppo- 
sition to the tari.'l'! And why' Because there is 
a duty on ic-ool, as well as a duty on u-oollens, 
bccaiisc there is a duty on Iron, ou Hemp, on 
Flax, &c.ln short because the bill, reported b}- 
the Committee, was fomied by the friends of 
General Jackson against the consent of the 
friends of Mr. Adams; because it offers protec- 
tion to farmers and to other manufacturers, as 
well as to the nianufaclurers of wool. Be- 
cause it wi" not, if passed, answer the politi- 
ticrd purposes of the present administration. 

Let the people of the coiinti-)', tlie farmers. 
the iron masters and others, particularly, look 
to it. Let them s.\y who are, and w ;io are iwt, 
in practice, oppossd tojtist and ei/ual protection. 

V/ho are the " MANY," by whom this pub- 
lication is issufd to the world' They are the 
political leaderli of this administration at the 
seat (jf government. 

Let the foregoing- facts be denied, or let 
these politic;U friends of a political Tariff an- 
swer to a member of the Committee on Manu- 
factui'es, wliose name is at the service of any 
gentleman. 

ACCOUNTING OFFICERS OF THE TREA 
SURY. 

Mr. J. S- B.A.RBOUR, of Va. moved the con- 
sideration of the following resolution, offered 
by him on the 12th ultimo. 

"Resolved, That provision ought to be made 
for excluding the agency of the President in 
appointing the principal disbursing and account- 
ing officers of the T.-easury Departmer.t, and 
tliat the power of appointing tiieui should be 
vested in Congress." 

The motion for consideration having prcva'l- 
ed— 

Mr. BARBOUR modified his resolution, so as 
to read as follow s: 

1 . Resolved, Tliat provision ought to be made 
for excluding the agency of thePresid.'.ntintlie 
appointmeni of the principal disbursin}, and ac- 
counting officers of thefrrea.^ury Department, 
and that to this end, the Constitution of the U. 
States should be amended. 

". Rciolved, That so much of any e.xis!inglaw 
as empowers tlie Fresidentto remove, at picas- 
urc, and without the concurrence of the Senate, 
the principal disbursing and accounting officer? 
of the Treasury, ought to be repealed. 

Mr. J. S. BARBOUR said: My purpose. 
Mr. Speaker, in bringing- this subject to the 
view of the House, is to invite its attention to 
the propriety of breaking up the existing de- 
pendency of the principal officers of the Trea- 
sury, on the Chief Executive Magistrate. The 
ptu-ity of these functionaries will be best pre- 
served, by putting tliem as far apart as prac- 
ticable. Placing the-m in cor.tact, is, in itself, a 
measure full of danger to the wholesome princi- 
ple of official responsibility. But this absolute 
ilpriffi'lr-nre nf the one on the other, is totallv 



.,;.,,.:;., v.i'i.cii . j..5niu?c the Siircsc pledges 
:'or fidelity to duty. No error was of more pre- 
vailing iiiiliieiice, at the period when the Cor.- 
btitution w;is adopted, than the imagined weak- 
ness of tlie executive department, 'rime has 
not only dispelled all apprehension of its feeble- 
ness in action, Init has also coniirniedto ns its na- 
tive Vigor, and its inherent tendency to draw 
to itself the constitutional powers of co-ordi- 
nate departments. In tlic outset of our new 
plans of political in.:titution, there was a per- 
vading senlimeni of jealousy in constituting- ex- 
ecutive power This was the natural effect of 
causes iu which our revolution and dismember- 
ment from Great Britain originated. And these 
operated with n'resistibic dom.nion, in those 
forms of State g^overnment wti!ch were estab- 
Hshed soon after that tvetit. In a very few 
_\'ears, however, this distrust gaye way to oppo- 
site inclinations ; and we ii.as.sed from the 
one extreme to the other. .\nd hence, in 
our existing Constitution, the -fruits of the 
chu'.g-e are manifest and alarmmfj. The ap- 
pointinf^ power is .amonff the richest endow- 
ments of executive preropative. It brings with- 
in the .active and controllin^f sphere of its influ- 
ence, the best and the worst passions of human 
nature. In its original grant, tliis prerogativ-.- 
was sufficiently large and authoritative. Yet iu 
the practical operations of the system, it h.as 
been g-re.atlv augmented. In the commence- 
ment, the Senate was relied upon as a safeguard 
against abuse — but the legislature having 
granted to the executive head the sole power 
of displacing all officers, s-ach grant removes 
this safeguard, by conferring on the Tresidcnt, 
singly, an authority of unlimited influence. If 
the constitutional power to appoint be a rich 
and most attractive prerogative, the legal power 
of displicing at pleasure, must also be consi- 
dered a most efficient and subduing agency. 
The first will act upon the passions of pride, 
avarice and ambition; but in the operation of 
the last, tliere will be superadded to these 
powerful incitements, mortification, the fear 
of shame and disgrac, and the dreade<l penal- 
ties, perhaps, of unmerited odium. The hand 
that grasps these powers h-jlds uncontrolled do- 
minion over these dependents of K.^ecutlve 
will, by the moral sway of hope and fear, re- 
ward and punishment. Is sucii depository safe ' 
fs it necessary to tlie great objects of constitu- 
tional establishment? The oblig.ttions of E.x- 
ecutive duty imposed upon the President, call 
for large grants of power, appropriate to the 
just ends of their -fuliilment. The appointing 
power is most c.'ttensive. It was necessary to 
lodge it sonic where, and in its general exer- 
cise I would not disturb it. Not because it i.i 
an authority unassnciated with great means of 
dohig great miscliicf, but because it is indisso- 
lubly connected with the higli responsibilities 
r.fthe Executive trust. And (lie power to do 
wrong is an essentia! and integral part of the 
abilicy to do right. Bui, Mr. ^i■J;A.\E!l, when 
we contemplate this power to appoint and liis- 
place at will, in .association w:t!i the peculiar 
situation and duties of the priiiciprd .accouniing 
.and disbursiiii^ officer.-i of the Ti-e.-ssniy, new 
questions prcsj^ tltemselvesinto the inquiry, ami 
(more especiallyin estimating ';3 relation to the 
various allotments of constitutional power) 
DtVier considerations c:^i'■.m our senonsnttention. 



Tlie pubiic t^ea.^;ll^ is pi.ice.'. m the keep;, 
and under the exclusive control of Congre^ 
It is intrusted, in an eminent degree, to t!: 
providence and thrfit of this House: "No nn. 
ney shall he drawn from the Treasury, but i; 
con.scquence of appropriations iruade by law." 
Moreover, the power of Congress itself is lim- 
ited, in making appropriations for the army, ' 
the term of two years; and it is further provl 
ed, by ou constitutional code, "that all blj: 
for raising revenue, .shall originate in the Hous, 
of Iteprescntativcs." More explicit enacl 
ments, conferring and limiting authority, cou" 
not have been invented. The])0wer of raisii ; 
revenue and directing the expenditure of ni" 
ne-y, is a high representative and legislative 
trust. Among our correUtivo duties is the 
stewardsliip of its disbursement. To ensure fi 
delity, and secure accountability, the agents e>: 
ercising this derivative trust of expending tl'- 
public funds, siiould owe all responsibility t 
that branch of the government constitutional!;, 
clothed with the riglit of apiiropriation, aI^ 
tiie absolute power of taxatior,. If abuse < 
corru])tion now exist, th'ose wholioldthe pu: 
strings are without the means of detection or 
punishment. The persons engaged in the 
l)ractical agency of disbursement, should no' 
1)5' dependent on the abusing power. Kidclity 
in office is most certain when the passion of 
self-interest is made to coincide w itii integrity 
and rectitude. In what does virtue itself con- 
sist, but a compromise of o|)posite motives aiid 
inducements? I speak of no particular admin- 
istration — of no particular man or class of men, 
but of human nature coinpreliensively. Does 
any man live, untainted by origint-.l sin' How 
can we rationally expect to detect fravid in 
public di.sbursement, or malfeasance in any 
part of the Treasury establishment, so long- 
as every disbm-^ing and accounting officer (for 
such from the nature of things art the only ef- 
ficient witnesses of public deliiiquency) are 
dependent for their ofiicial existence upon the 
very power that is interested in couceaUng its 
own corrupt cond-.ict' Does the gtuieral and in- 
tangible responsibility of tlie (Jhief Magis- 
trate afford adequate security against this 
mischief ? Supposing such dangers should im- 
pend — I perceive under our existing sy.stem in- 
effectual remedy. On the pontrary, I know of 
no political error more jii-evaler.t iu its influence, 
or more detrimental to the public welfiil-e, than 
this vague notion of responsibility. It consti- 
tutes neither the distinguishing r.-'rihe conserr- 
ative principle of our by.stem. liesponsibili' 
had been seen, felt and i'lu.str.itcd in al! tlie. 
forms of government which preceded otu's. 
Even in the sternest despotism i,_ it was the, 
swcrd of Damocles suspended ever the head of 
Tyranny. lit our parent country, in the worst 
age of the r.i.ce of her worst princes, it brought 
the head of one of the Stuartsto the block, and 
drove another from the throne. Sir, I will re- 
peat, what I snid upon another occasion, that 
limitation of power, dffined in express written 
gr.int, is not only the great and saving princi- 
ple of our Con.s-iitutioii, i)ut it is the prominent 
deveiopeiiieiit in the p-ilitical discovery of the 
age. Ifttchave any sheet-.anelior for the na- 
tional ship, it is this. Itesponsibility, commonly 
inoperative and easil}' evaded, looks to the pun- 
ishment of iiffiri'-'-:! oplv. T.i'nit'i'-"" "*'r"''WPi- 



redU Oil lue surer tia^i3 oi~ preventive justices ' 
.".ontrols the publio functionary, arrests tlie mad 
career of profligate aeibiuon, and checks tiie 
ventripetul tendei^cy of the system. 

The subdivision and restrictions \)f granted 
j/0\ver, first in bein.cy piircelled out among our 
State and confederate governments, and next 
distributed into tVie three co-ordinate depart- 
ments of each, with express limitations upon 
ail, constitute tlie improved and prominent in- 
vention of this u^e. To these, responsibility 
In the agency wliieh administers our institutions 
may be added. Yet its action is but secondary. 
Or if 1 may employ a word just u^ed by my wor- 
thy coUeague.Mr. RiNnoiru, it is anciflnry to a 
f^reater, prim.'ir)' restraint. It is the hanrim.aid 
only of a more efiicicnt conservative of po- 
Jiuliir liberty. In practice (upon a large part 
i,f the expenditures of this government,) the 
restraining and supervising power of Congress 
].s lost. This is not ,a tr.v.isient evil of the hour, 
but one that has been constatitly expanding, uii- 
y\\ its shade is now cast overmost of the objects 
for which public treasure is disbursed. Enor- 
inoiis as tlie patronug-e of the Executive un- 
ioubte'dly is, its prerogative is yet more serious 
and ahrming.. Tlie practical operation of 
tilings, at present, is to substitute, to,a vast ex- 
tent, tlie President ".s prerogative, as a suppie- 
jucnt to the legislative will. It puts aside t!ie 
excellent provision of the Constitution, which 
esacts appropriations by law for all money 
drawn from the treasury, and substitutes execu- 
th'S di.'^o-etior. es tl,' onli/ guidr. and wan-ant of 
Jxpeni'Uurc. Sir, the first appropriation bill 
tliat ever passed Congress, was for 3639,000; 
that for the last year, exclusive of the publio 
liebt, was somewhat less than tliirteen miUIoiis. 
in the first three years; of the prescntConstitution, 
the consciid.ated rcvejuies of the treasury v,'ere 
not abovefourmiilion and a h.'>.!f of dollars. Three 
years of the receipts of i!ie present times would 
equal seventy-five millions. l\-v,' Governments 
iiave he'd possession of !arg"o amounts in trea- 
turc, witliout finding aderiuale means and pur- 
poses for disbursing it. And the suggestion is 
as applicable to ours, as to any other Govern- 
ment. But our greatest danger appears to re- 
sult from ilie heavy appropriations for contin- 
■jcncle.s, ■..:m\ other undernied oljjects of public 
expemilture, wheiciu the unrestricted discre- 
lion of the Esecutive exerts an absolute domi- 
nion. These have been creeping upon us year 
after year, till at length the mind is startled at 
the enormity of the sum. Mr. JcfFersoii fore- 
saw and warned Congress, that this might be- 
■.:ome tlie m.atrix Of unnun'bered iiis ; entreat- 
ing that S[)ecine anpropriations mig'ht always 
iie made. In the first yciir of his Administration, 
.'■eform was dliiicult. There was a goveniment 
?o re-org-anixe, and an army to disbiuidiforeig-n 
relations to adjust upon new developments of 
public opinion i reform and ccouomy to super- 
acde existing prodigality and abuse : Such and 
to many objects required a large investment of 
discretionary authority. Vet. even in t'uis em- 
barrassed slate of public alfaire, and environed 
'.>•/ rcquiiii.ioiis that seemed to plead for en- 
larged I'jxeciilive discrs'tion, the i^m triatye:'r 
appropriated for contingencies, diii not e.vceed 
sixty ihousand dollars, an<l the sum tot:il that" 
could be reached by the greatest ttretch of 
this authority, w,t3 iiiout One l)iii*dT*-4 "■'■ 



twenty tliousand doiiars. In tiie following yet; 
V'hen sagacity, enlightened by experience, eii 
abled him to bring into practice the desired 
virtues of economy and reforin, this class of ap- 
propriations was reduced to about twenty thou- 
,sand dollars. And in the year succeeding, press- 
ing his principles still further into useful service, 
tile amount of tlie contingent funds a little ex- 
ceeded fifteen thousand dollars. I have with 
some care, Mr. Speaker, run through the ap- 
])ropriation bills for the sen'ic of the last year, 
and collating these with such information as I 
was able to e.xtract from the Treasury Depart- 
ment, and having thereupon made an estimate 
of the wiiolc amount of money subject to 
the untramnielled will of the President, I 
greatly err if this amount be not hvo mil- 
lions of dollars. The alarming magnitude of 
such a trust appears imminently hazardous to 
the morality and safety of our institutions. It 
is in efi'ect abrogating that wholesome check o" 
the Constitution which prohibits the drawing of 
any money from the Treasury, except by virtU'.- 
of appropriation made by iaw. It invests the 
executive will with a dangerous authority over 
that trust, which the Constitution for wise pur- 
poses confided to Congress. It makes a mock- 
cry of the strongest barrier against executive 
influence, and the encroachment of a single 
magistrate; .and in so far removing the vigilant 
guardianship of the representative body, dis- 
penses with a large portion of its appropriate 
responsibility. Sir, in a country so extensive 
and extending as ours, with great and growing 
interests, continu-ally becoming more diversiM- 
ed, an immense trust may perhaps be unavoida- 
ble. Legal speeifieatious more precise may 
be impracticable. But if tliis be so, surely 
it offers an irrepressibii- motive with us for 
some suitable' measure of refonn and change. 
If so great a trust be iudispensable.j in propor- 
tion to its magnitude and necessity should be 
the care and vigilaijce with which the Legisla- 
ture ought to guard it from every abuse. Let 
us put around our trea.ury, sentinels for its se- 
curity, actuated by such inducements to fidelity 
as may promise a proper result. Let us connect 
the interest of the man we trust with his power.s 
and his duties. Is the case so at present ? Are 
not your accounting and disbursing agents so 
dependent upon the good wiil of the Chief 
Magistrate, tliat they are brought necessa- 
rily to stand in conflict with fidelity to 
the people ' It is vain theorj' to hope that 
Written forms of duty will prevail against the 
impulse.'! of self pr>-ser\atidn. Money is the 
great lever of amlntion, and when did ambition 
forbear, in operating upon tlie fr-ailty of human 
nature, to use the means best ad.apted to its 
ends? Over such Jciicate trusts can we plant 
too many guards' 

The time for the di.scussion having expired, 
on a subsequent dav, Mr. PARTI.ETT, of 
New Uampsliire, afti'l Mr. STORIJS, of Xew 
York, addressed tiie House in reply to Mr. 
B AHi; O U R— after w',i icb, 

Mr I5AH1?0I'R said, the gentleman fron, 
New York demands a iiionieht's attention before 
I proceed to tvp\y to the gentleman from New 
Hampshire.' Tliis gentleman .[Mr. Stoihis'; 
seems to possess a creative faculty for r.aisiug 
s'i:iiii>u.rf, and (ocmuloy it, that he m.ay combat 
■ ■ •: nti^MiatmHtted'. indieatt- 



an exislinsf e,vil, biit lii.-'V iii> not point out the 
remedy. In that task, alike diiiiciilt and iinpor- 
tant, I hope for all the aid whr.-h ihf wisdom 
of the House can g-ive mc. And this iicliim of 
the gentleman's fancy is pressed upon us v. ith a 
manner of appai"ent earnestness, tic aiVects to 
think that the action of our system tertds to 
augment the power of this House. Such su,l;- 
geslions are at least as old as our present form 
of povernment. i-'or it was conternporaneousl^ 
asserted that the tendency of Republics is to 
augment the power of the popular branch of 
the government, at the expense of the co-ordi- 
nate departments, but of Monarchies to en- 
large the executive allotments of power. If 
siich be the tendency and test of political in- 
stiVutions, 1 fear that tlie general princijjie of 
monarchy, rather than of democracy, isinipl.int- 
ed in our own. If tliis test is to be found in 
the results, who can fait to remark the ample 
and growing influence of the executive; while 
that of its co-ordinate brandies is pro- 
gressively diminishing. Can any rational 
observer den)' tliat the creation and action of 
the executive are the pivots upon which our 
jfeneral system is turning' Not only the divis- 
ions of party in this House, but our foreign and 
domestic policy revolve upon them. Is there 
any tiling in the creation or in the action of the 
represent:itivL departmcnls of either the State 
or Federal Governments that is net touched in 
some point by popular prejudice, or partiality 
for the executive mag-istrate of the Union? 
And why, Su\ is this so> Tlie answer is obvi- 
ous; and we hud it in tlie augmented powers, 
patronage, and prerogatives of the President. 
The gentleman from New Hampshire [.Mr. 
EiRTLET-r] has counsellea me to correct my 
errors, in stating as I have done, the public ex- 
penditure by recurrence to Treasury reports. 
I wish, Sir, that I had found correct counsjl in 
the gentleman's example rath-er than his pre.- 
ccpt. In attempting to correct my imputed 
mistakes, the gentleman himsell' lias certainly 
been betrayed into palpable error, lie was 
wrong in his commencement, and errors are 
diffused throughout the v.-hole fHianci;d view 
that he has presented. We are informed by 
him, that the power of transfening without 
limit, specific appropriations, was coev.i! with 
tlie government; that prior to ia(!9, it never h;id 
been restrained; and ccii^eqtie'itr. , tl-at the dis- 
cretion of tile i're ^Ideiitrant^cd over the wliola 
expenditure of the Treasury. Tl'.e gentkm.ui 
has confounded the grant of this power with 
V.hat he has told us was its first limitation. Can 
it be possible, that with c(inimon sense for his 
guide, and the Conblitution of tiie couitry 
staring h;in in thoface, lliat he can really have 
arrived at this conclusion. Tiic gentleman 
cmnot have looked into this subject, or he 
fui'ciy would have sotn tlial saUilary check 
upon the executive whloii tlie Con ititutiou im- 
poses, in the provision that '-no money shidl 
be dra-vn t'rom the Treasury, but in consc 
quciice o. appropriations nude bylaw." 

His mind iahor>; in its o.vn delusion, by mis- 
apprehending the (ir.st legislative giam. for Ilia 
♦ir->t le^isUtive ivstrictiun: and tlrs ii an Irre- 
J'ragalile answer to so iruch of the geiitieman's 
csiiiiiates, us embracrs thiee loiUioii-iof dolhu-s. 
Prior to Mr. Jefferson's adnanistvatioiis, the lan- 

ls.■^ aiid 



ffyatre ot c 



■ittnv n'^s V'. 



g-encrai. He saiv the Tiietis of niisr.lu/^i' tiia-' 
crowded apound this practice, itnd iti his (ir^• 
message advised its cliange. SpccKic appro- 
priations to defiTiit:' oiijects followed, .and hi- 
model of economy and simplicity in adni.'nistr;!- 
tion, is happily illustrated, in this n-spcet, ii; 
its strict coherence to the plain principles i ,' 
the con-ititution. In proc-ss of time, tiles; 
views gave way to a misguiding exigency, avn'. 
the spirit t.f the constitution wassubduoii in tli" 
act of March 3d, 1B09. Tiic right to transO-. 
appropriations, dele .Us that guard over the pul 
lie money which the constitution designed ft; 
its security, and gives into the hand of lUo Pr;.' 
sident the key that unlocks, at his vvi!l,th.; na- 
tiomil treasures. This vv;-,s, no doiib', ati-mp'j 
r.ary convenienco: liiU it was fraught v.ilji si- 
rioiis error in its inception, and stiU more 
serious danger in tlie precedent. The presci'. 
Vice-President ot the V'liited States moved iipoi. 
this floor in December 1KI6, tlie following re- 
solution: 

" nesiihcJ, Tiiat t'lc Committc of \Vay= and 
" Means be instructed to inquire into the c.vfiC 
" diency of repealing so much of an act entitl.a 
"an act further to amend the several acts fiji 
'• the estahllsiinient and regulation of the Trca- 
"surj, War and Navy Uepavtraents, passed oti 
" March 1309, as authorizes the I'rcsidcnt of 
'* the United States to transfer appri>priatioiis." 

jUthough powerfully resisted in debate, ho 
succeeded in this effort to biiog- back the exe- 
cutive actltin to its constitutional limits. Had 
he no other claims to public gratitude but this 
single act of rtiiiacingtlie constitution upon its 
true and original bati>, it would be of itself suf- 
ficient to give him a liigli ami just rank among 
the benefactors of his country. The act <A' 
March 3d, 1817, w.is the tViiit of his exertions. 
That of May 1K20 next follow ed. , By this last ' 
act, the power of transter, which is equivalent 
to the grant of absolute power ever disburse- 
ment, was vested in the i'resldent, fir the fin: 
lowing spetilied objects: — "l-'cr the subsfb. 
tenci of the Army, for forage, for (he Medical 
iirid Hospital Ue'iiartmenl;'' also iu the Navy 
Department; "for provisions, for medicines, 
and hospital stores, fur repairs of vessids, f • 
clothing." And this act concludes by prohib''. 
ing all other transfer of appropriation. As tin- 
gentleman lias called in question the accurate • 
of my first estimate of the sn.tls subject to ti.; 
will of the President, I have iwisul it upon bl- 
own admitted bar-is of calculaticn. h" 1 nm ir; 
error, tiiat error is incurable, fur I have sparci. 
no diligence in '.ho scrutiny by which I tester, 
the correctnes's of th.e original estimate. Si:', 
I must repeat that the contingent rXjicnscB for 
the first year of Mr. .lefferson's :idniiliistralion. 
though oiicn to some cavil, should be fairly set 
dov.'u at !»68,213, 57 cents, but embraring hot;, 
eiuunerated and unciu!ine;'it>=d contingencies, 
will not exceed Sl-Li,i!U'J; for the second year 
tiie amount was f 20,550; and for the third year 
was 515,005, 2 cetits. CoTitr:isted with tlicse. 
the approjiriationsfor the last year, that arc un 
dcr'thc dominion of the e.\ccutive, may be sc_ 
dawB .at two millions at.ii fifty-six tliousano. 
cue hundred and fifiy-tlirte dclhiis and fort) - 
eigiit cents. We may vvltli propriety add to 
this sum, the appropj-iations for liitenial as w^.l 
as external commerce; comprising the sums al- 
ii. 'tcl fo? light-h^'is-s. hnoysv. nier."!, f<-\ &;■•. 



wiiicu t.oiio.1 the iuttcr fubject, and roads, ca- 
nals and surveys as connected with the for- 
mer. For ill these disburst;ments, the power 
conferred is so general, and the application cf 
nioney in the legislative act, so loose and unde- 
fined, as necessarily to confide the expenditure 
to the executive judgment, as a supplement to 
the expressed will of the I.ejjislature. 

Tor these purposes there was last 3'ear ex- 
pended, eight hundred and fourteen thoueand 
two hundred and four dollars and fifty-two 
cents, and which added to the above amount of 
two millions fifty-six thousand one hundred and 
fifty-three dollars, and forty-eig-ht cents, make 
a total of two millions eight hundred and seven- 
ty thousand three hundred and fifty-eight dol- 
lars. I am thoroughly persuaded that it will 
in the aggregate exceed, rather than fall short 
of, this computation. I have bi'ougiit with me 
to my seat, the treasury reports, and extracts 
carefully taken from tlie acts of Congress 
making iippropriation. [Here Mr. Barbour read 
from manuscripts, and other documents, in de- 
tail, each item of expenditure and appropria- 
tion.] It will be to me a source of gratifica- 
tion, if the gentleman from New Ham])shire, or 
any other member will take these papers, or 
copies of them, and detect by the severest scru- 
tinj', any error of estimate or calcidation. Mr. 
Si'EAKEH, is it not a theme for curious and 
anxious speculation, that whenever any allu- 
sion is here made to the expenses of govern- 
ment the friends oftlie Ciiief Magistrate rise 
up with' their correlative estimates of the pre- 
sent and past administi'ations ? .\nd yet. Sir, 
this tremulous sensitiveness is by no means in- 
explicable. It is a fact, capable of the plainest 
demonstr.ation, that the disbursements of public 
money, undrr like circumstances, and for the 
same objects of expenditure, by the present 
administration, have exceeded all former exam- 
ple. And it is not upon untenable ground that 
i make up this opinion. Arithmetical calcula- 
tions, resting upon responsible reporjs from the 
Treasury Department, carry my mind to this 
oonP.dent conclusion. Whatever causes may 
arise for diversity of opinion upon other topics 
i;r|inquiry, none can here exist; for the esti- 
mate of dollai's and cents, by the plain use of 
figures, cannot conduct us into error, without 
the certainty of immediate and pa!i;ab!e detec- 
tion. In the view that I took of tiiis subject, 
my attention was fixed to the comparative esti- 
mate of appropriation and expenditure for the 
three years of this administration, compared 
with that cf the three years immediately pre- 
ceding it. And it presents the following re- 
rults: 

1822 Current expenditures ie25 Current expenilituies 

extlusivfi of military pen- exclusive of milita-y jieti- 

sions, atid the payraenta to sions, nnd the payments to 

the public debt. the [tubiic dcljt. 

7,879,444 :l 10,249,52P 13 

1323 Same 8,003,56fi 7 182.1 Same 11,505,722 44 

1824 Same 8,939,44Q S6 ISi? Same 11,752,515 61 

Total 224,822,459 74 Total ^33,507,707 13 

Deduct three years amount of precedin;^ 

Administrntiun 24,822,45? 74 



SbowinRftn increase ot disbursement in tlie 

present administration of 8,685,307 44 

I have omitted any notice of the charges 
upon the Treasury, for the public debt, and 
the military pensions, because the payments 
t!> these oMects cannot, bv anv diHlectic 



ingenuity, be maiie tlie theme of euiogy 
to any administration. The extinguihin^ 
action of the sinking fund upon the public debt, 
cannot be set down to the credit of the execu- 
tive. It results from prc-e.xisting law. The 
excess of accumulation in tiic surplus fund, by 
operation of the samr- law, disgorges itself into 
the sinking fund, and becomes, in likemanaer, 
sacred to the pubiic engagement. The appro- 
priations for military pen.sions 1 have also exclu- 
ded, because this is a disbursement likewise 
resting upon definite and uncontrollable causes, 
and is in no instance to be affected by adminis- 
trative prodigality or economy. This channel 
of expenditure has been gradually contracting 
by the inflexible operailon of the great law of 
nature, upon the aged survivors of the revolu- 
tionaiy army. I choose here to mention, that 
a slight difference may he made to appear in 
these calculations, if resort be had to the late 
report on the public debt. But this will pre- 
sent it stronger case, by five or six thousand 
dollars, against the present administration. I 
have made my deductions from the table accom- 
panying the report of the Committee of Way.> 
and Means, and sent to that Committee from 
the Treasury Department. I have taken that 
basis for calculation which presents tlie small- 
est discrepant amount of expenditure in the two 
periods embraced in the comparison. And 
here, too, Mr. Speaker, I entreat the gentle- 
man from New Hampshire, [Mr. Bahtiett,', 
to take these estimates, with the materials from 
which they have been made up, and give them 
his closest examination. They challenge and 
defy his scrutiny. The vaunted care and eco- 
nomy of this administration is opposed with the 
stubborn and melancholy fact, that eight mil- 
lions six hundred and eiglity-five thousand three 
hundred and seven dollars and forty-four cents 
have already been thriftlessly expended, instead 
of having been applied to the extinction of the 
public debt, since tlie present chief magistrate 
came into oifice. Sir, the evil does not stop 
here. It is said that we are enjoined by the 
constitutional duties v.'hich the distribution of 
power among the coordinate branches of gov- 
ernment impose on us, to grant supplies. And 
the fact is unquestion.able, that the executive 
estimates for the service of tlie current year, 
are at least equal, and in the main, probably 
greater, than for tliat which has closed. Push- 
ing ahead for furtlier results, in the suppositi- 
tious economy cf this care-taking administration, 
and judging of what is to be done, by that 
which has been done, I am warranted in saying 
tiiat this excess of expenditure, beyond its com- 
parative proportion, will be increased to eleven 
millions five hundred and eighty thousand four 
hunch'ed and ten dollars and twenty-fi'.'e cents. 
Is tiiis to be biirne with in a temper of patient 
forbearance ? Can it be successfully controvert- 
ed by any varying computation' Can it be pal- 
liated by any furllier disclosures <if a justifying 
and iniperati?e necessity' I am firmly con- 
vinced that it cannot. 

The Treasury report, from which 1 have taken 
these expenditures, details for each und every 
year, the same items uf disbursement, idenfic.iliy 
unri sxiccexsivcly extended. In the present con- 
dition of fhlugs, with a commerce suffering un- 
der exaction, and agriculture languishing into 
decay, have not our constituents(alieadybtirden. 



^v 



f li wi'.hcsccssive thou^ii imiirucl taxes) arig'ht 
to hold to us the cliiding^lan^uijc of divine ill 
spiration, and say: "we have labored, and other 
men have entered into the fruits of our libors." 
The gentleman from Xew Hampshire thought 
fit to claim credit to "the powers that be," 
because no approp^ia^!on had been asked at 
this time for the contintj-ent expenses of fo- 
reign intercourse, — that is for tiic fund usually 
called " secret scnlre money!" This is U'uc, 
but it is accompanied by an od.l development.' 
that is equally true. For this fund, there was 
no appropriation asked or made durinj? the 
years 1822 and 1823. For the year 1827, the 
unexpended balances of former appropriations 
had swellfd to fifly-tliree thousand, one hun- 
dred dollars, and seventy-one cents. A.nd yet 
a further appropriation of thirty thousand dol- 
lars was solicited and granted. And now when 
they have but forty-sis thousr.iul, eig'ht hun- 
dred and forty-two dollars, placing^ under ex- 
ecutive control betweensixandsev.i thousand 
dollars less than was wanted for the service of 
the last year: it 's deemed sufficient, and no 
further appropriation is no'.v asked. How, Sir, 
is tills' .\s the gentleman has touched this ex- 
penditure I ir.ay be pardoned for doing so too. 
No trust can be more delic.ite tlian this. In' 
comparing its disbursement with other proxi- 
mate times, the following' facts occur : From the 
t'.r.st of January 1816, to the 4tli of March 1817, 
when 5tr. Madison retired from office, there 
vas paid upon vouchers indicatin;;- secret ser- 
vice, but si.x hundred and fifty dollars. Duiirg' 
the whole eiglit years of Jlr. Monroe's Admiii- 
i.stration, tlicre was paid in like m.^'nuer, five 
; housand six hundred thirty dollars: While during 
two years and nine months of Mr.. \dams's Ad- 
ministration, there has been expended ten thou- 
sand six hundred and twenty-four dollars and 
sixty-eight cents. Moreover, the sum of eight 
thousand nine hundred and fifty •/ii:ht dollai's, 
[part of the above] was vouched fo,- upon five 
different certifiCites, bearing dates tlie 8th and 
;:ist November, 1827. This fund is legally 
designated for the contingent expenses of for- 
eign intercourse, and yet 1 perceive tliat the 
sum of two thousand five hundred and forty- 
eight dollai's and eighty-three cents was paid 
from this appropriation to certain printers in Ike 
U/iiled State--,; for advertising notice to limi- 
frrants or Colonists of St. Domingo : a manifest 
ilcpariure from the express object of the anpro- 
priation. In contmst with this heavy, and 
as 1 think, unLswful use of the pubHc money, 
r will mention the fact, that in the appropria- 
tion act of February 1802, is the item of eighty 
four do!l:u-s, for del'niying the expenses of ad- 
vertising the sale of public lands in the Sciota 
Gazette CI (1 In 0. So cautious was Mr. Jeffer- 
son, th;it he would not touch even thi.s small 
sum for an important .service, without a specific 
grant by appropriatinii. The mul'ipiication 
of offices wit!i high sahiries, in employing" 
treaty bearing messengers, I consider a serious 
abuse . I f.iiJ, that :he aggregate sum including 
passage, expenses, pay, &c of nineteen hun- 
dred and forty dollars was paid to one messen- 
ger ift 1825, for one liundred and twenty-six 
days, equalling S15 and 39 cents per day. A 
larger salary, for tiie time, than is given to the 
Chief Justice of the United Sates, and as much 
■ssis g'ivenfothe head of adetjartmerif, In the 



year 1S26, there was paid in like inuniicr, 14'6.> 
do!l;irs 9i cents, to another Messenger, for one- 
hundred and tliirty-two days, equal to 11 dullar 
10 cen."s per day; and in 1827, to a third, 125 
do!l:u-E and 50 cents for one hundred and scvoi. 
days, equal to 1 1 dollars 25 cents per day. Se 
vei-al others within the time v.'Cfe also i-mplo.^ 
ed. But I have taken these three cases to shov. , 
in successive years, the heavy wages paid for -^ 
service that calls for the exercise of no other 
talent than is canimon to every mad carrier of 
the country. 

The sUi^gfstion, that these dr.iins from the 
Treasury have been coiT-spondeuf with kga! 
appropriations, is no alleviaticn of this heavy 
expenditure. Power is not to be abused, be- 
cause it may have been too confidingly trusted. 
In these delicate trusts, especi;diy, over which 
there is an expanded ;ind irresistible delegation 
of authority, we might expect an Iioiiopable 
sens'uivcness, that instinctively recoils from all 
temptation to abuse. Every vestige of confi 
dene, in the aflairs of men, should be discarii- 
ed, if we are at liberty to confound the distiut 
tions of rght and wrong, by extending the ex- 
ercise of authority to the ftirtbest linait? of con- 
ceded power. If this be the case, we ought 
to banisii irom among us, that moral st.ability, 
which holds society together, and uliich consti- 
tutes the foundation of our political initiations. 
With all the precautions and limitations infused 
into tlie Constitution, it ?6 manifest that the 
^■ice of our system is tlie expanding power of 
appropriating money, and its natund offspring 
— the large discretion lodged with the cxecut 
tive. As this usurped power is cantinually 
evading and surmounting its defined constitu- 
ti'inal limits, so too is its subordinate resul' 
escaping from leg:il restraint. It is these inci- 
dents from incidents; imagined shadows cf con- 
structive sh:«les, that have become more opera- 
tive, and indeed more substantive too, thai; 
open and admitted powers. We can resist and 
combat whi^t is known and palpable. it 
is secret and invisible agencj', that is most to 
be dreaded. This will ahv.ays be found most 
potent in action because it is neither to be seen 
nor touched. Silent accretions of authority, 
growing as it were, by stealth, are to be viewed 
with greatest alarm. In these, the virus o: 
corruptinn is g-eneratcd, and from this sourc. 
diifused throu,^h the system. 

A judicious writer, (-.vith the lamp of History 
bef irc him,) says: "It is very uncommon to sr- 
" the laws and constitution of a State openl; 
" and boldly opposed: it is against silent ana 
" gradual attacks tl-.at a nation ought to be par 
" ticularly on its guard — sudden revolutions 
** strike the imaginations of men: they are de- 
" t.ailed. in history: their secret spring.s are de- 
" veloped. But we overlook the changes that 
" i'lsensibly happen by a long tr,a!n of steps 
"that are but slightly marked. It would be 
"rendering nations :ui important service to 
" siio'.v from history how many Stales have thus 
" entirely changed fheir nature, and lost their 
" original constitution. I'his would awaken 
" the attention of mankind — impressed thence- 
" forward with this excellent maxim., (no less 
" essential in politics than in ^nor;.ls.) prinei- 
" pits obstc, tl'cy would no longer s'.nit their 
" eyes against innovations, wliich.tliougl) incon- 
" si'Jcrable in th«TTis'"lvP5, m.iy s--n'e as steps to 



nv 



■' ;ijouiit to lii^'ner and more pernicious enter- 
♦' prises." 

The unlimited approprialions of money — the 
consequent and inevitable endowment of Exe- 
cutive prerogative, with its beguiling agency in 
dispensing the public treasures — the incousisl- 
ent power in tlie President of removing- at plea- 
sure the disbursing officers whose appoint- 
ments require tlie concuviing sanction of the 
Senate — the extrusion of tliisadvismgand check- 
ing bodyj in expelling from office — and the in- 
separable venality and dependence of the trea- 
sury guards upon a single man, are serious en- 
croachments, that fill me with aiari7.. Sir, the 
representatives of the people were very wisely 
ihtended to exert an uncontrolled sovereignty 
over the money of the people. 

The course ofthings does indeed retain with us 
the f»a**ering and deceptive shadow of this pow- 
er, while its eiTiclent substance is gliding into 
otlier hands. 

Tile w.u-irmgvoice of my colleague, and ashe 
:3 not present, I will say my distinguished col- 
isague, Sir. iLmdolph, brought to my recoUec- 
tfon yesterday, that excellent clause in our Vir- 
ginia bill of rigiits, ■• liich dccl-^res "That no 
" free government, or the bles.-ing of V!berty,can 
*' be preserved to any people, but by a firm ad- 
*' herence tu justice, moderation, temperance, 
" fnigaVity, aud virtue, and by a frequent ix;- 
" ctsrrence to fundamentul principles." 

Speculation upon .••/.; practical conformity of 
the Government, to the axioms of political jus- 
tice, is more important than may at fust Hi^'ht 
be imagined. It strikes at the root of uiipehiev- 
CU3 profusion, and chills its noisome and perni- 
cious Influence. It tends to iV.riiltarize us to 
♦liose strict; and severe tests of trust and duty, 
without which our energy, as well as our use- 
lulncsa, will be contracted to a very narrow 
"jompass. 

Tlie money power cf Congress, (con.^p'.ring 
riiTo' the President's prerogative with the strong 
passions and t!ie yielding weaknesses of hu- 
man nature) is placed in dangerous resistance to 
the best and soundest principles of public safety. 
Itis the Trojan horse withinthe wails ofthe Con- 
s'.itntion. Its powerful and irresistible operation 
;;■ first to enlarge the sj>here of action for tlie 
v.iiolc government, but its resulting .ar.d inevita- 
We tendency is to concentrate accumulated 
powers in the Executive head. Sir, there are 
■^hree active creating .and created agents in our 
confederation — the People, the States, and this 
•'feature of both, the Federal Government. — 
By moving upon antagoniit principles, they 
will mutually [ireserve, by reclproeaWy ciseok- 
i.ng the inontinate action of each other- Great 
occasions will sometimes arise, in which they 
may become so bound t.igethcr in action, as, in 
produc.ig temporary advantage, to engraft up- 
on the sy.sleni tlieger.ti of future destruction. 

Our recunence to orig-inal principles cannot 
lie toofreqiicnt. Vi'iti. all the necessities for 
the last war, aud amidst all the glories which 
ftardy valor arlileved for us, upon the oce;iu 
andin'hc field — one of its lingering evils casis 
i'.s shadow within the view. Tiie spirit of ))a- 
triotism, operating upon tiie antagonist princi- 
ples to which I have alluded, assOC'ated tluT.i 
inaction, expanded the powers of this ■govern- 
ment, iniiised into it adtli'ional vigor, and eii- 
d^'Ved it Av.'-w liv stiinile rules of enf,«vii.otii>!i. 



An additional class of itapl ed powers is one o: 
its fniifs. The greatest difficulty will always be 
found m disrobing government of its invest- 
ments, after the exigency ofthe hour has passed 
away. When did power ever make a volun- 
tary relinquishment? Its march is in the orbit 
of encroachment — and onward. Its footsteps 
are not to be traced in retrogression, unless 
down the precipice of revohit.o.T- 

The dangers connected with the unrestricted 
power of applying the public money was at one 
time eloquently denounced, by a prominent 
member ofthe present administration. In the 
first efibrt ofthe talent for debate cf Mr Clay, 
that I ever witnessed upon this floor, in con- 
tending against its existence, he said: " What is 
"to prevent the application of it to the pur- 
" chase ofthe sovereignty of a State itself, if a 
" State were mean enough to sell its sovereign- 
" ty: to the purchase of kingdoms, empires, the 
" globe itself '" It is the transcendent Instri:- 
ment with which Cxsar and Bonaparte, both 
declared that universal dominion might be ob- 
tained. Yet we look with calmness and indif- 
ference upon the progressive enlargement .and 
consoUdation of this power in the executive. 
With the flowers of prerogative thiit aheady 
adorn this department, this great lever is only 
wanting to give it an absolute control. 

It has become fashionable among a certain 
class of politicians, to deride our fears of en- 
croachment, and to denominate the plain com- 
mon sense rules of interpretation — Virginia 
principles- I.ct me tell gentlemen, tluit these 
principle^, in their l"gitimatesc(-pe, will yet pre. 
vail. Their foundation is in the broad basis of hu- 
man rights- Wlii le they persuade to social order, 
and a love of union, they inculcate resistance to 
lawless oppression. They have always been 
found upon ti^.e side of liberty, combatting 
against power — foremost in the fiehl of contest 
for independence, that " lord of the lion heart, 
and eagle eye." A momentary triumi>h m.ay 
be won over them by deceptive allurements for 
the sordid and selfish passions of " V>\t ambi- 
tion," and excited interests. Other hopes, by 
intensity of incitement may prevail for the 
fleeting season of deception, but the victory is 
temporary, and carries in its bosom the seed.'" 
of certain disappointment- A'nid the collisions cf 
neiv parties ami new interests that arc dai'y de- 
veloped, I have a confidence that Virginia ha?', 
tlic sagacity to discern the path of her dut}-, and 
the firmnc-is to tread it fearlessly. She has no 
boon to ask, no favor to supplicate. Seekin-g 
neither emolument nor office, hers may 
yet be the attitude of Arbitress in the coming 
contests. Ifslie cannot arrc-it, she may check; 
and by judiciously ihrowinglicr weight into the 
scale of controversy, make it preponderate upc.'i 
the side of iibi-rty and the cori.itilution. 

1 ask, Mr. SPBAKLn, that my rts'i'utions be 
referred to the CommltLee on tlie Whole upo:i 
the Slate ofthe Union. 

CThls luvtiviijinalhj p-cvuilej J 



CHIEF JUSTICE .M.\RS(TALL. 
Vi'e find in the hist HichmonJ Whig the fiT 

lowing letter: J 

MiHCBi?9, 1828. 
S:ii: I pereelve in your paper of to-day a 
fiuotaOonJVom thsMarylandcr, ofei-rtain ex- 



J 



]f. covious ascribed to incrts^ectir.^ tlie pending 
election forthe Presidency of the United States, 
which I think it my duty todisiiow. Holdini;' 
the situation 1 do [irjci-'the Government of the 
United S'o'^es, I l!:ive thought it rijflittii abstain 
Crom any public declantion, OiU;he election ; 
md were it otlicrv.-ise, I should aijstaiii from 
I conviction that my oplni'^ns would have no 
weic^iit. . ,■•»-'' 

1 admit havin.tj said in private, that, thbcgh I 
liad not voteti snice the cstabiis^inient of th? gr,-- 
.svsX ticket system, and hadl.-i!:ove-i thsti he. 
.■er snouUl vote durlnjj it^i ccn'i'-.iance, I might 
orobably depart fr.-'m my resohilion in this in- 
stsr.ce, fiom the strong sense I felt of tlie injiis- 
;ice of the charffo cf con'uptionujjainst the Prc- 
;ident and Secretary of State: 1 never did use 
he other exproisions ascribed to me. 

I request you to say thiit yen are aiMhorized 
o declare that the Mar\ lander has been misir.- 

Very respcctfidlv, vouv ob't. 

J. MARSHALL. 
Jobs H. Pleasasts, Esq. 

Having' m vain invoked to their aid the names 
<f Messrs. Jefferson, .Ma.iison, Moiu-oe and 
Jrav.'ford, tlie Coalition have at iengtii hit up- 
in that cf fhief Jtislice llarsh.d!. It is not our 
■vish to deprive them of it. U'c had long since 
aken it for granted, that JIi-. Marshall v.as in 
avor of the re-electi'in of Mr. Adams. Before 
lis appointment as Cluef Justice, he was the 
•ealo.as and able ad%'ocate of the elder Adams. 
!e was decided in his denunciation and' 
jpposition to >Ii'. Jefiorson. And it is said 
h.at although, as Chief Justice of the United 
■tatcs, he administered the oath of office to Mr. 
feffei-son, so stronjj were his parti.5;;n feelings, 
hat he turned his back upan thai.d'stinjfv'-'shed 
tatesman upon that occasion. It is'.ve!lt,nown 
hat under tiie reign of terror, tiie ChieJ Jus- 
ice was the lead.-r of the administiiition'pailj' 
:i the House; and that he was to the elder Ad- 
ims what Mr. Webster has been to the j ounger. 
•Jone have been ':. e violent in their opposi- 
ion to the Marsh ill family -.>u^ federal influence 
han Mr. Clay; and so sensible was John Quin- 
sy Adams that the Chief Justice was unpopular 
vith the*repub!ican party, that, al'ter luu'iug, as 
he first act of his pretended apostacy, charged 
he federalists of the east with a irtasoyiable 
;egotiation with tlie Governor of Canada, he 
ought to confirm himieif in the confidence of 
Ir. Jefierson, of ^h: Giles, an;' his nctv asso- 
:^ates of the repuMican party, by procuiing 
he impeachment of Mr. Jtirsliail, fur favoring 
he alleged treason of Aaron Suit. ' 

* Mr. Kandolpb in his late speech upon Re- 
rcncumeiit, soi-akir.g of this subject said: 

"Sir, who persecuted the name of Hamilton 
vhile living, and followed him beyond the 
;Tave? Tile father and the son. AVho were the 
iersecutors of Fisher Ames, whose veiy grave 
vas haunted as if by v?mpyres' Both father 
lud son. \'. ho attempted to libel the ])i'esent 
Jliief Justice, and procvue his ini|ieachinent — 
nakingthc scat of John Smith, of (lliio, the 
jeg to hang the im;)eaehmerit on' 'Vlio son. 
, as one of the gi-and jury, and my colleague. 
Sir. GAns!:TT, were Ciilled upon hy th.. Chair- 
Tiin of >hr committtcof the Stnate. ih Smith's 



Fop our own part we are gratified totind Iha' 
Mr. Marshall has resolved to vote for Mr. Ad- 
ams, and we confess our obhgation to those par- 
tisans, who, by slandering Gen, J;ickson, have 
drawn lorlh this letter — especially as it enables 
us to iix 'he reasons for his pi^fercnce and char- 
acterises the nai'iy with whom he .acts. 

.Mr. Marsh:! d sr'vs, I admit having said in pri- 
vate "though I had not voted since the estiblish- 
meiit of the general ticket system, and had be- 
lieved that 1 never should vote during i»3 con- 
t'jinancc. I might probably dep.;rt from my rc- 
sokition in this instance, from the strong sense 
I felt of the injustice of the charge of corrup- 
tion against the President and Secretary of 
State." 

We do not know at what ti.ne this declara- 
tion was made; we do not know whether Mr, 
Marshall has examined all the proofs of bargaii: 
(AVe cannot suppose that he can believe th" 
parties guilty of the bargain and innocent of 
corruption.) That isa questiomvhich it becomes 
ever,' citizen to csamuie for himself, andfhf; 
late dcvelopements, and those yet to make, wili 
leave no peg to hang a doubt upon. AVe there- 
fore come to the cause assigned by him for the 
relinquishment of the most invaluable right as 
a citizen. 

We h.ave been taught to venerate the charac- 
ter of the Chief Justice as a man, and torespec- 
him as a Judge, and we must admit that we 
regi-et to find that age, evperience and his in- 
tercourse with the republican party, have no: 
removed those deep seated prejudices and 
strong aiVtipathies, whicli, although germinated 
in the vigor of his youthful intellcci, and nur- 
tured by the pass'on of party violence, should 
have been regulated by age, if rot exterminat- 
ed by the exercise of his offical duty as Chief 
Juitice of the United St:ites. Josiih (iiiincy 
exclaimed: " Those who fell v.itb the firs'. 
Adams have risen with the seco!td;" and John 
Marshall declares that, although in the moriifi- 
fication whicli followed the defeat of the elder- 
Adams, he had said that he would relinquis'i 
his highest right as a citizen, yet when called 
upon to support the son he will resume it. 

Upon this point v.e wish to be well under- 
stood. It will be recollected that the eld'r 
Adams was elected President by a vote give", 
by one of the Virginia Elector.?. To prevent :i 
similar ti'iumph of federal principles, the. Ke- 
publicans of Virginia united their strengti:. 

case, (Mr. Ad:tms,) to testify in that case. Sir. 
do you remember a committee raised at the. 
sametime in this House, to inquire whetliertht 
failure of K.irr's prosecution grew out of " the; 
evidence, the lav,', ori'-: ud.ninhh'jtion uf i)yi 
law?" For my sins, I suppose, 1 was put ujicn 
that committee. Tiik i'lais oimect was, t.ik 

l-MPEACUMEST OF TiiE JuilUE WiiO PaT.SIMiW O^f 

THE TRIAL. Thls Was onc of the cr.rly oblatiom 
(the first wastbe writ of habeas cci'pus) of th'i 
present incumbent on the altar of his new jioii- 
tical church. VVlio accused his former fedeia! 
associates in K.-w England of a traiterous con- 
spiracy with the l{:ili3h luithoiiiies in <jan;ida, 
to d;S'»\embev the Union' The pr.S( lit incum- 
bent. Yet all is Torgive:! Uiin — ilamlHon.-V.nes, 
Mr.r.sliall, tiiemselves accuse:! of treason — all 
is forgiven; and tlicse men, with one e.vce"*'^.:! 
now support him; and for wha' ■" 



1. . .■.:.u...^,;.. Aci.; into tiie Lcj,i'. .Hire of tliK 
estate, and his celebrated resolutions, v.'hicii 
rank next to the Declaration of In.lepen- 
Uence itself, and a chang-e of the electoral law 
from the district to tie g-cnerai ticket system 
were adopted. In consequence, Mr. Jeiierson 
v/as elected President, and Judg-e Marshall, 
then a zealous leader of the federal parly, in 
the movtification of defeat, declared that so 
long as that system, by wiiich his party lost its 
iJower, prevailed, he vrould not vote at an dec 
tion. 

Can any republican long-er douht, which is 
ttie republican can:!idate .for the Presidency, 
when Uiey see this same man comintr foin-afd 
low, m support of there-election of .Io!-.n Quin- 
cy Adam.5> We think not. Who can believe 
that Mr. Marsh-allis impelled to the support of 
Mr. Adams, by the charg-eof coiTuption against 
ihe President and Secretary of State? Admit 
that he believes them to 'be innocent of the 
charg-e, can he pretend that there is not stvonr 
presumption of g-uilt' and if it be a slander, 
wh.at comparison is there between the abuse 
which has been published ag-ainst Mr i^darns 
and that witJi which the administration pre«s 
teems, against General Jackson' 

Judc,-e >!.ar.s'ial], having-, as he sav?, withdrawn 
^irom political strife, wcare induced to believe, 
<.as not examined the proofs of barj^ain which 
navebeenpublished. When John Quincv Adams 
was before the public as a candidate of the Ke- 
publicait party, he was indifferent to his clec- 
l.ion;but no sooner does he find, hy his inter- 
course witli JMr. Webster and the measures of 
•Mr. Adams' Adn-.inistrr.tion, that Mr. Adams is 
the federal candicate, than all his youthful sym- 
pathies for the old federal party arc revived, 
andh.' leaves the retirement into which he had 
been driven by the success of the KV-n'inliran 
party, and a.tjain entei-,! the list a< partisan of the 
federal candidate. The inducements which 
aro to operate upon Mr. Marshall, are, if possi- 
i)!e, more powerful than those which led him 
to support the elder Adam=. It is certain that 
no ordinary inducement could lead him to for- 
•ret the apostacy, or toforffive the his-h injury 
■.vhicli Mr. Adams meditated against himself. 

Those inducements are associated with the 
teeling-sofhisyouth.und the political aspirations 
of a numerous and talented offspring', who be- 
iievc Uiat they have been kept in the back 
,<round, by the political association of the Chief 
Jii.Ttice. 

' Hence, they have hailed the fulfilment of the 
ueckration of Kr. Quincy, as tlie certain remov- 
al of the only barrier whicli, in their opinion, 
lias impeded their eley.ition to office and dis- 
tinction. 

We say, that we rejoice tliat this letter has 
been drawn from Juds^e ^Tar.■:ha!l, it v.ill explain 
to the republican party, that a.s(hns,-? who fell 
with tlie first Adams, have risen witii tiie sec- 
ond, they, as a party, must unite upon '.ndrew 
Jackson, as their candidate, or be forever fallen. 



We lately noticed the manifesto of the 
coalition, issued throu!;Ii tlic Journal, which 
taken with the I-tters from AVasnington, that 
appear in the coalition papers, proves that our 
opini'"^ ''-."r •■'-.- »y--Tesse(i. to wit: that Mesisrs. 



Adam-, .1 ■. ciay have resolved to defeat any 
Tarifl', is correct. 

The reason of this is obvious: What is the 
S^reat end and aim of Messrs. Adams; Clay and 
Webster.? 

Jlmtrtr. Ta re-elect Mr. Adams. 

Q. How do they expect to effect that object 

Jl. liy induciiifj tlie people to believe th.it 
Mr. Adams is, and tliat Gen. Jackson is not, 
the friend of Dofccstic Manufactures. 

Q. Since Mr. xVdams has made no declaration 
in favor of domestic nianufacttir.es, hy what 
ri^ht does he claim to be their special patron? 

Ji. By virtue of a report made by the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, and the professions cf his 
partisans in ('ongress. 

Q. If Mr. Adams desires to be considered 
the patron of domestic industry, why did h^- 
not recommend their protection in his Message 
to Congress? 

.1. For the same cause that he refused to be 
the democratic candidate for Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts. His father in his letter to V/illi.ur. 
Cunningham, said: 

"1 may menlion in you in confdence, thai con- 
skhrall'. pains linrc bcr.n taken to persuade yuur 
friend John Q- JIdams to consent to lie run by the 
repalihcaria. But he is titterly averse to i7,'and 
so am I, for many reasons, among' which are. 
1st, The ofSce, thoug-h a precious stone, is but 
a carbuncle sliining' in the dark. 2d, It is a 
state of perfect slavery. The di-ud.i^-ery of i: 
is extremely oppressive. 3d, The Compensa- 
tion is not a living- for a common {gentleman. 
4th. He must resii^n- his professorship. 5ih, 
lie must x-eiiounce his practice at the l!ar. 6th, 
He must stand in competition with Mr Lincoln, 
which would diride the republican interest and 
cerl.xinly prevent the election of citlior. 7tl>, 
It vo'jtii PiioDUci: an n-rEuy.vf. sr.PAP..VTio?f 

nETW-IJE>J RIM AXI) THK rKDEDALlSTS, at IcaSt 

that part of them who now constitute the abso- 
lut2 Oligarchy." 

Now it is well known tliat Jlr. Adarr.s has 1 
been coi.rtin.if the mercantile as well as the | 
manufacturin;;- interest; if he had taken the ' 
same boM {ground in favor of manufactures that 
was assumed bj Mr. Rusli, it wo-,;ld have C'.useil 
an eternal separation between him and the 
mercantile interest, which he could not ;fFord 
to lose, because it will recuire all the ir.tercst 
Vi'hich he can brini^ into the Meld to carry Kev.- 
England. 

Q. Ho-.v then can Mr. Adams expect to de- 
ceive the people into a helief that he is th'; 
friend of domestic manufactures < 

./?. It is known that a majority of both Houses 
arc favor:.ble to the election of Gen. Jackson: 
it 13 also known that the re])resciitutives from 
the Southern States are unanimously opposed 
to a taiitT, and the partisans of Mr. Ad:uT,s say 
that Gen. Jackson's friends being opposed to a 
turiff, erc^o — he is autUarifi'. 

Q. But is not .AL'-, Ad;ims indebted to ant; 
tari;; votes for his election.? 

.0. Yes. Messrs. Bieut and Gurley g-ave tiin 
castinjf Tote-in his favor; they represent an anti- 
tariff State — and besides a larjije majority of 
those who voted for Mr. Adams from New Eng-- 
land, particularly in M.is»achu.-'ett;. were o;i 
posed to the ♦ariiT of T^'? - 



'J3 



(^. HovK ha.-i this ciiange oi policy thus Ijccn 
brought about? 

^. It was part of Mr. Chy's plan to unite the 
east and the west against the sou*h. 

Q. But has not Mr. Clay's plan, been to unite 
the south and ivcst against the easl' 

.?. Yes. Until the west brought forward 
General Jackson, and tlie south Mr. Callioun, 
Mr. Clay was desirous to be considered as the 
representative of southern and western irSei- 
estii. Hence as late as lS2't, he proposed a du- 
ty of ten cen'.s per g.dlon on molasses, and was 
ready to sacrilice the tariff of 1824, for half a 
cent per yard on cotton bayg'ing'. .j 

Q. What has eaused Mr. Clay to chang-e his 
policy' 

A. He sees thai if Mr. 4dams is not elected, 
the people will choose the successor of General 
.TackjOii, without regard to the safe precedent, 
which he is desirous to perpetuate; or in other 
words, he sees that if the people refuse to r.'.tify 
his contract with Mr. A(i.^ms, Mr. A. will not 
have tne power to appoint his successi)r,and that 
he must retire into disgrace, without the means 
to pay tlie .Morrison legacy, which lie has put in- 
to his own pocket, insteaii of paying it over to 
the Transylvania University. 

Q. But how does it appear that Messrs. 
Adams and Clay are desirous to defeat the pre- 
sent tariff bill' 

A. It fully appears in the speeches of their 
partizans, the letters written from IVashinglon, 
to be published in their distant presses, and the 
inanifefito issued from the National .lournal. 

Q. Wliat benefit can the coalition expect 
from such a policy ' 

Jl. It is knov.n as we linve said, tliat a major- 
ity in both Houses are in favor of the election of 
General Jackson. Therefore no bill can pass, 
without it is, supported by a portion of iiis 
friends, and it couscqu' ntly follows, that the 
adiiiinis-ration cannot claim the entire credit of 
the tariff. AVher.as it is known tl:at if all Gen- 
eral Jackson's friends were to unite, tiiey could 
carry .any bill, audit will be easy to chaise, Hi.",t 
the d^f.at of the bill was caused by their oppo- 
sition to it. 

<^. Aid 13 not this correct? 

A. No. It is well known that the Ccmmit- 
tee who reported tile tariff bili, were friendly 
to Gen. Jackson's election, and u is also known, 
th'it although ni;:ny of the .Southern members 
are opposed to any tariif, yet, many of the mem- 
bers whi are frotn the Wesiern and middle 
States, who are in favor of the election of Gen. 
Jackson, are also in favor of the tarifi', and if the 
ailniiiiistration party in the House, were to unite 
with these, it would be easy to pass the bill. 

Q. Why then do they not so ur.ifc? 

.■?. Aye, there's the rub. If they were to 
unite with the friends of Gen. Jackson, and 
carry the bill, the partisans ot the administration 
would have no opportunity to use the tariff for 
electioneering purposes, during the next sum- 
mer. This hobby of the coalition being put 
aside, the people would have full time to look 
into the bargain, intrigue and management, by 
■which Mi-. Adams was made President, and 
>lr. Clay put in the line of safe precedent. 

Q. But how can the partisans of the coalition 
vote against the tariff.' t 

.2. They mil vote against it in detail. As for 



instance. They will oppose a duty on iri,;;. 
hemp, molasses, wool au^l foreign spirits' 

Q. If tlic fi-iends of Messrs. Adams> Clay and 
Webster, oppose an additional duty upon .ron, 
hemp, molasses, wool and foreign spirits, how 
can they expect to deceive the people of the 
middle and western States, into a belief, thai 
they are in favor of a tariff' 

.?. Mr. Clay undertakes to answfr for tlit; 
west. In the mean t'nio, 51r. Webster apolo- 
gises to his federal friends up.in the gvound. 
lliat a monopoly of niairiractiiring is necessary 
to keep the balance of pohtical power in New- 
England in their hands. 

Q. Is it true then, that the bill now pro 
posed by the Jackson Committee of Manufar 
tures, docs not afford a protection to the Mar 
ufacturers? 

Jl. No, it is not true. It has been cle.arK' 
demonstrated that the measur" of protec- 
tion is greater than that given by the celebrat- 
ed woollen's bill, of last session. The grea' 
difference is, that the present bill protects 
the .grain g-rowcr, the worl grower, tlie hemp 
grower, the distiller of domestic spirits and the 
Iron Mawufacturer. The bill of last year look- 
ed to the manufacture of woollen goods alone. 

Q. If tlic present bill affords prcLectioii to so 
many interests, w'.y should not all parties unite 
to effect its passage ' 

.<?. This question is already answered. Be- 
cause a portion of the southern members arc 
opjjosed to any tarifi', and the partizans of tlic 
Administration, who hold the " balince of pow- 
er," are desirous to have the taiitf as an clcc- 
tloiieerin.:>- hobby, duriiig the next .Summer. If 
they succeed, well — if they fail they lose noth- 
ing, because it w li be tiotking more than a de- 
feat, whicli they expect at any rate. 

Q. But vvill not a vote against this bill, by 
any tariff tiiau, be a desperate act ? 

A. Yes, it win truly be a desperate act,i)Ut 
desperate cases requr.'e desperate remedies. If 
the bill is defeated and the people can be dc^ 
ceived, a few votes ni.'.y, !:y pess'bihty, be pick- 
ed up. If this plan don't succeed, tnen wll' 
Jiilin Q-ii:">cy AduTs, "Jenry Clay, and Dan.e' 
Wclisfer sin/, fare* t II, a long farewell to all 
their d;-eams of grea'nf's. 

Biit we recommend to our reatler.s the fc" - 
lowhig from the DcmocHit'c Eagle: 

PUESIDENT ADAMS. 

Arliek 77— Section I— Clause Vl!t. of the con- 
stitntioi) of the United States, declares tha* 
theT"r?idsnt shall siuiar or (!/S'''» tiiat he 
will "faithfully execute the office of I'resi- 
dcnt of t!;e U'n 'ed States." 

Article II — Section ill — enjouis upon the Pre- 
sident to "reconimend to the consideration 
of Congress sucli measures as he siiali 
judge necessary and e.xpedicnt." 

Ml" Adams in his last message does not rLcom- 
Mena' a revision of the Taiiiff: — he does 
not remmmmd any mcastire for the en- 
couragement of DoMKsric 51ANCF icrcnEs: 
he docs not recommend any measure for the 
encouragement of wool-gbo-wers: he does 
not rcco'timi'id I'iiG American Ststem: he 
does not .say one word on the subject of the 
Tariff — or, domestic manufactures — or, 
wool — or the AMtmcAiy Si-stem. 

The Case then stands thus: — Mr. Adams under 



94 



the obligation of an oath, to "recommend 
to the consideraticM )t Congress such trea- 
sures a--, hi- thp.ll janj;e necessary antl ex- 
pedier.'."' — dnts }ivt rccomnieiiil the Ame- 
rican system — a tariff — the encouragement 
of domestic maiuiiUctures, or the growth 
of wool. 

0>- HIS OATH, then, he does 7int cnn.iider the 
encouKigement oi' domestic maiiufiicturcs 

wool — a tarifT — or the American system 

"nicesmry -md expedient." 

TaE FnisN;)a of General Jackso.-., far from 
chargini? Mr. Adains with the heinous erime 
of vioIat'n!<: Id.i ncith, are perfectly willing 
that entire credit be given him, for tiie ut- 
most eince-ity; and orjy complain, that 
certain designing politicians, have crnftilii 
impoi-ed upon a I'jimber of patriotic and 
honest citizens, and induced them to be- 
lieve, that he is in favor of what, on his 
catli, he virtually Djsivuws. 

UocnT on this snbjeet can no longer exist. 
Every man can now, wide av:ake, take his 
side. 

Gaia-al Jac':!,m has repeatedly and publicly 
-^i;i Congress 01/ his votes — and out of Con- 
a-ress as a citizen, manifested his friendship 
lor the American System; Mr. Adams — 
N£VEti: — but in tlie public discharge of an 
impierious and all important duty, Mr. 
Adorns, in pfFect, proclaims to the whole 
nation tiiat he does kot consider the 
'..meriean system -'necessary and expe- 
-iient." 



Jao Adi'.iiiiistiation sre actively striving' to 
-.loulcate the belief, that, theij only are favorable 
-o the manufacturin!;- interest, or to any system 
of laws v.-hereby the national industi-y, wliether 
timployed in agriculture, commerce or manu- 
factures, shall be protected against foreign 
competition. Tliey are also endeavoring, wiui 
characteristic activity and disregard to means, 
W produce the imprestion that. General Jack- 
son and his supporters are all opposed to any 
tiysteni of protection. Hence, s'ly they, tiiese 
supporters have reported a hill, which, th'-y 
kne-.v, would be rejected; whereby they could 
attain their secret object, and also retain tlie 
reputation of being favorable to the protecting 
system. All this is a miserable delusion, 
attempted to be circulated for political pur- 
poses. The Administration are not the ex- 
clusive friend.^, nor the oppositicn the exchi- 
tive opponents of the system. General J.uk- 
son is in favor of a tai-iff' that shall promote the 
prosperity of the whole nation, and has so do- 
'"■lared by his votes in Congress. Mr. Adams 
has never cjmmitted himself on the subject, 
and we defy any of his adherents to produce a 
single s'-ntence from any public docn:ii<nt of- 
fered by him, which contains a distinct and spe- 
.-ific declaration in favor of the manufacturing 
Interest. 

We maintain th.at, the admirtistration liave 
"ndcavored to render the tariff question subser- 
vient to their re-election; and that they wi'i en- 
deavor to daftat the passage of eny 6i// on the 
-.-.abject .at the present session, in order to retain 
:,-. forin electioneering tonic daring the ensu- 



ing recess. Upon this subject, the people 
of this Union may i.ec'is^ed in tne following' 
maiinf r. Th<" scL'.fhe.n people .are opposed to 
all tariffs for any otiur purpose than revenue, 
under the impression that, any duties beyorad 
what aie necessary to this object, would ope- 
rate as a tax iipo-i tlitir necessaries and comforts, 
to the exclusive benefit Oi the noi-ihern nianu- 
facturei-3. The people of the middle and west- 
ern states are in favor of a tarlfi' that shall pro- 
tect their agriculture and manufactures, ai:tj 
are th.erefore epi^osed to the free trade S3 stem 
of 'he r.outii, and the exclusivf policy of the 
manufacturers of the North. The peopieof the 
North are divided into three classes. One is 
mercantile, ai.d opposed to all tariff's that shall 
inteifere with their shipping monopoly; the 
other, owners of large manufacturing establish- 
ments, who wish a tariff that shall en.able 
tiiem to buy raw materials cheap, and sell 
n<anvifaetures dear ; the other, the. agiicultu- 
risis, who are I'avorablc to manufacturing, be- 
cause it furnislies a home market for their pro- 
duce, and to such protection to wool, their 
great staple, as shall save it from the present 
ruinous foreign competition. Upon the hill 
no'.y before the Ho'jse, the members of Con- 
gress may be classed in the following manner : 
Those from tlie South are decidcdiy opposed 
to it, as they are to all le-gi-Jaticti on this sub- 
ject. They do not engage in the debate an 
the details, because they intend to oppose ths 
gcner-d principles, after the details shall have 
been settled. Some of them entertain doubts 
of the power of Congress to legislate on the 
Eubjcct ; and all of them believe that it 
wili sac^ce- their a^Ticulture to what the • 
consider :i nfirihern monopoly. Upon the 
correctness of these opinions we are silent : 
our object beingto state facts, and leavediscus- 
sion upon this subject to the people and their 
representatives. Those irom the Middle and 
West are in favorof it, because it protects their 
three great ag-ricultural staples, grain, hemp, 
and wool; and also, because it affords, in their 
estimation, a sufiicient protection to woollen 
niauulactures, v.hich they deem a great national 
intei'cst, wh< se success is intimately- connected 
v.-ith their agricultural prosperity. Those from 
the North rejiresent various intercuts, and dis- 
a"-ree accordingly. Those who represent mer- 
cantile districts are opposed to all duties on 
hem]) and iron, because tney deem such duties 
injurious to navigation, the market for these 
articles. They arc also opposed to dudes on 
wool, because some of their constituents are 
concerned in large manufacturing corporations 
v.'lu) wish to obtain wool cheap, and others in 
shipping wliich is employed in importing v.-ooi. 
Those from the interior are w-illing to protect 
the wool growers who are a great interest in N. 
England, and the mamii'acturerscf iron, who are 
numerous in K. Hampshire and Vermont; but are 
opposed to the reported duties on clotJis, as be- 
ing insufficient, indon molasses, ?s taxing an ar- 
ticle of extensive consumption, both raw and dis- 
tilled. They also consider that a duty on mc- 
bsses wouW exclude them from the West Ir- 
dies, the great -nnavket of their lumber, fish> 
live stock and ajricultural produce, and ruir- 
their distilleries, from which rum is extensive;-- 
cxDorted. 



Ho 



viriH, in Congfeis and auiJii.^ tae people. Any 
person of ordinary sagacity must perceive that, 
amid this variety of interests, a skillful politician 
would finJabund:.nt materials for combination ■ 
to operate upon l'»o important election now 
pendiiiff. This has nut escaped the Ivns eyed Ma- 
ctiiavellian who lulcs the cabinet 'of curiosiUea 
now in this city. This grreatpolitic.il .lujas Isca- 
riot, who can cut, shuffle, ifinnp, revoke, brag-, 
stand,throw up.msdeai.stock.ai.dall with equal 
facdity for any iJurpose, knows cverv card in 
this game of mteres-.s, and is worki'nif to loo 
them all jnd .ake the pool nf tlic next election, 
llij obje;;': is to prevei.t the pii.-,sa};c of any 
bill, and to ascribe its defeat to the J:ioksoni.in5'. 
lie is sure of opposition from the .South to all 
tarifiV. He knows th.it the South and Noi'h 
united.with such strag-i^lers as can be picked up 
from the West and Middle, are s-jfiicient for 
liis purpose, and therefore endeavors to com- 
bine them. Accordingly, such tools as John 
C. Wright must have 'their cue. They are 
instructed to oppose every thing on the sub- 
;ect, e.^iccpt tiie vjoollcns 'b^lt of the last ses- 
sion, thou.^'h that bill cficred less protection lo 
vooUens t!ian does the bill now before tlie 
Kouse. ^ They are instructed to oppo.se the re- 
ported duty on hemp, iron, and mc)!asi;es, as 
sine qua. vans with tlie Xev/ Kng-laiid States. 
Ilence we may infer that, if that part of tlje 
hill rtlatinj;- to wool ai-d woliens b^ amended 
according; to the -.vi-ii-.cs of the manufacturers, 
nio.=t nfthe northern r.iemje.-s, with all the Ad- 
ministr.ition nit-n from the Alid ilo, and West 
will litrll demur, on account of tiictse sine qua 
films. If '.he bill be thereby defeated, the tac- 
tidaiis will ascribe its defeat to the opposition, 
by charg-ins' them v.itli having desig^ncdly re- 
ported 11 bill V, hich, they knew.the Nortli would 
oppose. Indeed, this charge has already been 
made ; and to show that it was part of the pia:i 
iiiove slated, we v.-ould m.;iition tliat, it was 
made lonj;- before the bill v-as reported, and 
consequently, before its provisions, could hava 
been known. This premature accusation was 
ir;'ucky, for it c^poseil the de.5ig;n3 of the Ad- 
ministration. 

Under such a state of facts, wc would advise 
iii who are deairous of promotinpf the prosperity 
jf th» country, to be awake,and fall into no traps 
jaitcdby Mr.CUy. lie no more regards the man- 
;f.ic.turinjr interest of this country than that of 
^hin.'j. All he says about the American System 
imi'-erable cant, intended to deceive the hon- 
^^taiul purchase t!i- venal. To prove this, 
it least to those who oi.ject against a certaiu 
irovision in the bill reported, we would state 
i'.at he is the v-ry author of such provision. In 
824. Mr. Clay proposed, in Committee of the 
.V'hole, a duty of VO cents per f.<I!oii on mo- 
.rtscs, as an amendment to the tiri:T bill then 
lefore the House, and carried it by a vote of 
i>0 tT 88. Let the Ktirthcr.i people who 
•■raise, and the Xcirthern raemlers wlio con- 
I'le in ilr. Clay, look to tins. It is matter for 
^Hection. Aii.l Ut all who serioii.M/ desire 
•:e prosperity of liieir country, legislate upon 
iiis subject without passion, ptejudice, or re- 
;:ird to local interests. Abovt all, let thtm 
jew it as perfectly unconnected with any ciec- 
ion. A politician who v/ouid render it sub- 
ervient to such purpose, is a political prostitute 
K\o wtil'i Bell Lis country for ai ofliv. 



MINISTEH To hSGLAi'.ij. 
Under this head we find the following artrcit; 
in the Boston Patriot, credited to the Demc 
cratic Press: 

"THE IIIMSTER TO ENGLAND. 

"An extraordinary, unprecedented, and I;;- 
defensible course of conduct has been adoptcii 
toward a dijtinguished citizen whose name has 
been, by his political enemies, broiiffht befc.re 
the public as that of the person whom the Pi-c:- 
ulent had determined to iiomma'c, as Mmiste- 
to the Court nf .St. James. Without takmg- ih-i 
tiouble to ascertain whether this :i,ssertioM" W;i.» 
well founded, or without any fnundatioii, tli" 
opposition papers have poured upon the indiv 
dual named, a toiTcnt of the fotilest abur 
They have called upc.-. the friends of Generjl 
Jackson in the !?en.ate, to oppose and reject hfs 
nomination, s<' soon as it sliould be marie. Sucli 
was the eagerness and intenipt ranee with wliicU 
this subject has been pursued, that tlie Printer 
of the Senate, elected l)y that body to 'isu- 
prove' the public press, has had the'tcmeritv. 
in hi* newspaper, to dictate to the Str^ite, (f. : 
course which it was bound to take. On l!; ■ 
other hand, ^rave essays h.ave been written, 
withamcistambide.xtrousanibig-u'.tv.findir.graii;-. 
with all :hat had been said by, and'iio!Ql!)t- fortL 
the name of the iiKiividuai, as one which"tt ouJ- 
probably be ser.t by the Presiiicnt to t.he Sci;a! 
for the honorable appoint.ment, wiachitp:. - 
sumed, was about to be made. 

"In the unsettled state in v.hich the newj'- 
made up Slir.istry of Great Kritajn \».-3 h-i\ il: 
our last advices from that countrv, it strikes i:- 
that no probable good woul.l arise froro the ar - 
pointment at this time, of a Min.ister to the CoiA ■. 
of London, and that therefore no Minister w:i- 
I10W be appointed. By the late convention, th ■ 
dispute about the North Eastern Eoundari.-, i ■ 
to be referred to an Arbitrator to be designaJtcc 
Our Government has ratified tliis Convention 
]1 he English Government may ci- may not rati*' • 
it, but probably will. WJien mutually r.-itifie?. 
a Mediator is to be agreed on. Our Govcni. 
mcnt, it is presumed, will nominate the Empe- 
ror of Russia, and it is hardiv to be presmaec, 
that Englan'l will object against bin!, 

"Until these f!aestion.s,'thtref ;re, are fina'iiv 
settled, it would be of no avail to send a .Minis- 
ter to Englaatl, irasmucJi as he could not b- 
furnished v.-ith full instiuotion^. As it is not ex- 
pected that we bliall get tiie ratification of th- 
Convention from Engla-.,! during tiiis session '"" 
Congress, .md as the President would not, v.itla- 
out pressing rsas-ms, make so in:portant a nomi 
nation in the recess, our opinim; is, that no .Mij. 
isterwill be appointed until the next session. 

" We have been induced to take this brie" 
notice of the subject, to siiow, with how litti-^ 
cause, to how little purpose, and upon wha" 
slender grounds, public men, the mo.si dis'in- 
guished, are brought before tiie nublic to h-. 
baited and abused, to subserve the' views of fa--^ 
tions and partisan politici.ans." 

The subserviency of John Binns totheScc.-. - 
taiy of State, forbids the idea that such an arii 
c.e would appear in the Pres;. without it vi"> < 
fully authorised by liim. Whether it is the re- 
sult of a cabinet council, or the effort of M-. 
Cay »o postpone Mr, We'j.i'erV dem.-ir.d", v. 



.^0 



tiU alter the cast of tlie PwsUfential election, is 
a question vet to be developed. 

That Mi-. Webster holds the bond of Mr. 
A(l:ims, and that he, like Hliylock, demands its. 
-jerforiiiance, cinnot !io',v he doubted. 

Wlicn the editor oi' the National Palladium 
:*tated tile fact, and inad.'ertor.'jy \aried seme 
of 'h^ 'ietails from the- tr.itli of tlie case, Mr. 
Adams tlien rn his '.vay from Boston, authnrii;cd 
the Editor of the N. Y. AiTierlcin to contrtidict 
the cliarge. T.lr. ^^■c■b■;ter, iiowever, place.i 
too h's^h a value ou the document'. Me would 
!iotr)ern:it its obligation to be caiicclied on such 
terms. Had4ie like Mr. Adams denied that he, 
held the pfedgc'upon wliich the federal mem- 
bers of Congress voted for Mr. Adams, and the 
federal party have since supported lus adminis- 
tration, sucli a denial would have operated as 
.•I release of its eoiulition. But r.i-! tiie precious 
instrument, obtained \.ilh so much address, was 
not 50 i-ehnquisiied. Mr. Webster still demands 
the pcuncl of flesh. 

'rheiirticle belbre us w.is written with an art 
which no vuisar s\ rlter could att.Vm. It bears 
the sianip oiBcial on its fa;e. It penetrates the 
f^scret policy of the Cabi.iet. In the present 
unsettled state of the m'-.iistry it is nlflt suppos- 
<^u that any jjood would orjse from the appt;int- 
ment, at this time, of a minister to the Court of 
London!! , . ' 

Now, it cannot escape thfe notice of every 
reader, that the very reason here {jivcn wliy 
we shouW not be represented at the "court i;f 
•> Londi.n," is the very reason why we sh.juid be 
represented there, by a mini.stjr w-11 acquaint- 
"sl vvith the important points in controversy, 
■.vi\v E' i'.j; on the spot, could avail himself of 
the earlier- oppci-'-unuy to urge the adjiJlniLnt 
of the serious difficulties whicli unhappily 
ti.reaten toprejudic- the eAi.stIi;g-reIation3 be- 
tween the two jfoveruments. When coidd 
'here be a more favorable iPomeHt for us to 
press the settlement of our difiicultics, than 
that whicli threatens to envelope the v>-liole 
t.;()ntinent in war, and when the new ministry 
must be desirous to strengthen themselves with 
the people, as a measure prcp-aiTitoy to it.' 

It:s manifest that th-_ r^a-^on here given, why 
Mr. '.Veb,-tc;- wii! not be nominated, is any other 
than the true one. 

. Rumor says that Mr. Clay himself desires this 
•nission as a retreat. It may b? that the nom- 
ination is postp mrd until after the Presiden- 
tial ejection, thath; may 'hen determine wheth- 
er it will be better for him to rem-.n in the line 
of safe precedent, or throw himselfon the maj- 
r.aninilty of G^n Jackson. That he will ven- 
ture upon tlie latter may be doub'ed by sonic, 
hut by none wlio know him as wc do. He 
mav hope that Gen. .lackstn will not recall him; 
ifsc, his forbearance will be used as an aryu- 
inent agiinst the- charge of bargain; if he should 
be recalled, he will have'pocketcd, for a fcv< 
inontlis services, about twenty thousand dol- 
lars, a sum sufficient to pay the Mori'ison Le- 
-"acv to the Transylvania University, and will 
"charg-e the nest president with vindictive per- 
secution. 

For ourselves, we believe that the true secret 
of the article is to be found in the fact, that the 
late election in New Hampshire exhibits an ef- 
fort on the part of the democratic republican?, 



which has aUrmed Ijoth Sir. Adams and Mr 
Claj'. it itkuovAB that tlie democracy of New 
Kng'land mm the majority of electoi-s, and it 
is feared that the nomination of Mr. Webster, 
will be the signal for an union of the republican 
party, that will leave Mr. Adams in a minority 
in New Kngland. • 

Hence, wh.le on the one hand, Mr. Webster 
will rot consent to the nomination of any other 
person, and Mr. Clay will not consentto endan- 
ger the vote of New England by the nomination 
of Mr. V.'ebster, the fffcat Interests of this na- 
tion, like the colonial trade must be postponed, 
sacrificed, that Daniel Webster may be reward- 
'%d for the part which he acted in the election of 
Mr. Adams. 

As to the notice which is taken of this press, 
and the manner in which we have expressed 
our opinions upon this subject, we have only to 
remark, that our opinions and our press are our 
own, whicli our relation to the public refjuires 
us t9 keep above any influence arising from 
our ap)-'oiiitnient as Printer to the Senate. The 
appointment is not, and never will be held as 
the price of our independence. We shall cer- 
tahdy regret to find our opinions in conflict 
with a body, for whom v/e entertain so mucri re- 
sp<tt, and wh jse good opinifn we so highly 
value; hut if a dltl'erence of rp.niuu should 
arise, it will be '"ound that whilst we place a 
proptr estunati. upon the opinion of others we 
have iimmeBs i<: express our own. 



We invite tlie attention of the "Professor oi 

SigON, t' " following LKTTEU of tllcHOR. 

Mr. C 

Wasiiixotos CiTr, 7 April, 1328. 

Messrs. GBr..'i^f & Jautis: — The "Banne. 
and Whig," pubhshed in Nashville, contains an 
article upo 1 tiie siaject of the Presidential 
tlecti.in, which I am sure must hr.ve been de- 
signed to misguide and influence public senti- 
ment abroad. It is said that " a number of the 
citizens of the western district of Tennessee, 
ha, e determined upon running a candidate for 
the office of cl''i-.tor, favorable to the re-eiection 
of Mr. Adami."' 

I consider it a dtity which I owe to truth, and 
the people, to say, that it is a mere trick.'.'." 
A " nunit^r," may have deterioincd upon the 
coarse suggested. Uesiding, however, as I dc, 
in that dis'-ric.', and having the nonor to repre- 
sent it, I do not hesitate to s.ay that, the "num- 
ber" is very sr.iall indeed. So small that noth- 
ing sliort of the vanity of tlie FHOG, which 
aspired to be an OX, could kiinlle the slightest 
hope of success, in such a project. 

The western district is too 'firm to be shaken 
by so del.isiv ' a breeze. Those who inhabit it, 
know how to apprecUte the benclits of liber- 
ty; and while they enjoy it, tiny will fi.x a pro- 
per estimate upon tliose who have fought to 
defend it. Aniong that number Gen. Juckwv 
stands pre-emnent. 

I have made these remarks, vv'ith a view to 
remove any itrpression which might be made 
by the statement alluded to. it is at best a 
Tinsrcpraentminn of fact?. 

lam, gentbmen, your obedient servant, 



UNllED STATES' TELEGRAPH— Via m/- 



This paper will lie devoted exclusively to tiie Pios'uleotial I'Jeclioii, and bo jiublitked v/ec^Jv 
isntil the loth of October next, for One Dolhir, 



BY GREEN fy JAR VIS. 



VOL. I. 



WASIilNGTON, APRIL 26, 1S2S. 



No. 7. 



G2iN. JACKSON'S LITER.VTUUE. 

T!ie tacticians of the coalition are at a prre-at 
io3s to kiiow how to tack sliip so as to elude 
the public vigilauv-c, and tUe c.'iposurc of tlie 
Kai^aiu and iiilinj^c l)y wbic-li Mr Ailauis came 
(iito o'Bco — an t the corrupt me;uis iiy wli!cl> !io 
attempts to ntiiu it. Bmiis cries out s^ick to 
the sixiiubtiumcii. That, say» die inaiiufacturcr 
of tlie Uarvii leltfr, is tbc only pl=:ni; left upon 
which to ride the wavfs, o( pubfx indigiiatioii. 
Whereas, Messrs. Ada'.j.i;, Clay, and K.^^bour, 
prefer to stick to the tdo got op here about 
GcM. Jackto.i's lit'Talurr. , 

The Jouro:d of yesieixlay -gives us o lonj,' ar- 
ticle, iii th2 best style of Mr.Clay, on the suiijcct 
of the note to the E litora of tne M'asiiiu^lon 
Journ:d — which that veracious print Htte;upts to 
palm of>"upo:\ the public as a ginuir.e notefioih 
«en. Jackson. That our readers may jidge of 
tlie pr^ci'jus liiorceau, we jivo it as pu'Jii.s!.rul in 
the journal: 
■"■'Tbi'Sc ediij«v of thc'jraihJngian JuuuirJ. 

•'When the inidnibht assas-sins plunges li is 
ihurger in tlie heart and riClea your goods, tb.ii 
tcvpitude of this scene looses all its hori-crr, when 
compared with the secrete assassins pninard lev- 
died sgniiist fcn>al clii.ic;.' :■ L • the hired iniu- 
ions bf power." 

ThcJourrial calk bisL: n',,.5i;.sou of 

har.J \v-;tir.ij-to this « , 'iiat Judgo 

>Vhite and .\L-. Polk, have '.ji.i!. oxupiincj the 
preteudsd note, and tind it-lo be written, op. the 
Wank leaf of a p^unpVilit, in imisaticn of tien- 
cral Jackson's h:i-.d willing ; and they both 
concur in saiiiiij that tliey do not believe that, 
it was written by him. An'J we do not he.sital(S 
toduckre, that^ wants notbinjbuttae name uf 
Gen. Jackson, to make it :ls ba^e a for^jcry, ;ei 
that published by John Ku:;i.s. . 

The Journal of yesterday, fa^ly exp'.uns tho 
reason why this attempt at loriyevy wa- yotten 
U]). Tnat orij.an of the E.^ecutivc Caijinet, n-'.b- 
ITslied, on M niday, what it -'::v;:ares to be a lit- 
er.U copy of Gen. Jack.S'ir.^s letterto Mr. Camp- 
bell, a member of (V^nyress, dated 15th of Oc- 
tober, 1S12; and refers tolhc note to li7.)vc, 
that that letter is con-cctVy pu!)!isinHl; ,atid to 
the letter to prove, that the note is g:'ji'\iiine 1 ! 
Most conclusive logic ! 1 GiiO would h.ive 
tliwight, that I'c-ter and his employers lad been 
!on;< enough at their trade to U now, that two lici 
neve.- yet n>ade on* trutlK 

On t;ve other hand, tv.'ol-'S I'tryoV-n e.Tcpose 
eacb ctner. Tiiur., |\..- •n^tin<;c:'rcttr en one 
day publisnea a •:ol': to pmv •, t-hat Geu. Jack- 
sm\ canuot spoil fe-ijale, u:-.:! now he publiihus a 
)ctter in which thft word is introduced, and 
spelled r.t^rrlly correct. Liars sliould have 
ffu^d TD'-moriesJ ! Cons'.<^'4:ncy is important 
in more points tlian one. It is pikl of u c--,-r- 
tain judje, in one of tiie western territ;n'ic.s, 
that when he v. us about to proiiounce an opi- 
nion of fir? f'OTU't, hr'inTr.^ir.'m^lwl byam:ml>er . 



<.f the bar, that the opinion which the Court 
was 8!)0ut to give, was directly in opposjlio.n \{) 
an opinion delivered on a former occasion, he- 
said: " T/uit is a maltsr roe tnusi examine into^ 
for is is betitr ihct ike Court skfiukl be iinr.iiA 

TENTLT WrO:Vr, iTlUll I!icr>N-GIS TENTLY W^/i/." 

The Journal and Its v,-ire woi-kcrs have tried 
almost e\'ery artifice to destroy General Jackson, 
ctcept iiiiiriltr, and knowing' thorn as we tlo, 
we expect them to attempt Jirs i:ic/.u/ beforf; 
next October. Wc advise our friends to be on 
Iho nlcrt, and to bear in mind tliat, about tVi- 
iii-st of Oetober, they rnay expect to sec tht- 
National iHtoliigene-r, the Journ.i!, and even 
I!i[ins in mourning, for th^ pre'aided death n'i 
tien. Jackson. 

Tliat our readers m.iy know the cxtreniils" 
to wliich the cn;dit:ion is drirerL, wo insert an 
e.^lract from the icttcr of General Jackson, .is 
furnlslied by the Secretary of tA'ar. ai\d P'lS- 
Ushed" in the Journal, premising- it,' by sayinTv 
that, like many other writers, General .lacksoii 
makes the e, the a luidtha o so much alike, tha: 
they mav be often mistaken for each other, es- 
pecially by one who desire,'^ so to mistake them.. 
Uut to the extract. 'It is a:' foUo'js : 

"Wlicn I reed your letter of the 10th of Apt'ii 
):i.-;t inchising' me an exlr.ict of the Sccr.atary 6f 
■\S'ars U'ttcr to Silas Uiasniove agent to the Choc- 
taw r.a^on, 1, nor the .:it!'*^. of. West Tciine.5- 
wo, he.sitateti not.to believe tot.' Silas Dinsmoii; 
wculd cease to excrciiO over our citizens sucii 
lawless tyranny as lie liad been in the habit n\', 
and that our pe.accfuU ar.d honest chiaens would 
be left to enjoy the free and unmoL'iited tise vS 
tlut road a,'. Secured to tlicm by treaty — yon 
can e.aiUy Jud^e and so can the [Sccrejlary ol' 
Wat', oursurpiise and indiirnallon, at tjic waif] 
loninjsult ot^ferredto the whole citizens of Wast 
Tcnv:e.ssce by the the publica-ion of h'.s canl iu 
the Clarion — In which he be;,rt5 — that he ha-- 
sct at deGanrc the Sok-m t.-eaty that secures to 
our citizens and those nfUie V'nited States 
the free and unmolested use of that raadas we'll 
as tlie ccpress instructions m"the SecTatary >fl 
V.'ar of the 2;3d of M.arch last, and btnst his d-.v 
tcntion of a defenceless woman and herpi-opvr- 
ty — uiul.forzi'l:al.' the wa'it of a passport — 'and 
m^ gad; is it come to tliis — ar.^ we free man or 
are we Slaves is this real or /j il a drcum—^oy 
what are we involved in a V/ar with yreat III-',- 
tain — is il aot for tlie Support A our I'ghts a.s an 
independant people .and anaVicn, Scg+ired to us 
by i;.iture an<l by niilnrcs ijoc ns weJl as Solem 
ti'eaties .and the hiw uf natlor- — a'jd can t'le Sc- 
cratiirv of war for one mem' t retain the ideaj 
tliat we will permit this pctt Tyi-.mt to Sport 
with our rights Scc\u'e<l to shy treaty aiul 
which hv the law of nature wc do poasess — an:: 
Sport with our feellnfjs by publishinij his tai-:- 
lass tqraijny ijerci.ird o-ver a i.'lplri,-! and unprt, 
(acted fimiik—if he. doos he thinks too nieanlj 
of our I'at-notism and (jaUinti-v'— were we base 
anougli to Surrender our ir.dependiUit rUrht.< 
aeCnPi?tl VO-yxs by t!re !/i'avery ami Ii1""d of o •■ 



ys 



fore laihjra, w^ aue ujiivjoi-iliy the name of/iec.- 
men — and we \iew all rig-hts Secured to ns by 
So}em treaty, uiuler the Couslitated authority, 
■iJgktf Secured to us by the blood of our fathers 
and which we will ne\«r yield but with out 
lives." 

^ This letter was dated at Nashrille, in October, 
1812, not long after the families of Manky and 
Crawley had bei;n murdered at the mouth of 
Duck River, and refers to the fact, that fifteen 
of the murderers had paSs-ed near Kaskaskia to 
join (ha Prophet. 

One ofthe Editors was a resident of Kentucky 
at this time, and well recolleets the .strong ex- 
dtement felt by all classes at the improper con- 
tjuct ofthe apent. Surrounded as he was, by 
i;id"tans, .subject tu his influence, and whose 
'haracterat that time wasequrnjcal, his acts of 
petty tyranny in shutting up the only highway 
Ijetweeh the Western States and New Orleans', 
tor at that time there were no steamboats in the 
Mississippi, was seriously fc't '-r every citizen; 
and Gen. Jackson refers more >o t.ic feelmg 
which pervaded the whole community, than 
htfnseJf, wlien he said ; 

"Should we be deceived in this, (the as.sur- 
unce that Dinsmore would be removed.) be 
fr,ank with the Secretaiy of war, that we are 
free men, and that we w'iil Support the Supre- 
macy of the laws, and that the wrath and in- 
dignation of our citizens will sweep from the 
earth the invader of their legal rights and in- 
volve Sihs Dinsmore in the flames of his agen- 
cy house." 

'The krter oi Gen. Jackson was, as we have 
said, a private iettei- written t..> his friend, then a 
member of Congress, enclosing the foUowmg 

ertificates to be laid before the Secretai-v of 
^V'ar: 

"I do certify, that some time in the month of 
-August last, on my way from Natitoches, I 
p.assed the Agency house in the Choctaw Na- 
tion, with two servants, and enquired for Silas 
Dinsmore, the agent, who was not then at home . 
1 tarried for the space of an hour or more, and 
no person demanded a passport of me. I then 
proceeded on my journey, met Mn Dinsmore, 
near the pigeon roost, who asked me for my 
passport. I informed him thatl had none. He ap- 
peared astonished that I should have come 
through without one. I told him I had been 
advised, that it was not necessary, as he had 
been advised by the Secretary of War, to de- 
sjst from stopping of property, under the pre- 
text he had heretofore done, and that I had it 
in my power, without any inconvenience, to 
have procured a passport, had it been deemed 
necessary. . lie admitted, he had recei\ ed such 
instructions, with discretionaiy power to detain 
[jpoperty, under suspicious circumstances, but 
that he would not undertake to discriminate, 
aiid should under circumstances act as he had 
done, until the powers under which he acted, 
were entirely taken from him. He then took 
an obligation of me, to give him, from some 
proper person, a certificate of the right of pro- 
perty, and gave me a passport to proceed. 

Certified at Nashville, this 26th of Septem- 
ber, 1812. JOHN GORDON. 

Nasktilli:, Oct. 8, 1812. 
••I certlfT, that I frelieve-that the irote I pub- 



liShed in the ClariaHi as a card frcan biias iiiiife- 
more, Esq. United States' Agent to the Choctaw 
Nation, was wrote by him. I have seen his 
hand- writing often, and lam very confident that 
the note is in the same hand-writing. 

Having been long vexed with the arrogant as- 
sumptions of Mr. Dinsmore, of powers that he 
did not, I believe, legally possess, I have often 
expressed, in the pubhc papers, the indignation 
that his conduct excited in my mind. The 
continued detentions of the servants of gentle- 
men of this State, trai-elling to and from N«ch. 
ez, compelled the investigation ofthe authority, 
Mr. Dinsmore, as Choctaw Agent, had to detain 
any person travelling the highway, between 
the Western States and Natchez; the result of 
which v,as an order from the War Department 
(a copy transmitted to me by G. W. Campbell, 
Esq.j publishpd by me last spring. For a while, 
the positive instructions of the AVar Depart 
ment were not dev^ edfrom, that I have ever 
heard, and traveHers iiscontinued applying for 
passports. The summer passed away, and a"? 
the fall approached, the old practices were re- 
vived. A gentleman of Nashville had his ser- 
vant t.^ken froii him, because he had no 
passport, in the most aggravating manner. In- 
censed at this wa.nton dereliction of duty, I lost 
not a moment in hrl-ling him up in the public 
papers, to the just indignation of the people. 
To silence the clamors of the people, by show- 
ing that he would do as he pleased, I conjec- 
ture was the motive for his writing the note 
above alluded to. But, be the motive what it 
may, I feel confident that he not only wrote 
the note, but that he has taken the servauts of 
Mrs. Sibley from her, whether, as has hereto- 
fore been said. to. gather in his crop, or not, I 
pretend not to oiler a conjecture. 

1 understand Mr. Dinsroore justifies his con 
duct; but of thatl have nothing to say. Genera! 
James Robertson has just slept into my office, 
and says he was informed by Mr. Dinsmore, that 
he did write the letter to mc, and that he wmild 
!|pntinue to act as he had done. 
Yours, with respect, 

T. G. BRADFORD 

Gen. Jackson. 

Card of Mr. Dinsmore to the Democratic Clarior,. 

Mr. Dinsmore, United St.ites' Agent to the 
Choctaws, presents his compliments to the De. 
raocratic Clarion, and informs him that, yester- 
terday, he arrested ten negroes and people ot^ 
color, in posseesion of Mrs. Sibley, the particu^. 
lars this time, viz: they had no passport. 

September 11, 18i2. 

It is only necessary to say, that the agent had 
been instructed by the Secretary of War, to 
permit per.-ajns, not of suspicious character, to 
pass without a p.a3sport. That the citizens oi' 
K entucky and Tennessee, understanding that 
passports Would not be required, vere induced 
to come on to the agency, and were tlien under 
the necessity of goingback through the wilder- 
nes.s, or submit to such exactions as the pettv 
t}nint thought proper to impose. This card, 
in defiance of public opinion, and directly, as 
was believed in violation of his iitstructions, Avas 
calculated to proiluce great excitement, wbich 
the fact stated in the certificate of Mr. Bradford, 
that the property of a help/ess and unprotateU 
ffniale had hecn fakcn from h-nv was ralci;- 



salcd to increase, burrouhjed, as Diasmore was 
by a body of Indians, his mandates were easily 
enforced, and there are i'ew who have been on 
afrontier settlement, who cannot appreciate the 
feeling;, which, under such circumstances, 
prompted General Jackson's letter. 

He saw a storm gathering' over the ai^ent. He 
had seen that agent, in violation ofhis instruc- 
tions, "exermeAi'j/(m'/M6 iyanny over a fielpless 
and unprotected female." He saw that, unless 
the agent was removed, the people would he ex- 
cited lo bum down the agency house Did lie 
endeavor to excite the populace' No. He 
wrote to his representative in Congress— en- 
closed the evidence of the agent's misconduct, 
and urged him to apprize the Secretary of the 
state of public feeling. Dinsmore was remov- 
ed. Had Gen. Jackson stimulated the excited 
populace, Dinsmore, instead of being now in the 
service of the coalition, would, in all probabili- 
ty, have expiated his oppressions liy his life. 

AVhat argument was so well calculated to 
keep down the voluntary action of the people, 
as an assurance that their grievances had been 
properly represented by Gen. Jackson to their 
representative, whose duty it was lo make them 
known to the Secretary of War. > 

.iVs well might a riot be charged to the indi- 
vidual who poinis out tn tiie incensed populace 
the proper and legal redress of a grievance, as 
to cliarge the excitement produced by the con- 
duct of Dinsmore to Gen. Jackson. 

But to the letter. It will be seen that it was 
a private letter, written to a cotifidcntial friend 
. — and, as evidently appears from its face, a 
letter written in the haste and carelessness 
of private confidence. It is true that Gene- 
ral Jackson did not stop to dot every i, or 
to cross every t. It appears that where 
the word began with s, that lettxrr was so 
written, that the Honorable Secretary, under 
whose sanction, we are told, a literal copy was 
made out, has pronouncetl it to be a capital, 
instead of a small s. 'Whether the honorable 
retailer of Binns' forgeries, held a council of 
war, or took the advice of his clerh^s on this oc- 
casion, we are not informed; but the Earl must 
have been driven to the last ditch, when he cen- 
sented to resort to such an expedient. 

We ask every reader to take up the letters 
of the first men in the nation, and examine them 
carefully, and see how few there are that cross 
the t and dot the i. We well recollect that the 
celebrated Mr. Nicholas, one of the first law- 
^•e^s of his day, could scaicely read his own 
writing. Not because he could not read good 
writing — not because he was not a grammarian 
— but because his hand writing was so much 
like hieroglyphics, as to require an intiinate ac- 
quaintance with it, and to those who knew it 
well, a view of the whole sentence to decipher 
his meaning. 

Writing is racchanical, and always acquired 
before a knowledge of grammar or punctuation. 
Hence, many good gi'amniarians do not punctu- 
ate. We have seen many of Gen. Jackson's 
letters, and venture to affii-m that few, among 
our most literary men, are so accurate in their 
punctuation, ■ as he is, in his usual correspon- 
dence. 

We repeat that the coalition are driven to 
desperate shifts, when John Binns affirms that, 
ilie only hope of defeating the election of 



Gen. Jackson, cii^peiiUs upon his ibrgeiy ol 
Harris', letter, and the official organ here at- 
tempts to prove that Gen. Jackson does not 
make all his letters of the same size.and that he 
does not dot an i or cross a t. Qj'Drowning 
men will catch at straws! ! 

Accident, hovirever, has thrown in our way a 
complete answer to all this. Few raen have as.- 
pired to a literary fame with more avidity than 
Mr. Wirf, the present -Attorney General and 
Law officer of the Court. Mr. Wirt as w ell as 
Mr. Adams and Mr. Southard, has been .1 school 
master. It was his particular business to stud\' 
syntax. We hare before n.'', a criticism 
of his life of Patrick Henry, published in 
the American Monthly Magazine and Critical 
Review, for April, 1818. Tender mercy to the 
feelings of that gentleman, heretofore prevent- 
ed a criticism on his Eulogy of Messrs Jefferson 
and Adams, the profits of which were so gene- 
rously given to the daughter of Mr. Jeiferson. 
But having brought out the whole ofhis forces 
in behalf of the existing administration, and 
resting its claim to public favor upon its supe- 
rior literarv- merits, we have resolved to rcpub^ 
lish the criticism which some unknown writer 
has prepared for us. It is as follows : 

"It now remains for us to take notice oftlie 
style of Mr. Wirt; far the greater part of which 
is such as is suited to the subject, tlie perspicu- 
ous and correct style of narration; though for 
great refinement or gi'eat elegance we look 
without being gratified. His attempts to daz- 
zle have generally the effect of confusing. Tlie 
lima! labor et mora are frequently discoverable : 
the ars celare artem seldom. He appears by nf» 
means a veteran with the pen; and often mis- 
takes the toy shop for the mint. To prove the 
correctness of our suggestions, it will be neces- 
sary to make many extracts ^rom the work. — 
This will not be done with a disposition to cavil; 
but to exhibit blemishes, many of them the ef- 
fects of careleseness.the exposure of which may 
have a beneficial effect on young writers, by 
inducing them to exercise more care in compo- 
sition; the constant habit of which will ere long 
enable them to write with equal facility and 
purity. 

Oftlie want of a table of contents we have al 
ready complained. This omitted, on the mar 
gin of every page ought to have been given the 
year of our Lord or the year of the man's life 

We do not recollect ever to have read a work 
so erroneous in punctuation as this life. Some 
have asserted that no rules can be given in thiji 
respect; and that every writer may make hit 
pauses as best suits his own ear. Punctuation, 
however, is of great importance; and almost as 
reducible to rules as grammar or rhetoric. Let 
us take a few examples of Mr. Wirt's b?.' punc- 
tuation, of which almost every page aflbrds ma- 
ny instances. 

"It was produced by an incident of feeling, 
which however it affected the author at the time, 
might now, be thought light and trival bj' the 
rfeader; and he shall not therefore, be detained 
by the recital of it." — "He had never seen him, 
and was of course compelled to rely wholly 
on the information of others." — Page 1st of the 
Preface. 

Here the comma after which is omitted ; and 
improperly inserted after nov}. If inserted afte'- 



lOU 



■hivcjhne, it oug-lit also to precede it. If insert- 
ed after of course, it ouglit lo precede those 
'vords. 

" One of tliesc will pjoijublx , be pTOnounccd 
the most interesting- passage oV the work, rje 
owes to tlic same gentliman too, the fii!L-st, 
&c. From Judge Uoanc, the author lias re- 
ceived, &.C. Thp n;i;oiH- and e/cyanceivith which 
that gentleman wries, /;(/.?, &c .Mr JefTerson 
too, has exercised, &c. and were sometimes, 
all contradicted, &c. The first, respects the 
Indi:m.s— Relying- as they did, up-j-.i liunian me- 
mriry n.erely, &c.— Other craises too, have con- 
tributed " 

The improj-yr punctuation in tlie above is 
rcaddy seen. Where grainii);ir and the car so 
cleariy s.how the path-, it :s s-jrp-rismg a man 
c;ui so de\-iute. Let it not he considered hypo- 
crtical to notice these errors, tct us not be 
tcUl, 



use 

thr 



"And lived bng;. a lite of inlegritv. - 
Perhaps a misprint for — lived a lonjj life. 

"In the mathematics." — -I — Whv here 
tlie ? Is it not equally proper to s'av — in 
ethics, in the statistics' 

"Daring and intrepidity." — 6. 

" Such as very rarely appear — on this earth.'' 
— 7. 

"No rcm-irkablc beauty or [nor] strength of 
expression." — 7. 

'J Marked his/«.'ijre [subseqvicn:] character." 



Commas and points he sets exactly right ;': 
And 'twere a sin to rob him of iih) mite. 

Gross deficiencies in this respect are alwavs 
indicative of deficiencies in the liig-her qualities 
of a jTood style- 

Of an erroneous collocatiort of Hie parts of a 
sentence, of the dismcnihcniient of v.-liat'sliould 
be united, and of theinjudicious combination, of 
what ought to be separ.ite sentences, into one ; 
tlie instances are numerous. Thev will readiiv 
occur to the critical render : our limits will not 
allow the introduction of examples. 

V.'e siiall now notice a few instances of tau- 
tology, bad grammr.r, the improper use of 
^Vo^ds, colloquial ba-.-barisms and provincialisms, 
:nelegancies and imp-arities. 

*' I.igki and ii!i:u/."—l'sLs;e o^ Pref. 

"Thcautlior had hoped "to have had." T. 

■ Read— had hoped to have ; or, hoped to have 
had. 

"Coi. Meredith had been ?-ai5erf."—S. This 
word may be applied to grain or cattle : no 
Kngtish writer applies it to the education of 
children. 

"The widow. had intermarried T,-ith Judge 

■W'iiiston." — S. The widow had married J ud^-e 

Winston. ^ 

" Had been raised in the same neighborhood, 

- snd ftnaUi/ mar.-;,./."— 8— Here there ;s bo in- 

tcrmarrying wiih. 

" Vigor and tlegance has frequently."— 9. 
" Frttiy extended sketch." — ly. 

" From the year irOi duivn to the close." 

10. • 

" Not only to the dates, but to the facts thtvi- 
sehes." — 10. 

"Strange ir.i.st-akes in facts."— 11^-T 
maybe mistakes, in a stultmefii of facts; ...i 
Low could Mr. W. correct a mistake in a fact > 
" The courts which heatti;nds keep himper- 
petualti/ and e.xclusively occupied— tiirough ten 
Months of the year." — V2. 

'•The necessity he was ■ under." — 12 — This 
separation of the preposition from the noun is 
-avoided by all writers aspiring- to elegance. In 
common conversation it is less obje'ctionable, 
though here it ought to be avoided. In low 
comedy it is justifiable. 

"For some reason or other." — 14. 
"In point of personal character were among 
the most respectable."— Page 1st of the work, 
f >f ivlrat use here is pcrfnndt ^ 



" Habits, u-hose spell."— Excepting in poetry, 
or personific.tion, whose should never be ap- 
plied to the neuter gender. Some of the best 
writers, lio-.vev..-r, viuKate this rule of grammar. 
"Pel haps he flattered himself that he tvouid 
be able to profit, See."— 12.— It is impossible 
to ai.xn-d rules, at all limes applicable, for the 
Tigiit use of ahi'M and will, and of ivuuld and 
coulU. Tlie correct F.ngli-di scholar is never at 
a loss wiiicl; to employ; and his ear immediate- 
ly takes umbra»e when either of tli -se words 
is impfOperly iisi-.d. In Maryland and farther 
south, in many cases they ai-e by the vulgar 
used i.-idiscriininately — "Iwitl be'twentv year* 
old to-morrow."—" I thought I woul'i,' have 
te3tmio.qy enough." This common error in thc- 
soutliern States is the use of wiV/and wouhh for 
sh!:h' ?.nd should. 

" liuin was beliind him; povertv, debt, want. 
and famine, before."— p. 1-1.— Had he escaped 
from ruin, or was ruin pursuing him' Was he 
drivmg poverty, and famine before him, or was 
he in pursuit of them.' 

"As if his cup of misery- were not alread- 
full enough." — p. iJ-.—OmU enough. 

"Thus supported, he was able to bear up un- 
der the heaviest pressure." — p. 14. — Beer 
only. 

"Nature and grounds of the dispute." — p. 19. 

" This w:ir of words w-as hep! up." — p. 21. 

Continued. Kept up, bear up under, 8cc. sucti 
verbs used with w-hat are called pre])osition3, 
are avoided, in almost all cases possiWe, by 
writers aiming at a dignity of stvle beyond the 
vuli»;u-. 

" Utterly nidi and void."— p. 22. Th;s mav 
be tl-.e language of the law — If null, it ntasi be 
■ ultcrly so; and of co'u-se void. 

" The clergy had much the best of the argu- 
ment."— p 22.— The bette};. 

"Thus far the clergy sailed before the loind." 
— p. 22. 
. " Bold ani commanding." — p. 25. 

'• For he painted to the heart with a force tha- 

-t pelrhUd it " — p. 36". 
■• .\\i t'.ieir scrt.sM lislming and ri'i-fZ/crf upon 
the speaker, ;is if to catch the last strain of some 
he;iveiily visitant."— p. 26. How the sense of 
smelling could Uiten, or that oi sight be rii-etted 
to catcli a strain, it is diificuit to u.-.dcrstand. 

"Neither with a feeble vr [norl hcsitatmsr 
Iiand."— p- 28. >• -> b 

"His;n;;irf w-as disposed to speuh forth his 
sentiments." — p. 29. 

"Nor any i-ery insuperable horror." — p. 29. 
Ho is so i-erij invinobie that nothing- but a vrj-y 
mortal wound cau kdl him. 

liegiiining a sentence, as in page 29, with 
the words, HO/ th,it, is highh- erroneous. 

"The QJiiU-acter of his arg-ument, proves in- 
deed, [siicli ^he punctuation, as frequently :i 



101 



iiat he was a bold and twiW/oitZ enquirer. " — p. 
.'9. 

" Equally inconsistent both \ritli." — p. 30. 

•' Expresshj for X\\e very purpose." — p. 34. 

"Tile most entire M\(l perfect equality. — p. 
'j. Perject and nilirc here means the same — 
neither cjin be compared. 

"Nor did the people, on rtc(> part, desert 
him." — p. 36. 

" A suit which had suffered very considera- 
bly /« </ie sfrnce. " — p. 39. 

" Deep and perfect sdence." — p. 40. 

"To the le%'>iiig' [of] a revenue." — p. 41. 

" The presses — seem rather disposed to have 
'.cohcd owX for topics " — p. 42. Disposed to 
look or search, for topics. 

"Jdsmind itnelf, wasofavery fine order." — 

)). 4r. 

" Contitmed&nd tinremitting." p. 47. 

" Never vehement, rapid er abrupt." — p. 4". 

" Mannerr. and address." — p. 4r. The latter 
.s certainly included in the former. 

"He [Gcortje Wythe] wslh perfect!:/ familiar 
^^ ith the author-: of Greece and Rome." — p. 47. 
A much long'tr life than everthat of Mr. AVyllie 
would be ncces.iary for acquirinjj'apf;-/^^ fami- 
liarity Willi all of tbem. Vir. Wythe was well 
acquainted with many of them 

" Openly, avowedly, and above board. " — p. 

"Xo man was ever t)iore enlire'i/ destitute of 
art. "—p. 48. 

"The port and carriage of his head." 

"His"g.»nins had that native o^'wi/^j', which 
'fiiubined (hem [*he beauties of an author] with, 
out an effort."— p. 40. 

" Vicious and depraved pronunclalion." — p 
54. 

" Work out its purposes," — p. 54. — Accom- 
plish, gpair, effect — anything, but work out. 

"Buld'-md drrring." — p. 60. 

"A cool ^na cliur acetiracifof thinking, and, 
an ehboratc cj:actness and nicety in the deduction 
of thought." — p. 72. Cool, clear, accurate, 
elaborate, exact and nice thinking and deduction 
of thought. 

"Towards whom every American heart will 
4ou'."— p. 105. 

"In which he merely echoed back the con- 
sciousness of evciy other heart." — p. 100. "~ 

"Swell and expand." — p. lOG. 

"Called dmuiihom the heij^ht." — p. 108. 

"'His ptrformaiice will not be tlie worse for 
having been taught to fly." — p. 111. Perfor- 
mance taufjht to fl)'. 

"The spiVi/ and Ji?rtm£ of his genius." — p. 111. 

' 'Resisted them with all their influence and 
.abilities." — p. 117. One of the above itali- 
cised woi'ds is irufficient. 

"Purchaser thereof." — p. 128. Thereof, for 
of it; whereof, for of wliich; whereupon, for on 
which; hereupon, for en this; are words that may 
still be proper in the long- science of the bar; 
but have long" since been excluded from elegant 
composition. 

"Tlie transaction'' which were pas.sing'in the 
metropolis, circulated through the country." — 
p. 135. 

"Thathabitual ceference and .su7;/Vct/4)?i, should 
lie dissolved and dissipated." — p. 137. 

"To make of this circumstance all the aJvn'n- 
'^r■^•' — n ^"7. Tw/fe all the a'!v3p.tae'<^. 



, "Col . S. Meredith, wlio had theretQlgfecQlli^ 
mandcd." — p. 140. 

"He left behind him a. rces^ngc." — p. 151. 
SiJMy he could not leave it before him, unless 
he went backw.ards. 

"Si!b\ert the rtgal goverumeat whoUg antl" 
eniire.lt/." — p. 160. 

".\.s'\sprcren." — p. 164. At the appcar.inCe 
of tViis horrible word,. used by Scptch Lawyers, 
and by a fe\v in the middle States, but by no. 
Knglish writer, and by no correct Knglish schol- 
ar; we cannot forbear the expression of our as- 
tonishment. To/oiV, for to cnrry, would notbe 
so barbarous. Mr. "W. uses the word several 
times; and sometimes the English word proved. 
Why he should have hven this word or what 
has moven him to ife adoption, we know not. 

"He possessed pretty nearly as much experi- 
ence as Washington." — p. 177. The trutli is 
thatiie possessed pretty nearly, about not half a 
quarter so much. Ofwliatuse is prctti/ here^ 
Mr. W . frequently has ihe word. 

Pretty muddy walkini^ to-day. She is a prct- 
iy ugly woman — are expressions pretty nearly as 
ju.';tiliable and cU-gant, 

In page 226 the wrong tense i:! several times 
used. "His wife Aoff died;" — .■"his uncle AatZ 
died," S:c. instead of his wife died, fee. 

" Seemed to have been pretty nearhj para* 
lize>i."—p. 2-31. 

"All its faculties veek, disordt^red and ex- 
hausttd." — p. 23.2. £a;«a«j:/(;(/ is sufficient. 

" Humanity and civilization gradually super- 
induced upon the Indian ch-iracter." — p. 240- 

" Eqitallv thosumc benefit." — p. 243. 

" Some form of worship, or other." — p. 244-. 

" Such em one." — p. 253. 

"The Koman energy and the attic wit of 
George Mason i«ffs there." — p. 263. 

"VMis'of one entire whole." — p. 270. 

" Uncoupled and kt loose to range the wliol'e 
field "—p. 270. 

" Day after day, from morning till night tlie 
galleries were coniinuaHy filled." — p. 293. 

" IVantm profusion and prodigaliti/ of that 
attic feast." — p. 294. 

" Every mode — every species — wcssecn."-^ 
p. 294. 

" Ingenuous and candid." — p. 314. 

" 11 were an useless waste." — p. 243". 

" His temper i^ncfoucfe.':? and. sfraie." — p. 37c 

" Ingenuous and ttnaffected." — p. 376. 

" Patient and tender forbearance and kinfi in-- 
dulgence."—ji . 5S0. 

" A simple, pure, cconomicstl and chaste ad- 
ministration." — p. 382. _. 

" They contended that t'lcy were .snnp.V til-:-. 
friends of good or<ler and government.'" — .p. 
382. That Ihcy only were. Sec. 

" A form so faint and shadowj'." — p. SS3- 

" Tlie rival parlies observed every advance 
made by the other." — p. 389. By each other. 

" So many stratagems to gain him over." — 
p. ."89. 

"■ OiTensi-/e measures -which was intellfled.'' 
—p. 392. 

" That t\o^e scenes were about to be acted 
or^r ag.ain in his own country." — p- 352. 

That similar scenes were about to be acted in 
his own country. A man may eat t'lvo similar 
dumplings, but not one twice. 

"A preacher, asked the peftple aloud, '*wh>' 
theytlpisfe'lpwedMr. Henry about'"— p. 393 



102 



AsKed tlie people wliy fliey falloxved, &;c or, 

.-isked the people, "why do you thus follow 
Mr. Henry'" 

"He never /losCMiial that patient Jrutigery.'h— 
p. 405. 

. "Mr. Hcniyo« /lis part, was so delis-hted." 
p. 410. 

"Bui for the bold spirit of Mr. Henry, the 
people would, &c" — p. 419. 

"So far from it that he stemmed the current." 
p. 419. 

"The beaten pat/n and roads of tlioilght." — 
p. 422. 

While perusing the volume wc noted some of 
the errors, in which the work is far from being 
deficient, and some of these we have here ex- 
tracted. To notice all the similar inaccuracies, 
woulci swell this review to a pamphlet. 

We shall now notice some of .Mr. Wirt's rhet- 
orical and frequently romaniic s rains — or rath- 
er strainings. His labour to shine often occurs; 
but in handling his rhetorical tools he is some- 
limes as awkward as would be a blacksmith in 
making a w.atch. 

By turning to our extract relating to the Par- 
son's cause, the reader may observe the sen. 
tence beginning with — "For now were those 
■wonderful fiiculties, &c. The fire of his elo- 
quence worked in him a mysterious and almost 
supernatural transformatioiiof himself; and, as 
liis mind rolled along, and began to glow from 
its own action, all the e.xuvia- [e.xuvix] of the 
clown seemed to shed themselves," &.c. The 
mind by rolling, glowed. Exuvia: means what 
is already shed. 

Refening to the popularity of Mr. Henry 
among XXic plebeian part of the House of B'U-- 
gesses. Mr. Wirt says. " They regarded him as 
a sturdy arid wide-spreading oak, beneath [in] 
ivhose cool and refreshing shade they fnight take 
refuge from those beams of aristocracy, that had 
played upon them so long, with rather an un- 
pleasant heat." 

Instances of such hunting, for such inappro- 
priate figures abound. 

Mr. Henry was not apt to notice a provoca- 
tion, unless gross, " but when he did notice it, 
better were it for the man [ivho offered it, un- 
derstood] 7iever to have been born, than to f;ill 
into the hands of such an adversary. One lash 
of his scourge was infamy for life; his look of 
anger or contempt, was almost death." 

In page 85, Mr. W. compares the subsiding 
of contention after the repeal of the stamp act'i 
to a volcano. This simile is not in strained 
terms, and is appropriate. We wish wc could 
say so of all. " The rumbling of the volca. 
no was still audible, and the smoke of the 
creator continually ascended, mingled not un- 
Irequently with those flames and masses of igni- 
ted m.atter, which snnounced a new and more 
terrible explosion." 

From the description of Henry's first speech 
in Congress, oire might suppose that a god, or 
at least a demi god, was addressing that illustri- 
ous body. "Rising as he advan'-ed with the 
grandeur of his subject, and glowing at length 
with all the majesty and expectation of the oc- 
casion, his speech seemed 7nore than thai of 
moWa/ man."— "Even those who had heard 
him, in all his glory, in the house of burgesses 
ef Virginia, were astonished."— "His imagina- 
tion rorusrating- with a magnificence and a va- 



riety, which struck even tliat asseniljiy >Mti. 
amazement and awe." 

We cannot forbear a smile in observing Mr. 
Wirt's determination to prove the heroism of 
Henry With "five thoutiind men at least in 
arms," he marclied against lord Dunmore, his 
aids-de-camp, and perhaps fifty others, to re- 
take a quantity of powder, or obti.in indemnifi- 
cation. Some of the patriots wished him to de- 
sist. — "It was in vain. He was inflexibly re- 
solved to effect the purpose of his expedition, 
or perish in the attempt." 

If Lord Dunmore issues aproclamation, "the 
Governor thunders his anathema." If Mr. Henry 
obtains great influence, " he rushes like a ctimet 
to the head of affairs." If Ti rleton approaches 
the temporary seat of government, he "rushes 
like a thunderbolt into the village." If Mr. Henry 
exjiresses indignation toward an adversary, at 
the bar, it is "like a stroke of lightning," and 
his opponent "shrinks from liis withering look, 
pale and breathl.rss." In such extravagance of 
expression Mr. Wirt appears to take great de- ' 
light. Is he not aware that, with such, grown 
people are seldom gratified' 

Mr. Wirt's mode of describing persons, man- 
ners, or ^ents, generally partakes of the 
flowery; which is sometimes carried to sucli 
e.xcess as to claim close kindred with the lu- 
dicrous. He abounds with adjectives. Des- 
cribing the eloquence of Col. Innis, he says; 
" It was a short but most bold and terrible "as- 
sault — a vehement, impetuous and overwhelming 
burst — a magnificent meteor, which shot majes- 
tically across the heavens, /rom /)o/e to pole, and 
straight was seen no more." 

The long and repeated descriptions of Mr. 
Henry's eloquence, his manners, and the qual- 
ities of his mind, whicli occupy a very large part 
of the volume, become tiresome. The dictiona- 
ry appears to have been thoroughly ransacked 
for all the words that could be applied to elo- 
quence. " In mild persuasion he was as soft - 
and gentle s,s the zephyr of spring; while, in 
rousing his countrymen to arms, the winter 
storm that roars along the troubled Baltic, was 
not more awfully sublime." "His eyes — ,at 
one time piercing and terrible as tliose of Mars, 
and then again as soft and lender as those of pity 
herself" 

Since Horace compared the eloquence of 
Pindar to a river ; monte decurrens, kc. the 
comparison has been frequently used, as it is 
by Mr. Wirt. BuJ, in page 295, we have a si- 
militude of studied extension, from the rivulet 
to the ocean. " His eloquence was poured 
from inexhaustible fountains, and assumed eve' 
ry variety of hue and form and motion, whicli 
could delight or persu.ade, instruct or astonish. 
Sometimes it was the limped rivulet, spai-khng 
down' the mountain's side, and winding its 
silver course between nuirgins of mo.';s — then 
gradually swelling to a bolder stream, it 
roared in the headlong cataract, and spread its 
rainbows to the sun — now, it flowed on in tran- 
quil majesty, like a river of the west, reflecting 
from its polished surface, forest and cliff' and 
sky — anon, it was the angry ocean, chafed bv 
the tempest, hanging its billows, with deafening 
clamors, in the cracking shrouds, or hurling 
them in subUme defiance, at the storm that 
frowned above." 



iliii 



criiakespeare speaics at tlie winds takiii^" 

the ruffiaji biUo«-s bv tlie top, 

i.;[n-Ung' their monstrous heads, aad hanging 

them 
With deoTninj;' 

shrouds: 



clamors iit the stippery 



but never dreamed of crackiru; shrouds, nor of 
hurling billows in sublime defiance: at s.fi ofm 
ing storm. Methinksthe storm must have more 
than frowned. 

To support the language of such labored atr 
tjimpts oa the sublime, sa freqK-^r.r with Mr. 
Wirt, there ought to be some originality of sen- 
timent or imaginary 
found. 



greatlv increased the iiitprsi.!, of Ui^ siii)iji.i 
Principle" had been advanced, and effrncffly 
supported, ag.ainst which he felt it ttj be hi.'-- 
duty, at least to protfst. Kay, more; suc1> 
was his repu.!jiiance to the doctrines he liaO 
heard, so deep was his conviction of the erroi' 
in which they were founded, that he could not, 
without being disloyal to the most s.icred of hi"? 
official duties, refrain from resisting- them. 

It could not, he was persuaded, be necessary 
to say, that in expressing himself thus strong- 
ly, it was not his intention to question, mucli 
less to assail, the motives of those with whom 
he diiiTered. He was not in tlie habit of doing 
Few such are to be so^ ami, if he could ever so far forget what was 
due to his brethren, as well as to himself, the 



put the revolution in motion, and bore it 
upon his shoulders, as Atlas is saiil to do 
£to have done] the heavens — who moved. 



In his unxiety to exalt Henry, Mr. W. would sincere personal respect which he felt for the 
lead the reader to suppose that the revolution Senator from Louisiana, by whose remarks hr- 
was begun, continued, and concluded princi- had been induced to continue the debate, wouhl 
pally by the instrumentality of the orator of restrain him. He hadnodoubtgentlemenhonest- 
Vh-ginia, ly entertained the opinions they had advanced, 

Cunda supercllio trwvenils, and it was, therefore, their right to sustain them 

'*who, by his powers of speech, roused the with the spirit and zeal which they had marir- 
t';4o/« American people, from north to south; fested on the present occasion. It wasthe cor- 
rectness, not the integrity, of those opinions, 
that Mr. Van Burcn meant to controvert, it 
was to carry them out to their legitimate re- 
iiot merely the populace, the rocks and stones suits, and present them in their true and eSi 
of the field, but, "by the summit took the ceptionable character, that he had risen. To 
mountain oak, and made Hix stoap to the do this tho more effectually, he would endea- 
plain." •' It was he ALONE, who by his single vor to strip the subject of all irrelev.int matter, 
power moved the miglity mass of stagnant \va- to check the discursive character of fhc de- 
ter," [referring to the revolution] "andehanged bate, and bring the questions before the Senate . 
the silent laJce into a roaring torrent." in their natural order and most sisnple form. 

Toconclude: — Notwithstanding the omissions The first of these questions, said he, is The 
and imperfections of this work4 it will have extent of the rights of the 'Nice President un- 
grcat effect in making more generally known Jcr the rules as they stand. It isone, compara- 
the talents, senices and character of the great lively speaking), of but little importance. There 
orator of Virginia. It is not a work, !iowover,that are but two views in which it can be regardefl. 
will enhance the literary reputation of its author, as at all'materirJ. The one reltUes to the pjo- 
Mr. Wirt, with most readars, had acquired a priety of further legislation on our part; and the ' 
Jaige share o( belks-lettrci estimation by his Brit- other gives it importance only from its bearing 
ish Spy; in which thtre is much less of the upon the correctness of an opinion long since 
swelling and of the romanjic than are here ex- officially expressed by the present presiding of- 
hibited. Having advanced so much farther in ficer. Mr. Vix Dcres said he had before 
life, it was reasonable to suppose that most of remarked upon so much of the subject as 
the exuvia: of the sophomore would, long ere relates to the effect of the old rules, and 
this, have been shed: insleadofwkich, his taste would not now detain the Senate by enUirg- 
seems to be more vitiated; he still mistaking too ing on that point. It appeared to him impos- 
often the tawdry forthe beautiful, and the bom- sible, considering the phnaseology and obvious 
baslic for the sublime. sense ot our rules, more especially when taken 

in connexion with those of the House of Reprc- 

SUBSTANCIi sentatives, that intelligent and unprejudicetl 

minds could differ in opinion. The language, 

o"-' said he, is plain; the sense is plain; and from 

■Nrn. V\K BUREN'S OBSEEVATIOXS tl>e injurious consequences of a construction 

imparting this power to the Vice-President;^ 

On Mr. FOOT'S amendment to the Rules of the ^vithout appeal, it is also plain, thatstich couW 

Senilis, by which it was proposed to give the not have been their original intent. Indeed, 

lice President the right to call to order for ^a'd he, I do not remember that, in the whole 

,,.„,/" •' debate, it has been distmctlv contended that 

words spoken in Debate. ^^^ ^-^^^^ ^^g„ ^^. ^,,e ^.^,(,5 ^^ Sejiators to call 

Mr. V.\N EUREN s.aid, that he had not been to order, extended also to the Vice-President, 

disposed to partake largely in the present de- Some gentlemen have, it is true, (to use the 

bate. He did not believe' that any difficulty languag:e of the law,) by way of excluding a 

was liklelv to arise from leaving the Rules as conclusion, im;igined that there might be room 

they h.id stood from the commencement of the for question upon the face of the rules; butj 

government, and was not at all apprehensive of am quite confident that it has not been disticict- 

the undue exercise of the restrictive power ly affirmed that they confer the power in -dis-- 

now proposed to be conferred on the Vice-Pi-e- pute on the Vice-President. Upon the otTier 

sldent. He liad, therefore, felt almost indif- view of the matter, said Mr. V. B., a single 

ferent as to the fate of the amendment; but the word would suffice. F.ntirelv free, as he could 

Tirngre^s and cTiaracTer of tire dfscussMn had nO* I'ut >K-. fioiVi p' 



. Entirel^free, as he co'uh 
erson^l nrciudite on the om 



iu-i 



iiaiitl, aiid iiniutlutirit^ftu "uy maiWciaai partiality 
on the other, he felt no ini/rest in the subject, 
■ VIVO a (le^tre whio'.i, he hoped was common to 
:i1l, to see that justice was dope to the conduct 
'-»f a public oflicev who had discharged his of- 
ftcial duties with fidelity and ability. He could 
not but tliinfc that the v.armth cf pcrion.-d 
'ri<rndship and the influence of party excite- 
ment, combined, l;atr greatly maj-nitied the im- 
portance of tha matter in relation to the inoi- 
vklual concerned. 3ure!y no public man in 
th'rs countr}', or in r.ny other where reason and 
l^tica s^vay the public rcind, i.s required to be 
infallible, or will be held n.-'-ponsiblt? for m >re 
thaa the ho:iest)' of li;3 cp.nion^i, and the fidcl- 
(Jy with whioli he sustains tuem. If he err, 
fwx'asionall_v, it is becr.use he is human; and so 
'ting- as his motives, as in the prestnt case, are 
abore suspicion, he Itas nothing to fc-ar from 
public ccRsui-e. But it appeared to him tiiat 
ttiose who w Isli a conSrmatiou by the Senate of 
■(he opinion heretofore expressed by the Vicc- 
i'resident, so far as tiio rules are concerned, 
oOuld not desire a mere distinct o:ie th.in wauld 
result from the adoption cf tlie amendment 
under coir/ideration: for where is the man, in 
'his great commimity, who Mould, for a mo- 
■ment, suppose that the Senate of the United 
States could spend days, not to say weeks, in 
gravely debating- the propriety of confen-lng 
upon X,ht Vice-President a pov.er already given 
by its rules? No ore could, he was persuaded, 
he found capable of such injustice to the body. 
He now approached ano^l'.cr, and a more im- 
portant view of the subject. It was the one 
that had c;dled him up; hikI for entering upon 
ite consideration he would make no apolo- 
gy. Indeed he would require an apolo;^y for 
Jumsflf, were he- to omit it. Too niucli time, 
he s:.rJ, could not bo employed in probing- and 
Jtscus^ing u principle, in his view so fallacinus 
and obnoxious as that which hr.d been forced 
upon their consideration. His exaniin-ation of 
it must, at tliii time, of neressity, be limited. 
Tb« great principle so freely conunented upon 
by tlio bcnator from Louisiana, gro-.s'ing out 
of the implied pow-ers claimed for this govern- 
mtnt, and involving- the distinction between 
.iuch as are true and warranted by the text, and 
•ho fraudulent inventions of at^er tunes, is a 
nratter of intense interest. A particular dis- 
cussion, however, of the acts and assumptions 
referred U> by tlie Senator from Louisiana, 
would now be Gilt of pl.ace. But the period 
would, he hoped, eocn arrive, when an oppor- 
tiiaity w-o;i!dbe arlbrded to discuss thtmat large, 
iiniafluenced by immediate local interests or 
-party considerations. When that day sli all ar- 
rive — and lie hoped it woiJd not be more dis- 
t.-uit than the next session of Consfress — he 
would if his life were spared, seek occasion to 
■;ay at least, fearlessly and frankly, ,ill he knew, 
nnd all he believed, and all he fe;u-ed upon the 
subject. 

l''.-\llin^, said Mr. Van I.urcn, to find in tiie 
rtdies, their wu.-rant for the po.ver in question, 
those "V.-ho alarm ils existence claim it nnder the 
c^jnsttti-.tIon. V.'itli what jasticc this g-round 
"vfaataten, he would pj-occed bi-lefiy to'oonsi'.l- 
5-r. There arc not, said he, g-reatcr cncmit-s 
t* the trwth than confused and erroneous stais- 
rrents of tfw; question. 'J'Kcir mah};-n influerce 
■^19 h(?eTi''j;;thif^'.y«>.v;r-;e<lonl!i-»» present oc- 



casion. To it -lie a'aiiijuied diSereiicds iii'oj)in 
ion between himself and some with whom he 
seldom differed, uad always with relttctance. 
What, then, said he, is the trae question? Is 
it whether the Vice President has any power to 
keep order in the Senate ' By no means. No 
one could contend for a proposition so much at 
variance with what was every day passmg under 
our eyes. Those who assi«tcd in the foimaioii 
of this government, were not so ignorant or ii>- 
c.xperienced as not to know that an efficient 
power tc preserve order was of vital necessity 
to every 'e'^-'-latiie body. It- wai;, tr.erefore, 
provided by the Constitution, tiiat "e-ach House 
ot C<)i:gre»j may determine lite rules of its pro- 
ceedings, punish its members for disorderly be- 
havicur, and, with the concurrence of t'A'o-thirds, 
expel a meinber." In virtac of this power, the 
Senate, upon its fir.st or^'anization, adopted u 
a set of rules prescribing the mode of its pro- 
ceeding-3, and cnntaining divers prov's-ions upon 
the subject of order, declaringwhat its members 
might do, and w-hat they should no*, be permit- 
ted to do. The cntorciment of these rules ip 
made the dut}- of the presiding officer, whetlier 
he be the Vi;.e-President or President pro tein. 
pore. Scarcely a day passes without the per. 
formance of some act by the presiding officer 
in fulfilment cf that duty. It is to these act 
that gentlemen refer, in order to sustain a claim, 
to a power .altogether different. They do not 
perceive that these are ac's of a merely minisk- 
rial charadtr, in which the chair acts ns the or- 
gan of the Senate, subject to such control and 
supervision as this body may, frcm time to 
time, prescribe. In rases thus provided for, 
no difficulty has .iriscn, or can arise. 

Another question has nov been made, audit 
is this: It is coniendetl that in addltir/n to the 
conceded pov.'ers of the Chair upon thesubjecl 
of order, *'/' is corr^etcnt for the Vice- Prf aidant 
to c^U a i>Liiat.Tr h order Jur tva:'ds fpofrin .-«■ dc- 
Late, upon tie grmtrtd either that Ihty do not re- 
hteiotke utilject uvdor di^cii&riori, or art ac- 
count oft/ifir other'mse. exceptionable cktrrcclar." 
That right is, by the rules, given to every Scrv 
ator; but has not yet been conferred on the 
presiding ofKcer, If, thcrtibre, it exist, it must 
be derived from a source other than tlie rules 
of this House. Driven to this alternative, thtj 
gonllenion contend that it is derived from the 
constitution itself; that it belongs to, and is 
inlierent in, tlie ofnce: and it is to this view of 
the subject tr.e question owes its great import- 
ance. .Mr. V. B. said he was at a loss how to 
treat a pretension, in his conception so extrava- 
gant, in a manner consistent with the respect 
he entertained for those who had advanced it. 
He had, at an cai-'y pcri.'/d of the deba*t, when 
it had been alluded to — but not so forinally and 
earnestly insisted on as now — made il his busi- 
ness to discredit, ami, ai; far ns allowable, to 
censure the doctrine contended for. Sine: that 
pe/icid, the Eiatler had. been discus.sed bj^ his 
rieiuls— from Delaware, (.\v. McLane,) Ten- 
ne.s.ie, (.Mr. White,} Kentucky, (Mr. Ilovisn,) 
('Virginia, (Mes.srs. Tazcv. eU and Tyler,} 
inainannrr v,-|;irli he could not hope to rrjmi!. 
They bad li!cr-l!y left nothing for the .■v.rivorates 
of the inhntni poicer of the (Jhulr in o'ard up- 
on. What, said he, are the proviiions of tlie 
constitution that bear upon li;C question? By 
the itrird sccfmn of the f^r;'. art--:! j i' 13 it^ccl.a.-- 



166 



i:d, "tiiat luc 'N ice-Vresidem oi tlie United 
'•'Statee sliall be President of the Senate; but 

** SHALL HAVE NO ^'OTE, rVI.KSS TREY BE HriCAL- 

" IT DiviiiED." In the teeth of this express 
provision, it is jfrme'v co^i cnu«i, not only thst 
he thnli have a vol/' .vice the Senate is not 
equ-lly divided, hut that he shall have the 
tv/tole vote ; and that, upon a question involving 
the freedom ofdebito, andby consequence the 
interests of (Kir constitu?nfs. Aga'n : Br the 
fifth section uf fhe same artide, the rith-g of 
ardor, ind the menns of t'lrir enforcement arc, 
in terms, subjected io Ihe lig!t/cl:on of Ifte fie- 
■met*: but it is now as g-ravely contended tliat, 
this provision to the ron;rary noiwiths'andinjr, 
tUe subject (and as he would licreafter show, 
the whole subject) rest,*, by the true construc- 
tion of the constitution, in the discretion of the 
Vice President. And v.bat, S)r, said he. is t'jr 
foundation upon wMch this high reachir.o^ pre- 
tension is founded' It is no other than the d " 
trine o( impl:edpoir(rs. It is to register this, 
also, among- tlie constriclivc powers of the go- 
\"emment and its functionaries, that the gentle 
tnen on the other side invotetofheiraid aprin- 
' ciple which has already done such extensive 
violence to the constitution — a principle which, 
as defined and practised upon by many of the 
pubtic ir.cn of the day, leaves no other restric- 
Tion upon power t!;an the discretion or caprice 
of its posso-sor — a princ'plc which, in the sense 
in wliich it is understood by nian)', is never so 
true to itself ns when it i^ false to the constitu 
rion. Relaxed as the ser.liments of public 
men had become in rej^ard to constitutional 
construction, sliil he could not have anticipated 
what appeared to iiim to bf so flagi-.int a pn- 
version of the dcctrine cf irtipl'e^-powrrs. What 
more sliould hi say >n reply .< The implied pow- 
er claimed for the Vice Hrcbident is not only 
iacoirsistent with one provision of the consti- 
tulion, but is expressly inhibited by another. 
'I'he constitution not only denies to the Vice 
President this right, by cue provision Mr V. 
H. had read, but expressly places it elsewhere 
by asiother which he had also read. 

If, p.aid he, direct inconsistency and exprcsD 
inhibition cannot slay the march of implication, 
then has impLealion become too rampant for 
the words of soberntss and tmth. JLet iis, for 
one moment, said iMr. Van Biu-en, consider the, 
consequencefctliatmustvcsult from this doctrine, 
if, in an evil hour, it should be cstabi'shed. 
The Senator from 'Missouri, (Mr. Barton,) 
v>-as evidently distressed by the consciousness of 
'he alarmin* character of thoFe consequences. 
He I'.ad endeavored tc i-clieN*' hims^-lf by sapng; 
that this power would be subject to the rcpfr.la- 
tion of the Senate, and, if abused, mift'ht be ctm- 
trc lied by its rules. Rut, s-.dd Mr. Vanliuren, 
this attempt does n«t exhibit the precision and- 
corr<;ctncss by wiiieh the views of that gentle- 
man are frequently recommended to our notice. 
He nn'.st eitlier aiiandon his position, or seek 
othsrrcl'.ef from the consequences of his ov/n 
:irjum«!nt. Ifthe power in dispute bclonj.^ to 
the office — if, .as fjentlemen say, it be inherent 
in the office, ar.d be made so by the constitu 
tlon, it is wholly bcj/onii crir legislation. AVe 
have no rir^ht to touch it: to do so would be .1 
high-Uauded encroachment upon the constitu- 
tional rij^l'tjof the second officer of the jovern- 
rT;''T/.. 'i'he p'nver roTrferrc 1 upon him by cur 



rules, i;pon tiie iuijject of oraer, is under oav 
control. In these, *is mi'jtjVsr/o/ duties, he is 
our servant, and subject to our law. But you 
now propose to concede to him a high jittHcln'. 
power, and you trace his title to it to an authorV 
ty higher than your own; an authority para- 
mou.it to all — the constitution. 

You mig-ht, said Mr. V. B., with as mtich pro- 
propriety 'indertaUe to cipla'ii, modify or con- 
trol the exevJtive power of the President of the 
United States by your rules, as to control this 
power, if it spr'pgs directiy from the constitu- 
tion. Gentlemen must excuse bin, if laying 
out of view the words in which they see fit to 
clothe their prop(-sitioi\s, he held tiiem respoT^ 
sible in argument for their Icg-itimate resulfs- 
A course different from this would neither com- 
port with the dig-nity of the occasion, nor the 
interest awakened by the subject. Among 
those results were the following: — If the Vice- 
President be made, by the constitution, the 
judge of tile propriety of our debate, and has 
tiie right to call us to order, wlien, inhisdiscrc' 
tion, he may think we" violate that projiriety? 
then are his rights and duties, in that res^-ec^, 
not only not subject to our leglshrtion, but hf. 
would become the sole ftidgf of tlie extent of 
this p.ower, and the means of enforcing it, with- 
out any other direct responsibility than tliat 
secured by the right of impeachment. Theru 
too, has he the right to enforce his decision by 
punishing disobedience, and all the power oi 
the Senate upon the subject must be subordin- 
ate to his. It was, in his judgment, idle to talk 
about the power to keep order wilhout the. 
means of enforcing decisions by punishmer.tfar 
drsorder. The franlers of the constitution hail 
taicen a better view of the m.att T, by giviP;; to 
the Senate the right to punish for disordei^ 
even to e:ipuhion, 25 a recesravy part of its 
control over the subject. If a siiiiihu- power in 
the Vice-President be implied by t!«e constitu- 
tion, the means to ent'orce it are al.so implied - 
If a power in the Vice-President to call to order 
for words spoken in debate be implied, he must 
decide up.iu all questions growing out of its ex- 
ercise, without h .ing subjected to the cdntrol of 
the Senate For, unless the positive provision of 
the Con.stitution is ti ba di.sregaK.cd, he can- 
not vote witii us unless the Senote be equaiiy 
divided. These are, than, separate and dis- 
tinct powei-s, traced to the same sourc:e, and 
acting upoji the same subject matter ; and o'lC 
or the otiier must be supreme, or the -wholv. 
v.'ill be vain and innpei-itivc- Suppose the 
Senate, by its rules, allow to be in order what 
tlicVice President, in virtue of his inherent right, 
holda to be cut of order, which is to pn:rai!' 

The result, »hen, said Mr. V. H , of the doc- 
trine contended for, -when stripped of a!! unne- 
cessary verbiage and extr;ineoiis ccns:dcratioaas* 
is no more no.- less tirin this : that it is v.ithiij 
the constitutional competency of the Vice Pre- 
si-leiit, if, in the exercise of his best discretion, 
hetiiinksa Senator urges exceptionable matte.- 
iu debate, or insist on ra:itter tlir.t is in-c- 
Icvent, to prohibit the po.secution of tjte de- 
bate, e.Tcept upon sucii terms and in sucU 
form, as the Vice President shall prescribe. 
and to exercise the means necess:iry to carry 
that pov.er into eitect, without authority or re- 
sponsibility to this body, or to tiic ind.ivJdu?: 
S-natcrs, save thr(.n:rh impearhmcn'- 



10(51 



He asked the indulgence of tlie Senate, 
whilst he submitted a few observations upon 
vlie chai'acter of the power proposed to be con- 
ceded to the Vice President, as appertaining 
to his office, and the nature and importaice of 
the rig-hts of tlie Senate now proposed to be 
surrendered. M'hen I speak of their impor- 
tance, I .do not mean in reference to us, but to 
our constituents. 

For what must be the character of the colli- 
sions which, in the course of events, can alone 
be expected to produce any thing like a mark- 
ed exercise of this ;;Teat power to control de- 
bate ' Is it at all likely that they will arise 
from personal altercations among ourselves ' 
Surely not. For then' suppression the present 
means are ample. The Constitution and the 
rules of the Senate made under it, afford of 
themselves an ample shield for individual pro- 
tection, if any shield be necessary ; and he 
hoped no one would suppose that so craven a 
spirit existed within these walls as to make it 
necessary or even desirable to place '^liis 
power in the hands of the Vice President, be- 
cause we might be unwilhng to protect our- 
selves. He was quite confident that no danger 
was to be apprehended from that quarter. If 
Klrorig ground is ever taken upon this subject, 
said he, it will arise out of the inta'course of this 
body with the co-ordi»ate, and in some sense rival, 
departments of this govern men/. It is from our 
acts as they bear upon the Executive and its 
inferior functionaries, and upon the .Tudiciary 
and its subordinates, tliat such a proceeding 
can alone be expected. From the present 
condition of things, abuse in that respect might 
not be likely to take place. But the present 
is not the natural state of things. In general, 
the President and Vice President will belong 
to the same polilical party. It is only when 
".times arCvOut of joint," that they will be 
be taken from different sides. The present case 
is an exception growing out of that cause. In 
considering the future, you must contemplate a 
different condition of things, or you wdl not 
act wisely. It is only to guard against the 
abuses of politicid tiust tliat constitutional 
restrictions are provided. Were it not for the 
inherent and inextinguishable cUspnsition ofmim 
to abuse delegated power, they would not be 
necessary. "Who, said he, can be blind to the 
consequences, that in the political :»gitations of 
the times, may be fairh' apprehended from the 
possession of this power by the Vice President ' 
Who cannot see what a tremendous engine it 
may become in the hands of an ambitious and 
still aspifing Executive' That it may give him, 
through ■ ■ agency of his polilical friend and 
coadjutor in tliis body, a complete and irreiist- 
ablc control over the debates of its members, 
and consequently over tlie extent and chai'acter 
of the iufornnation on public afi'airs to be given 
through us to the people? 

The cojinexion of the Exectitive with the 
Senate is much closer than with the House of 
Representatives. Upon the subject of treaties, 
appointments, and the whole range of Execu- 
tive business, the Senate is almost the only 
check. It is, therefore, of vital importance, 
that it should be wholly exempt from Ex.-cu- 
tiye control. This body was looked to by the 
framers of the Constitution, as a sanctuary for 
-he frederal and equal rights of the States, arrd 



so framed as to cherish that seatimenl on tnr 
pait of its members. It is here alone that the 
federal principle had been preserved: a princi- 
ple valuable to all, but particulatly to the small 
States^ for it is in this department alone that 
their perfect equality is recognised. But where, 
Sir, will be its efficiency, if the doctrine con- 
tended for be established' When, hereafter, a 
Senator shall feel it to be his duty to attempt 
in language which lie may think the occasion 
requires, to arrest encroachment of the Execu- 
tive, or to seek redress by exposing abuses of 
trust on its part, or that of any of its subordi- 
nates, he may find his lips closed, not indee^l, 
as of old, by a gvg law. but by a power far more 
effectual. He may perhaps be told, that al- 
though it is his right to canvass freely, the pub- 
lic acts of the President and his cabinet, it iiinst 
be done in a manner more decorous; that then- 
motives are not to be rudely scanned and dis- 
riidited; that debates of that character, having- 
a tendency unjustly to alienate the confidence 
of the people,' are out of order; that if he will 
shape his periods according to the prescribed 
form, and measure the extent and bitterness of 
his denunciation bythc administration standard, - 
he may go on — but if not, he must desist . 

If, said he, it should hereafter become mani- 
fest to a portion, or e\en a majority of this 
House, that the third power of the Federal 
Government, created .and supported by the 
other two, is gradually, though to the great 
m'ass of the people imperceptibly, subverting 
the reserved rights of the States, and under- 
mining the Constitution of the United States, 
in some of its most essential points; and if, on 
a subject of such vital importance, tlje repre- 
sentative of a sovereign State sliould express 
himself on this floor in a manner calculated to 
suppress the mischief, but yet without just of- 
fence to propriety, he may expect to be told 
from ty.a'. Chair, th.al although the acts of a co- 
ordinate br.uich of tlic government, when corn- 
in.^ properly before the Senate, arc liable to 
fiee examination; yet the ermine of justice is 
not to bethus rudely assailed within these walls. 
Could there, he asked, be any principle which 
would more effectually prostrate the indepen- 
dence of this body' .\nd was it to be endured-, 
that rlie members of the Senate should hold 
the invaluable right offree deb;ite by so frail and 
humihating a tenure' In his opinion the Senate 
would be wanting in what is owed to its consti- 
tuents, toitself, to its true interests and dignity, 
if it could for a moment lend its sanction to a 
principle so untenable and so dangerous. The 
Senate, heretofore, he said, had not been insen- 
sible to what belonged to its rights. It was but 
the session before the last th.tt the Executive., 
in a communication to us, advanced a pretension 
incompatible with the constitutional rights of 
the Senate. And how was it received' It was 
not the exercise, but merely the assertion of a 
power, on his part — an assertion, it is true, 
■wholly unsuppoi'table; and he believed no one 
would deny, most unwisely put forth. And 
how, he asked again, had it been treated' lie- 
solutions were introduced denouncing the un- 
founded assumption as an Executive encroach- 
ment that ought to he resisted. A disposition 
to do so, and to preserve and maintain the just 
rights of the body, not on our own account, but 
in behalf of those who sent us here, was then 



lo: 



!n:un(estcd, 'hat m his judgment reflected the 
iiig'hest honor on the body. The question then 
agitated could not be compared, in point of im- 
portance, with that now under consideration. 
-\t most, it was a threatened trespass upon the 
c*riStiiulional rights of this House. What have 
ve here? A pnnciple which lays the axe at the 
root of the independence of the Senate, and the 
personal and dearest privileges c^f its members. 

In every point of view, said Mr. V. li., in 
which this subject had presented itself to his 
mind, it had produced but one sentiment, and 
that was unqualified opposition to the prcrnga- 
tiiX claimed for the chair. Although thin cliiim 
of power is now for the first time mnd!c, the 
prii:cipk in which it originates is as old as the 
(^overntiient itself I look upon it. Sir, as the 
legitimate offspring ofa school of politics, which 
has, in times past, agitated and gi-eally disturb- 
ed this country — of a school, the leadi-ig- prin- 
ciple of which may be traced to that great source 
of the political contentions wl ich have pervad- 
cd every country where the rights of man were 
in any degree respected. I allude. Sir, to that 
•c.611ision which seems to be inseparable from 
the nature of man, between the rights of the 
few and the many — to those never-ceasing con- 
flicts between the advocats of the enlargement 
and concaitrution of power on the one hand, and 
its limitation and distribution on the other: Con- 
flicts which, in England, created the distinction 
biStween Whigs and Tories: the latter striving 
by all the means within their reach to increase 
tl}e dominion and inSuence of the throne, at 
the expense of the commons and people; and 
the former to counteract the exertions of their - 
advei'saries, by abridging- that donnmon and in- 
fluence for the advancement of the rights and 
tlie consequent amelioration of the condition of 
the people. 

Collisions of opinion and of action of a char- 
acter similar in principle have existed, although 
'inder diff"erent denominations, with dift'erent 
limits, and frr dift'erent ends, in most countries, 
and in an eminent degree in this. Indeed the 
history of the struggles, the contests, the alter- 
nating victories and defeats of these two rest- 
less and rival principles, is the history of all re- 
publican governments — in fact, of all institu- 
tions formed for the protection of the liberty of 
conscience and opinion, and the freedom of the 
citizen. No where can its operation be more 
distinctly traced than in our own e:irly history 
They were the primitive elements, and ani- 
njating causes of those Whig and Tory par- 
ties, which, from the first Congress of 1765, 
down to the glorious peace of ITSS, on the one 
hand l.ibored unceasingly to consolidate all le- 
gislative authority over these provinces in the 
single British Parliament, and to place all pa- 
troiiage, power, and influence in the hands of 
the executive and judicial representatives of 
the Crown; and on tlie other hand, as boldly 
and perseveringly, but happily more success- 
fully, vindicated by reason, eloquence, and 
finally by arms, tlie riglits of the several Ame- 
rican States, and the just powers of tlie imme- 
diate representatives of the people. The estab- 
lishment of our independence put an end to 
these conflicts, in the form in which they had 
before been sustained; but what its effect was 
upon the spirit that produced them, could be 
better iudj-i-d from an at'entivr? consideration of 



our subsequent history. .Mlcmptf, saiu XI.'- 
Van Buren, have frequently been made in later 
days, and recently b\- the highest authority in 
the government,* to trac« the origin of the two 
great political parties which have divided the 
covmtry, from tlie adoption of the Constitution 
to the present day. Tliey have, for motives too 
obvious to require explanation, been attributed 
to causes which had either become obsolete, or 
been comp'-omised by mutual concession — such 
as the early difliculties growing out of our rela- 
tions with Great Britain and France, the expe- 
diency of a navy, or similar questions. There 
was one consideration, be said, that could not 
fail to arrest the attention of the most superfi- 
cial observer It was this. If these party di- 
visions have sprung from no other cause than 
the temporary circumstances to which they have 
been attributed, why have they so long survived 
the causes that produced tliem > That they still 
exist, and exist in full vigor in a great portion oF 
the Union, it would be an insult to our obser- 
vation and understanding to deny. The ex- 
planation of the mystery was to be fiiund, and 
to be found only, in the falsity of the ascrip- 
tion. They arose from other and verj- difl'e- 
rent causes. They are in truth, said he, mainly 
to be ascribed to the struggle between the two 
opposing principles that have been in active 
operation in tliis country from the closing scenes 
of the revoliitionat^- war to the present day — 
the one seeking to absorb, as far as practicable, 
all power from its legitimate sources, and to 
condense it in a single he.ad: The other, an an- 
tagonist principle, laboring as assiduously to 
resist the encroachments, and limit the extent of 
executive authority. Tiie firmer has •irown out 
of a deep and settled distruat of t/te People and 
of tlic States. It consequfently regards as gain, 
every thing that can be drawn into the vortex 
of federal power, and as making that power 
still more safe in proportion as it is withdrawn 
from the ponular departments of the federal 
government to those that are further removed 
fiom the control of public sentiment. Tlie an- 
tagonist prinnple has its origin in a jealousy of 
P'jwer. justified by 'dl human (xperience. It is 
founded on the assumption, tliat the disposi- 
tion of man to abuse delegated authority is in 
hcrent and incorrigible; it therefore seeks its 
only security m the limitation and distribution 
of those trusts which the verj- existence of go- 
vernment requires to be reposed somewhere. 
Hence, the aversion of its supporters to grant 
more powerthan is indispenstbly necessary foi; 
the objects of society; and their desire, as .in 
additional safeguard, to place that which is con- 
ferred in as many hands as is consistent with 
efficiency. The former is essentially the mo- 
narchical, and the latter the democratical spiiit 
of society. He wished not to be misunderstood. 
He used these terms as more expre.5.sive of his 
meaning, than any that occurred to him. He 
had no idea that all, or even the great body of 
those who ei'.her now, or in times past, had 
been subject to the influence of tlie first prin- 
ciple, v/erc in favor of the establishment of a 
monarchy in this country, any more tlian he 
believed that those who had shown their prefer, 
ence for democratical principlee were in favor 
of the establishment of an absolute d'-mocracy — 



" Inmg-iirnl Addrtss. 



IWfe 



lieiiiier side had views thus exieiijive, Tlie 
j'orios of both were repudiated, while their re- 
spective spirits were, to no inconsiderable ex- 
tent, i-etaiiied. The earlier battles upon this 
cardinal point wore fought upon the question 
of thede^ree oi' end gy; or in other words, pow- 
er tnat oug-ht to be given to the federal g-ovem- 
ment, at the expense of the Stales and 'he peo- 
ple. They commenced in tlie Konveiition of 
1~8~, and soon spread tliroug!) the great liojy 
of the peop'eurion the question of ratiucallon. 
The proceeding's of that Convention were for 
aloijn^time secret, but are no\i- before thr- pui>lic. 
Tn tlicin, when taken in connexion with later 
evejits. we read the. grounds of ours. ;bseq'ieiitpo- 
iitical Jissensionsiu langaiageso pUi'n, that none 
but thc(Se who are wilfully blind can be deceiv- 
ed. There were of course, (Ufferent depees, 
as to individuals; but the leading- division in the 
Convention was between those who, distrustful 
■of the States, scnght to abridpfe their powers, 
that those of tiie iiew p^overnment might tlicre- 
by be enkrjjed, and those who. on their p.art, 
distrustful, perh'ps jealous of the g-overnment 
about to be created, and possessing full confi- 
dence in tliose of the States, were as streiiuous 
To retain all powers not indispensibly necessary 
to enable the federal ijoveriiment to disch..rge 
the specified and limited duties to be imposed 
upon it. The contest was animated, and, as 
is well known, more tlian once threatened a 
dissolution of tlie Convention, without agre<-ing' 
upon any thuig. Necessity, however, ultimate- 
ly compelled a compromise The terms were 
arranged as well a^ practicable. The then 
friends of State rig-hls, (the In'.efcdcriiViis, but 
who, by a singular inisnomcr, were irnmeiilatc- 
ly after cAUd s:)!i-f<:deralii!x, whilst those who 
had liiroiighout opposed the federal principle, 
assumed the then mor;^ pnpidar rmnie of 
federalists,) succeeded, or thought they suc- 
ceeded, in saving much of what they had so 
earnestly coiitended for. Tjie advocates of 
what was in the hmguage of the day called 
a stroni; General Goi-ernmnit, certainlv fail- 
ed in obtaining by express grr.nt, or ne- 
ce.ssary implication, much of what they had 
so long and so ably struggled to acqinre for the 
Tiew GGVcritincnt. Tlie question of ratification 
came on, and wa- full of difficulty. 'I'he abuses 
to which some of the more general provisions 
of the Constitution might be exposed, were 
pointed out by its opponents. The concealed 
powers of the Constitution, which are at tiiis 
Jay put forth with so much confidence, were 
disclaimed and condemned by those who advn- 
<;ated the ratification. No candid and w<'ll-in- 
formed man, will for a moment, pretend that, 
if the powers now claimed for this Government 
had been avowed at the time, or even had not 
been expressly di.sclaimed, there would have 
been t!ie s"tigbte.st chance fur the adoption of 
the Constitution, bv the requisite number of the 
old thirteen States'." 



Bui H was ra/iJ/cJ, said Mr. 'S'. B., acid fro/n 
ilif moment of its ailoption to the pritenl dity, 
thr. spiril. he liud described, had been at irorh to 
obtain by constructijm' what was not included or 
intended to be included in the s;ran/. It was far 
from his intention to urge this as a reproaclf 
against the actors in those scenes. He was per- 
suaded th,at the motives of many, if not of all, 
were pure, and even patriotic. They believed 
that the State Governments were not safe de- 
po.-iitories of power: tlia: the States would be 
able to control, am! would injuri'iusly control 
thr Tedera! Government, unless it had more 
power than the Convention of 1787 was willing 
t.. grant. They thonght, and one of them with 
that ingenioiisness of feeling which distinguish- 
ed his noble nature, avowed offic'ally, that the 
trueViuesiion was, not what the framers of tlie 
Constitution intended, or what those by whom 
it Vi-as ratified understood, but what was the 
correct construction of the terms in which it 
was expressed. '1 iiis great man knew well 
that the power tJien claimed for the Govern- 
ment, could be sustained on no other grounds, 
and ho was always above disguise. 

I am not, said Mr. V. R., condenming their 
motives, but controverting their opinions. The 
test that was then applied to the Constitution 
h.as been adjudged erroneous and unjust, by the 
ju Iges in the last resort — the pai^'le fkemseiver. 
T)ie belief (no dotibt honestly entertained by, 
iriany) that its application w.as necessary to the 
success of the scheme and to the welfare of the 
country, was founded in impressions as to the 
character of the State Governments, which e.\- 
7)crience has demonstrated to have bf'en un- 
founded, ilany* of the most distinguished of 
those who then entertained those opinions, have 
since abandoned them, convinced by tiic rc- 
stilts of that experiment which has since 
been made. Fifty years experience of the 
operation of the State Governments, has made 
"assurance doulily sure," that they richly 
deserve tiie confidence which the people 
have ever been inclined to bestow on them. 
Under the broad sliield of State laws, private 
rights Iiavc been protected, while public pros- 
perity was promoted. In the d;uk est hours of 
war, whei^ the general Government was dis- 
heartened and enfeebled by debt and disas- 
ter, its unnerved arm was strengthened, and 
the national lionor rescued, by the authori- 
ty, the patriotism, • and the credit of the 



•It is witliin the recollection of the Senate, 
that one of the then surviving members of the 
Convention of 17b7, (the late Mr. King,) to- 
w.ard t!ie doge of his long and useful public life, 
decl.ired on the lloor of the Senate, that the 
framtrs of the Con'.ti(iit;on never contempl.itcd 
the exercise of such powers by the Vcdera' Go- 
-rniiicr.t, a? were ncwcTaimoil fo- i' tinon ♦?■.-• 



•Ani'.necdote is related of the late Governcur 
Morris, a conspicuous and efficient member of 
the Convention, and great latitudinarian, which 
is entitled to credit, front its being so strikingly 
ch-.iracteristic of the man. Being at the citv of 
New Vnrk, a short time after the ratification by 
the requisite nurtibcr of States was known, he 
was cotigratidated upon the successful termina- 
tion of their labors in the estabhsnment of a Con- 
stitution that would realize all 'he great objects 
of its framers. " That depends upon how it is 
cimsirued," was, at that early day, when no ques- 
tion of coastructlon cotild by possibility have 
arisen, his pregnant reply. 



subject of Internal Improvements, and that had 
it been supposed that stich powers were con 
ferrcd, the Constitution never could have been 
...,*ii;„,i 



I 



10 it 



-i.uies. In i>cacc tlioy h;ivc nut only tuUillca 
u-iselyaiid .justly all l!ie (jrcat purposes ofselt- 
tjovemiueoij but several of llicm have estabiisli- 
otl uobie systems of public instruction, or have 
accomplislicd or arc now accomplishing' threat 
v/orks of internal improvement, as far snrpass- 
ing- in magnitude and utility any similar works 
of the gener.'.l government, as Ihey do in wis- 
dom of plan and economy and judffment in ex- 
ecc'Jon. d gcmr'A mtrrendcr iif such opinwns, 
is, therefore, ut litis lime, a Iribule. juslly d:ie tn 
Ike ndititiei: nitd est,'il>lisi'ieii chiirdclfT af l/ie Sl-ute 
goucrnineKls. liut they are not suiTentlered — 
on the contrary, they have heconie more ad 
more extravagant, until those under whose pro- 
tection thev nov.' are, claim for tliia g-ovcrnment 
powers which were in express ternfs repudia- 
ted and denounced by the founders of this very 
school 

Mr. V. B. said, he would not feel himself at 
liberty to detain the Senate by following' the 
track of t'lc g'overniiieni in its whole extent, 
and throuijli aii its smuosities to csta'-jlisfi his 
positions, b''t he could no'^ avoid doinp so in. 
part. The suojcct was one of /irep interest, 
of which it beiiooved the Anl-^rican people to 
be fully informed, but; wliich it: v>-as to be fear 
ed is more frequently spoken oi than tmder- 
stood. The ma.ss of our cit'zens are so mucli 
engrossed in the aftairs of their State govern- 
ments, that this great matteris in no inconsider- 
"Uble degree neglected. 

During the adtniuistration of General Wash- 
-ingtoiij no acts of a strong ciiaract«:r took place, 
save the incorporation of the Bank cf the Uni- 
ted States, that great pioneer of constitutional 
e,ncroachments, together wttli the principles 
avowed in relation to tlie treaty making power. 
The attachment of Cicner.d Washington to the 
constitution, his consciousness of the diiiicul 
tics wliicli Iiad attended its establish .nent, and 
the natural moderation of Ills character.conuiig 
in aid of the firm countenance maintained by 
tile anti-federalists of that day, kept the spirit of 
e-icro.'ichment and cOns'ruction within bounds, 
that, cunipaied with its prcsem character, were 
reasonable. Kut in th:' admim.^tration succeed- 
ing that of General Washington, continuing 
throiigli the years 1707, '93, '99, it displ.iyejl 
itself in its true and most odious character. Its 
fruits were so bitter, and are so well rernemher- 
cd, that any thing like a minute description of 
them would be an act of supercrogat'on. It 
was tlien tliat the monarchical 'ind ari>tocrati- 
cal cliaraelev of tlie spirit he had described, 
was displayed in uncea.iing efFiuls to wrest from 
'he States t!ic powers that justly belonged to 
them, to e.nercise .'iu.-.h as h.'.d never been con- 
ferred, and to concentrate, as far as practicable, 
all authority in Vie hands of the President. 

Among tile iisurpations of th-al day the alien 
and sedition laws stand in bold relief, not only 
.as furn'siiing land marks of the extent to wriich 
the presumption and arrogance of poive-r dared 
to go, but also on account of their agency in 
driving from pulilic conlidence tliose by wiinm 
they were adopted. The inclination to drav.' 
the powers of tlie government to one common 
focus, has been otlierwise e.xemplified in vari- 
ous w.ays, and at ddl'erent periods of our his- 
tory. Time would only allow a brief notice of 
one or two of them. 

i"he do.':trine announced in the discu.isions 



on the Briti^ treaty, that the Uous:; of UcfU'j 
sentativcs were bound to make all appropria 
tions necessary to carry into efl'ect the stipula 
tions of a treaty made by the President and Se- 
nate, was a striking exemplification cf thi^; 
truth. The extent to which this doctrine in- 
creas'fs the Executive power (m its most en- 
larged sense) over the funds of tlie nation, can- 
not fail to strike die mind at the first blush 
H.*; did not wish to be understood as saying, or 
insinuating, that all who advocated that opi 
nion, were influenced by the spirit of which ho 
had sp.iken. He did not believe that such was 
the case. On the contrary, he was well satis- 
fied tliat there were tliose, on that occa.sion, as 
well as on tliat of the incorporation of the Eanh 
of the United States, (and especially him w"io 
was at tlie head of affairs,_) who were sin 
cere friends to tlie State governments, bu' 
were led away by the pressure of the thncs. 
and g-ave tiieir assent to measures which, unde; 
more auspicious circumstances, they could no'- 
have appro\ed. The principle then avowed 
was resisted by the republicans of that d.iy. cri 
tlie simple but intelligible grounds, that, sofjr 
p-s tile treaty stipulation could be carried into 
efiect without the aidof the Kous.: of Kep'.ceen- 
tatives, its intei'ference v.-ould be unauthorized, 
because, by the constitution, the treaty-making 
power had been conferred on a difterent de- 
partment cf the govermnent; but that, wlien 
ever tne action cf the House of Representatives, 
the more immediate agents of the people, Nyas 
necessary, it must Ife i'rea to give or withhold 
its assent, according to its best judgment, and, 
upon its own responsibility: that the constitu- 
tion neither declared nor intended, that, ii: 
cases which' might be of t!ie greatest magni- 
tude, it should be a mere tliaciiine to be work- 
ed by the other departments of tlie government, 
'I'lie same disposition to hmit the po« ers of tlie 
popular branch, was forcibly illustrated in the 
discussions on the "■ Foreign Intercourse Li IV' 
in 1798. It wasupon thatoccasion contended, 
and successfully too, that the Hotise of llcprc 
sentatives had no discretion upon the question 
of appropriation for the expenses of tuch in- 
tci'c.AM'se with foreign nati'rts as the President 
sav/ fit to establish — that they would be justly 
obnoxious to the imputation of gross delin- 
quency, if they hfsilatedto maite pr0\ision for 
tile salaries of such foreign ministers as the Pre- 
sident, with the assent of the Senate, sho'ald 
app;>int. What v.-ould be the feelings of real 
ar,d unchang'ed rtp :blic.ins in relation to sucii 
doctrines a' this da;. ? Associated with them was 
the bf/ld avowr.lj-tiiat it belonged to the Presi- 
dent alone to decide upon the propriety of the 
mission, and that alt the constitutional agf. ney 
which the Senate r/;uld of right ha>e, was to 
passo?it!ie fitness of the indivithed.s selected as 
ministers. It wa preteutioiis like these, said 
Ml'. Van Bureu, a.ded bj ui. ceasing indications, 
both in tile inlerr.al and ejctenial movements of 
the governmen', that produced a deep and set- 
tled coir, iciion inti^.e public mind that a design 
iiad been conceived to change the govcrnr.iei't 
from its simple and republiean form, to one, if 
not niondrchi(.ai,at least too c.;crs,clic for the tem- 
jierof the American peop!e-a conviction which, 
beyond all <leiibl," produced the civil levolitioo 
of 180U, and for which no " obliviou.9 antidote" 
has been vet discovered bv tho.se who were its 



IIQ 



%.oUuis. By tiiat great, event, Uie puUic sen- 
timent was improvixi, oui- public councils puri- 
Qed, the spirit of encroachment severely re- 
buked, and, it was then hoped, extinguished 
forever. During Mr. Jefferson's Administra- 
tion, and with a single exception, that of Mr. 
Madison, tlic goverrm_ent was administered 
upon tlie principles which the frairi'.Ts of the 
Constitution avowed, and wlucli tiicir consti- 
tuents had ratified, and tlie pecp'c once and 
agjuii coHfirnicd. The charter oi the Bank of 
.the United Statr-s, was, after a hard s. niggle, 
suffered to expire s and the conceded i.nd 
well-understood powers of the government 
were found amply sufficient to enable it to per- 
form tlie great (unctions for whcli it was insti- 
tuted. Durii>g a great portion of the time the 
country was blessed with a degree of prosperi- 
ty and happiness without a parcUel in the 
world. At tlie close ol .Mr. Madison's Admin- 
istration, anew bank was incorporated, and re- 
ceived liis reluctant assent. It would be shut- 
ting our eyes to the truth to deny, or to at- 
tempt to conceal the fact, th.at that assent, 
comng from the quarter that it dkl, has had 
a most powerful and far from salutary influ- 
'jnce on the subsequent course of the govern- 
ment. Its author had himself, on a former oc- 
casion, deiiionstraied the want of power in the 
federal government to incorpcrate a Lan'iv, and 
his assent was now placed on the express 
ground that the recognition of the autlioritv of 
the government in relation to the old Bank by 
the State governments, and the Courts, as well 
as the people, had precluded the question of 
oonstitutionahty. Thus the power in question 
must stand as a successful interpolation upon 
ths text of the Constitution. This great pre- 
cursor was again followed by other attempts, 
but of a restricted and quahfied cl.ar.icter, to 
extend the same jjiinciple to other topics of 
legislation. They were, however, prompdy 
defeated by Mr. Madison, who, upon all points, 
save the Bank of the United States, preserved 
inviolate the great principles upon which the 
revolution of 1300 was founded, and of which 
his own report upon the Alien and Sedition 
Laws was the exposition. For his departure, 
in that particular, (if a departure it was,) his 
reasons have been seen. It is not at this time 
my official duty to pass upon their sufficiency ^ 
ui«I I am wholly unwilling to volunteer a de- 
nunciation of any opinion, deliberately formed, 
and upon high responsibility, by one of the 
most, if not the most, accomplished ststesman 
that our country has produced. However in- 
dividuals might differ its to the correctness of 
his conclusion, all mankind must acquiesce in 
the purity of tne motives which led to its adop- 
tion. The political condition of the country 
:it the close of the late war, in reference to old 
party distinctions, speculation as to the future, 
and the aspirations of" individual ambition, ac- 
companied, in many cases, by a sincere desire 
to promote the public good, pro'.luced occa- 
sional attempts during the administration that 
followed, to revive in a form less exception- 
able tiie doctrine which had already -been 
so emphatically condemned by the people. 
They were, however, in a great degree, 
resti-aincd, and kept down by the resistance 
of the remnant of the faithful, and the qualified 



opposition of Ml'. Monioe." 

Iltit if these attempts, said Mr. V. li., to n- 
vive tlie condemned heresies of former times i 
were not of themselves successful, they served 
the purpose of giving countenance to preten- 
sions on the part of men now in power, which 
out-Herod Herod. The opening scenes of the 
present Administration have nottinly been the 
subjects of intense interest in their day, but will 
mark an intei:e:ting era in our future historj-. 
'Ihey wills;anl as a beacon to succeeding Ad- 
ministrations, v smingthem of the point beyond 
which the people will never ti'lcrate encroach- 
ment upon the gi-eat charter of their liberties. 
The present Executive, in his exposition of the 
con.'-titutional powers of this government, has 
gone far beyond the utmost latitude of construc- 
tion heretofore claimed,* as if to give point to 

* Mr. Van Buren is by no means certain that, 
in this respect, he himself, has been altogether 
without fault. At the very first session he came 
into the Senate, the knowledge of the perpet- 
ual drain that the Cumberland Road was des- 
tined to prove upon the public treasurj', unless 
some means were taken to prevent it, ai.da sin- 
cere desire to go at all times, as far as ho could, 
consistently with the Constitution, to aid in the 
improvement, and promote tlie prosperity of 
the \Veslern Country, had induced him, with- 
out full exam.nanon, to vote for a provision, 
authorizing the collection of toll on the road.' 
The affair of the Cumberland Road, in respect 
to its reference to the constitution.al powers of 
this government, is a matter entirely suio-enfj-;*. 
It was authorized during the n.lminlstration of 
Mr. Jefferson, grew out of tiie disposition of 
the territory of the United Sta es, and had the 
consent of the States through which it passed. 
He has never heard an explanation of the sub- 
ject, (.although it has been a matter of constant 
reference, > that has been satisfactory to his 
mind. All he can say, is, that if the question 
were again presented to him, he would vote 
against it; and that his regret for having done 
otherwise would be the greater, had not Mr. 
Monroe, much to his credit, put ids veto upon 
the bill, and were it not, as far as he knows, 
ihe only vote, in the course of a seven year's 
service, which the most fastidious critic can 
torture into an inconsi.^tency with the princi- 
ples which Mr. \. B. professed to maintain, and 
in the justice of which he is every day more 
and more confirmed. 
• Mr. .ildarns' Ohio le!!er,dan)2g ihe canvass of 1824- 

*' The question of the power of Congress to 
authorize the making of internal improvements, 
is, in other words, a question whetiier the peo- 
ple of this Union.in forming their common social 
compact, as avowedly for the purpose of promo- 
tiiigtheir general welfare, have performed their, 
woik>n a manner so ineffably scupid, as to deny 
themselves the means of bettering the r own 
condition. I have too much respect for the in- 
tellect of my country to believe it. Thejirst 
ubjtct nf human association is ihe improvement of 
the condition of the associated. Hoads <md Ca- 
nals are among the viosi essential means of im- 
proving; i/ie condilion of nations; and a people, 
which sliould deliberately^ by the organization of 
its authoriztd power, deprive itself of the faculty 
of muCliplying its own blfssings, would be as wise 



Ill 



li.s exUavas,ai,i prtieiiMons-t^ demonstrate 
that the result of the last election was not onlv 
the restoration of the men of 1798, but of the 
principles of that day, we have seen a great 
portion of the obnoxious doctrine then con- 
tended for again broadly advanced in the as 
sumption that it was within the "constitutional 
competency" of the Executive to have sent 
Ministers to the Confess of Panama, without 
the assent of the Senate: and, Sir. to give a high 
finish to the picture, it is now strenuously con- 
tended, from a quarter in amity with the Exe- 
cutive, that the control of the rights and privi- 
leges of the Senators, on this floor, and their 
•onstituents, in a most essential particular, is a 
power inherent in the office of the Vice-Presi- 
dent of the United States. I have. Sir, been 
brought up Ml opposition to that school of poli- 
tics from which such principles arc legitimate 
emanations. From my first acquaintance with 
{lublic affairs to the present day, I have regard- 
ed it 83 a sacred duty to resist them; and I con- 
sider myself, on this occasion, as in the dis- 
charge of that duty. Thegi-ave matters of which 
1 liavt „pok.en, with much more of what I m=oiit 
have spoken as daily passing oefoie our eyrs 



<i3 a Creator wlio should undertake to constitute 
a human being without a heart." 
Inaugural Addre^?. 

" Whatsoever is of domestic concernment 
'unconnected with ttie other members of the 
Lmon, or with foreign lands, belongs exclu- 
sively to the administration of the Slate govern- 
ments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights 
and mterests of the federative fraternity or of 
foreign powers, is of the resort of this g'eneral 
government. The duties of both are obvious 
in the general principle, though sometimes 
perplexed with difficulties in the detail." 
President's first message to ConTess. 

"Upon this first occasion of addressinir the 
Legislature of the Union, with which 1 have 
been honored, in presenting to their view the 
execuuon, so far as it has been effected, of the 
measures sanctioned by them for promotinir the 
nternal improvement of oui- country, I cannot 
■lose the comunication witliout recommending 
■o theu- calm and persevering consideration; 
he general principle in a more enlarged ex- 
eiit. rhe great object of the institution of ciiU 
:ovemmeat is the improvement rf the condition of 
hose u-ho are parlies to the social compact. .4nd 
10 government, in whatever form constituted., can 
ccumpltsh the lawful ends of its institution, hut 
a proportion as it improves the condition oftho^e 
rer whom it is established. Roads and canals 
y multiplying and facilitating the communica- 
ons and intercourse between distant regions 
n<l multitudes of men, are among the most im- 
ortant means of improvement. £ut moral, no- 
tjcal, intellectual improvement, are duties assiUi- 
1, by lue duthor cfour existence, tosucial, noliss 
ian Ij, tndvidual man. For the fulfilment of 
losc duties, governments are invested wUh power- 
■id, to the attainment of the end, the progressive 
nprovemenl of the condition of the governed, the 
cercise of dekgated powers is a dull, ,« sacred and 
idispensable, as the usurpation of powers not 
'anted is criminal and odious." 
The principle of constitutional construction 
j-itained in the Ohio letter is distinctly repeat. 
I in tlie first mtssagp. In both, the p-^wers of 



arc, as has been 'oeiore ooserved, Kieirt^cil , , 
pnncple with those which uere soimp^a ^0^1 'v 
adjudged against by the people in 1800. •They 

.rA '^•''*"<='/™'"t'''= speech of James A. Bay- 

ard. on the Judiciary Bill, in 1S02 • 

"We werene.xt'ToUof the parties which 
have existed, divided by the oppcilae icw 
of promoting executiy. power, and guarding 
the rights of the people. The gentleman 
did not tell us in phi,, language, brh" 
wisnedit to be understood that he and hi^ 
friends were the guardians of the people's 
nghts. and that we were the advocate of 
executive power. 

"I know that th;s is the distinction of a aartv ' 
which some gentlemen have been anxious to 
establish ; but It IS not the ground on which 
we divide. I am satisfied with the consam 
tional powers of the executive, and neve- 
tvished or attempted to increase them , and i 
do not believe that gentlemen on the other 
side of the house ever had a serious appre- 
hension of danger from nn increase of execu- 
tive authority. Ao, Sir, our views e^Yotl 

' powers wtiich do and ought to i^.W to the 
f.enerat and Stale Governments, are the true 
sources of our divisions. I co opera- e with 
the party to which I am attached, because I 
behe.-e their true object and end is an honest 
and efficient support of the General Govern- 

.. r/,K 'I ^'■^^."■'•^'^'^ °*'"'e ligitimate power.. 
" of the Constitution. 

"I pray to God I may be mistaken in the 

" op.nion I entertain as to the designs of geiitle- 

men to whom I am opposed. Those design. 

I believe hostile to the powers of this Go 

" vernment. State pride extinguishes national 

sentiment. Whatever is taken from this Go ■ 

" vernment is given to the States." 

Uetter authority, as to the old lines of party 
division, could not on one side be referred to 
than that of Mr Bayard. Although a zealous 
partizan, he did, not when his country was a* 
war, forget that he was an American citizen.' 
His noble bearing at that perilous crisis, broke i 
dowHi the partition wall between him and his I 
old opponents; and there is every reason to be'- 
leve, that if the councils of the country had 
ber-n favored with the continuance of his splen- 
did ta ents to the present period, the exempla- 
ry and efficient conduct of the States, the gra- 
dual and permarcnt improvements of their sys- 
tems, together with the constantly accumulaUnr 
ev.denceof the proneness of this Government, 
to extend and abuse its powers, would have 
made the same impression on his mind, tha- 
they have on the minds of many, who once 
thouglit as he did. 



the federal government are refcn-ed, not to tlu- 
enumeration and specification of them made 
.vith so much care by those who framed the 
Constitution, but to the great purposes for which 
govjnmtnlsare instituted, and the duties assi-rn- 
edbi/ the .lulhor of our existence, to social mTui ■ 
subjecting, of course, the questions as to what 
tnosc "great purposes" and "duties," and 
the consequent powers of the federal govern- 
ment are, to no other restraints than the dis- 
cretion of those who hold the reins. 

Is it not most preposterous, with such expo- 
sitions of the Constiti^lion, to talk of this ai k 



11; 



? 



are jii^cnUJ in a uili'crent and far more dan- 
gerous form; bi'A lliey arc, neverthelces, tlie 
same. The spirit of encroachiaent has, ills 
true, become raoro wary, Ijut it is nota bit more 
Jioiif^t. lleretotbre tlie system u'as cnaxion; 
now it is seJ:irl:i>n. I'ereti-fore unco:isitutional 
p-owers were exercised to ^/crce submiscion, now 
tliey ai-e afisnmccl to piifrltaie g-oldeii opinions 
from the people willl^cir own me^ns. It is a 
T^iat mtsluke. Sir, Su attribute the rndical 
charn^e in jfovcriimeH*, effected coternporai-.e- 
oitslv with the election of Mr. Jefferson, eitl>cr 
to e.xcess o! tuzvation, or practical oppreasion un- 
dtr the Alien and SetStion laws. Tiiose doubt- 
losi produced great and j'.ut excitement; but 

f it did ni/t !;elor.g to Iheii' nature to produce 
such las-ting conir quences. Act; of individual 
oppression had bce.i committed before, and 
h.ive, in diflerent d;;.5rtes, been committed 
i-iucc. But, after having' caused more or les3 
ofpubho excltem.':nt at the time, they have 
passed away witii the occasion that produced 
them. Such is liuman nature now — such has 
5t been in all ages of the world. The acts i 
have alluded tu, i^i.^hly exceptiouabie as they 
•sndoubtedly wer.";, could nc;ver have produced 
an unyieldms^' coxlus'on from thi: conjifltncc of a 
attrjority vf the people, fur more than a qnaritrof 
o ecnturij, cf Uiriic ni'ii-tos of men disllnguishcd 
for tiiktit imd private worth. No, Sir, said he, 
lie cause of that great and ^loiious strug-jjle 
e^ deeper — much deeper. It proceeded, not 
I'roin the consequences of those acts, but from 
an opposition lotjie principle upon uTilch they 
M-ere toundcd — that- prinni/jk was an cdarmvig 
cxtciiyionof the eonstruclttk' powers of this go- 
%-eni»iC)it — it a;os-, as ho liad before said, from 
ii settled conviction in the minds of the people, 
that a deliberate plan iiad been formed by the 
men thtn in pir.vcv, locli^i.gvthegovera.ueut, 
from its; true re pi.blicm form, to one, if not mo- 
narchical, at least too miicli inclined to that di- 
rection, it was the apprehension that they 
•were ab<nit to be despoikd of the promised 
fruits Oi' the Kevolution, tliat aroused and called 
into vigorous action -iiat same great spirit by 
wh.icJi the llcvolution itself was accomplished. 
It is to that cause o.nly that results unknown to 
she pc.litics of any otiier couniry are to be at- 
tributed, 'i'hc cause was at least adequate, if 

. a/.' t!ie consequences liave not been pei'nianent. 
And wl'.at is the true_charactcr of the times iip- 
<in which, in the ooui-se of eTeati-, and the p:'o- 
-.idence of God, we have fallen .> .Mo^t unpro- 
pitious, ti'uly. - - 

If the views in relation to the powers of this 
government, avov.'ed by tha present Exectitive, 
and which lie at tie- foundation of the present 
administration, are the true doctrines of the 
Constituiio"., ti'iCti ua-i 'the i;real political li^iv- 
tuiion of ISOO founded in ^ro!S eiro>, if not pal- 
p:b!c fraud upon the pr/ipk.' — Disfjuise the nut. 
ter as you wilf, s.^ld he, " to t!li^ com))lcxion 

eovernment of fpe'ijlc and limileil powers .' 
Would AleXMider Ilajnilion, wlio wascetlainly 
amoBg the most high-toned advocates of the 
coiislnictive powers of ih;s g'overnment, not 
have blu.shed to l;a.e li.'xd such doctrines attri- 
buted to him' Ills Jisciuiiucr of the aut'.ioi-ity 
now clairned for the fwlcral goveinnicnt over 
the subject of internal improvemeuts, is upon 
record, and there is in existence oihcr a.'.d sUU 
more nmnle evidenci> <.!f Ifls dissiMit. 



must we coniC ut last." It was tiwist inanUe;^;, 
he said, that whatever effect the events of 17S? 
-8-9 and 1800 had had upon the Federal rneii 
of that day, their coiiseqivences upon the/jnn- 
eiples that then prevailed, have not bcea as ef- 
fectual as was hoped, and for a season believed. 

" We have scotched the snake, n^t killed it; 

She'll close and be herself .igain." 

But he tnisted the prediction wonlj not be 
verified. iShe'll nut close again. The peojoli: 
%vill prevent it . He must indeed be a misera- 
ble judge of public sentimer.t, who cannot set; 
in its daily indications that the same spirit whic'.i 
once before rtacued trie Constitution from 
tlie liands of its enemies, is at tliis moment fully 
roused. The excesses of the I;+st three years 
have pi'oduced in tlii.s country chancres of pul/- 
lio opinion, wh..iiy witlicut precedent. 'Dig 
time, he trusted, was not far distant, when tlie 
interpolations which ht.d iieen attempted upon 
the Constitution, w-th the wretched i^opiiisms 
by which tliey were supported, will be subjects 
of severe reprehension; nay, of derision with 
the people, and v.hen a grt-at portior. of the ta- 
lents tiiat h?,ve been entp'oyed m weaving: llie 
net, will need all its own inqfenuity to escape its 
meshes. He houcd he had not b;cn un- 
derstood as supp'jslnjf that al! who h.td her-.'- 
(ofore beeu r.anked am'.n^j the sup^jorters 
of the hig-h-toned doctrines he tia-.i con- 
demned, must of consequence occ,upy t!ie. 
same station now. By no means. He would 
be ashamed of iiimseif to be found the author 
ot .sentimenti) so contracted and illiberid. He 
knew too well that, alt! ough, to a certain e.\ 
ten', names are thinys, tiiey- are not always the 
unerrins" evidence of the thing's they signify. 
The fuU cxperimmt u\ peace end in u-ur whicii 
zse have now had nf ti^e respective operations and 
cjjici-nci/ of the Federal and State gm-cmric^it::, 
ought to satisfy evoiy dispassionate inquirer after 
truth o/ the fullaeij of opinions oivu: so expensively 
entertained. Those who thouglit so oug'Iit to 
abandon tliem, and all who are wise cnougli to 
be honest, will do so. It is of itself iir.inatertal ' 
by what politic;d .appellation men have hereti>- 
fore been called. Tlie great qutstiou is — wti:it 
are honc=itly their present senti'nents upon those 
great points, which have, from the beginning, 
divided the American People, and woulj, he 
feared, continue to do »o to tlie cml? 

-Mr. Van Uureii said that, contrary to his first 
impression, he would trote in favor of the whole 
amendment proposed by tiie Senator from Con 
ncoticut. lie would do so, because it wotild 
oe the most effectual manner in wliicii he could 
.isslst in putting down v.-li:tt, with all respect 
for the opinions of his fe'lcw benators, he couki 
not but regard as a monstrous construction of 
the coiistitutio*!)- Tlie amendment proposed 
an appeal tiom the decision '^i the ^'lce Presi- 
dent to tl;o senate. If !;t believed tluic the 
Vice i're.sident possessed the powerinqut'tion, 
by virtue nf Lij office, iie ct'.i.dd not vote for so 
great an encr::achmeut ui^on hi: coustiiution-il 
jights OS to subject tlieir e.^ercise to a super- 
vision not provided for by the ccnstitutio.'. If, 
therefo.'v, tlie ameudincnts' wrre adoj)ted, he 
hoped we sliould hcu- no itiore of an inliercnt 
right, wiiicii yen, Si;', have,- uiucliKO ycur cre- 
dit, icliis'.-d't'i usurp, aaJ which we, a-s I can- 
not but think to ouv ilsci'edil, are attemjvtiir;^ 
to f-.)rce->'.pon vou, n'-Uns :":lens. 



UNITED STATES' Tl£.LEGRA¥R~Extrtc. 

This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekly^ 
until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar, subject to newspaper postage and no more. 

BY GREEN 4- JAR VIS. 



VOL. I. 



WASHINGTON, APRIL 30, 1828. 



No. 8 



From the Baltimore Republican. 

THE "SIX MILITIA MEN" 

We are aware, that many persons are sick, 
tired, and disgusted with this subject — looking 
upon it as a disffraceful tlectionecring trick of 
a desperate purty; but there are many also, 
■who have beeH iir.po-ced upnn with regard to it, 
by the b<<Id falsehoods of the Adams party, 
and who only w.. iit iuforni'.tion, to make tliem 
revolt at tlie irfamojs inif,osition, which has 
been put upon them by thai party We ask 
Buch to give an attentiie pc-ras! to the- letter, 
and documeiits acccmpanying it, wiiich we 
Jiave received from the Hon, J. K. Polk, of the 
House of Representatives, and wliich we pub- 
lish to-day- The letter of Mr. Polk is a clear 
exposition of this matter; and the documents 
\i\Xh which he has accompanied it, put some of 
the points, which have been disputed, beyond 
-all doubt. 

We ask the reader's attention to the order of 
Governor Utount, and the Address of General 
Jackson to the "Brave Tennesseaiis," and ask 
him, if he has any linger doubts, that these 
"Six militia men" were ordered out for the 
term of SIX months. We a^k him, if he any 
longer doubts, that they hne.iii the\ were called 
out for SIX months. . Does not Gov. Blount's 
order to Gen. Jackson expressly s'.ate it' Does 
not Gen. Jackson's Address to them apprise 
them of it' 

We ask him to read the letter of the Hon. 
EnwABn Livings. o.v, and tell us, if the asser- 
rion of the .\dams parto 'liat the " Six militia 
men" were execute(J..^ro' the news, or the ru- 
mor of Peace had ||6aclied New Orleans, is not 
an infamous lie. W.as not the first news, thp 
♦irst rumor of Peace, brought to New Or- 
leans by Mr. Livingston* And at what time 
does he fix it' On the 1 Stl^or 19th of iV iruary. 
When did Gen. Jackson,«^n;t'e the senienu: jf 
the Cowl Martial- On liielwenty-seamd of Jan.- 
uart) — 27 days before ev^^'a rumor of Peace. 

We ask him to read the letter of Major Arm- 
strong, and tell us, if ^ does not feel convinc- 
ed, that the execution, of the "six militiamen" 
was necessary as an e^Simple to the army then 
lying at Mobile ' W^re not our troops there 
restless under their privations, and leady to 
break out into acts of in.subordination' And if 
these outrageous mutineers and desertei-s had 
been pardoned before their eyes, would not 
they too, have been encouraged to mutiny and 
desert? Was there no danger from the enemy' 
Does not Major Armstrong tell us, that they 
were in daily expectation of an attack from tlie 
enemy? Had'nt they actually taken possession 
of Dauphin Island.' Major Armstrong tells iis 
too, that the rumor of Peace had not reached 
Mobile, when the execution took place — that 
there was but one sentiment prevailed in the 
army with reg.ard to their execution— that of 
approval of it— tliat its effects were evident, in 



the restoration of order, subordination and goqfl 
discipline — that there was not a murmur of com- 
plaint on the p;irt either of the troops, who 
were the neighbors of "sixmihtia men," or 
of the culprits themselves — that he conversed 
with them, and they blamed nobody but those 
engaged with them. 
^ We ask him to read the letter of General 
Gaines, and say whether he does not believe 
that Gen. HAURISON, Gen. PORTER, the 
la?e Major General BROWN, and every otiier 
officer in (he army, would have acted exactly- 
as Gen. Jackion did' — That Gen. Gaines would., 
have to acted, is evident. Ceu. Gaines' letter 
is important too, as it shows some of the disas- 
trous consequences of desertion. It shows. 
that in the first 2 years of the war, the de.ser-, 
tions were so numerous, that the armies of tlie 
U. S. were seriously weakened by them, and 
the objects of the Government defeated by 
them; and, that Gen. HARRISON and Gen., 
BROWN were compelled to resort to capital 
punishments. 

We ask him to read the cases of execution of 
soldiers by Gen. GREENE, which we publish 
to-day, and mark how the conduct of JACKSON 
is borne out by the exa nple of th.at great and- 
good man — a man, who united with all the 
bravery and resolution of the soldier, all the 
meekness (jji" that peculiarly meek sect from 
which he sprang — the Society of Friends. 

There are many other cases'than those, which 
we publish to-day, of the execution of soldiers, 
which took place under the command of him,, 
who was " first in war, first in peace, and first 
in the hearts of his countrymen," of the great 
WASHINGTON, of the beloved and amiable " 
LA F.WETTE, and of various other distinguish- 
ed officers of the '.evolution. 

BAtTL-ttonE, i^th April, 183S. 
Hon. J. K. POLK, Esq. 

DEAn Sin, — The untiring and unblushing 
efforts of the partizaiis of Messrs. Adams and 
Clay, to mislead the people on the subject of 
the execution cf the "Six Mihtia Men," make 
it the duty of every friend of Gen. Jackson, of 
truth, of the character of the country, and of 
the future discipline of the militia, in' the event 
of its being necessary to call them out, to apply- 
to ever)' source for information calculated to 
place tlie conduct of Gen. Jackson, upon that 
occasion, in its proper light. Believing on my 
eonscience, that the conduct of Gen. Jackson 
in that matter was legal and proper, that the 
crimes of the "Six .Militia Men" merited the 
punishment which was awarded to them, by the 
Court Martial, and, that the good of the service 
demanded their execution as an examfjib; I con- 
fess that the course which the Administration 
prints are pursuing with regard to them, fills me 
with awful forebodings for the future welfare of 
the counti-y. 

A Standing e[rmy is repugnant to the feelings 



114 



or' our peop)e, and hrslile lo our republican in- 
stitutions. The Mtlilia therefore, must be our 
reliance for tlie iltfonce of our liberties. But, 
what are the militia without dhciplhic? .\nt\, 
if mutineers and deserters are, for p;u-ty pur- 
poses, to be i;epresented as murtyn, and under 
every perversion of existing facts, and forgery 
of others, the sympathies of a virtuous people 
are to be enlisted, i \ their behalf; — what militia 
man can be kept in wholesome restraint? If 
officers arc to be lield up, as murderers, for a 
faithful discharge of their duties, and a firm but 
judicious execution of the laws; — what officer 
will be willing to serve in our armies? These 
are Questions which the sober and reflecting 
cannot blink, — they must present tliemstlvcs 
to the mind of every_Uian whose principles and 
jud.;;mcnt are not perverted. 

C.^miug from the State of Tennessee, and 
familia" with all the transactions in the south 
.ind west during the iate war, 1 have thought, 
tliat you might be able to funiisn me yours-.lf, 
or to put me in the way .f benig furMished by 
others, with all tlie facts and circumstancs, 
with regard to calling' out the Tennessee Milj- 
, tia, and the trfal and execution of the "Six 
Militia iMen," and have, therefore, taken tlie 
liberty of appealing to you. The administra- 
tion leaders In this St.ite, are making the most 
desperate efforts lo carry it for the Coalition. 
Perversions the mo.st numerous and monstrous, 
and fo;'gerJes the most foul and daring, are cir- 
culated i:i erery corner of the State, in band- 
liiUs, pamphlets, and newspapers. Falsolioof^s 
are asserted with such b'lldness, and repeated 
^vitli such pertinacity, tluit tliose wlio lU'e vir- 
tuous, and even intelligent, but uninformed, 
are staggered. At the last election, the 
'Stvength^of the General in this State was dimin- 
ished by the circulation of an infamous pam- 
phlet of ■/«.!'_■ Bfi/oii's. He, notwithstanding, 
■had a majority in the State. His strength has 
increa^ied much since, and in spite of every ef- 
fort to mislead the people, the OKl,Soldivir will 
get a l.TVge m;ijoriity of our voles.' That major- 
ity ni;:y still be increased, by the circulation of 
coiTcct information; — and there is no subject 
upon which they want it so much as Uvs of the 
"Six Militia Men." If you can afford me an}', 
I am sure you will, and I need no! say, that my 
best endeiivori shall be u*ed, to place that mal- 
,ter in its proper light, to the people of Mary- 
land. Youre Irulv and respectfully. 
D. S. CARR. 

V.'AsnrNnTaN Citt, April Utli 18^8. 
D. S. Garr, Esrj. 

I have received yo'jr letter of the 7th instant, 
rt'quisting me to furnish you with "all the 
fact.s and circumstances with regard to 'he call- 
ing out nf ti'.e Tcnv'essee militi;.; and the trial 
■ and execution of the " six militia men." I had 
-supposed it scarcely possible that any candid, 
jutelhgenl man, could l''.<r a moment douM l!;e 
correctness of Gen. .liicksoii's conduct, in rela- 
tion to 'his suliject. af ■:^r the' expos'tion which 
has already been g.ven of it to the public. No 
man has ever been more misrepresented and 
.slandered by bis pohlic:;] adversaries than Gl ji. 
j;ick'*on, and upon no subject more than that in 
■relation to the execution of the "six militia 
men." Coming from the State in which Gen. 
.lack.son rfTirdes, being his personal friend^ 



having long known him intimately, and feeling 
as I do, that he has been unjustly assailed, I 
cheerfully comply with your request, in giving 
you a narr.ative of the facts connected with the 
services and execution of these unfortunate 
men, so far as I have been enabled to ascertain 
them. 

On the 11th of .Tanuary, 1814, the Sccretarv- 
of AVar, wrote to the Governor of Tennessee, 
authorizing him "to supply by militia drafts, 
or by volur\teers, any deficiency which may 
arise in the militia divisions under the com- 
mand of Major General Jackson, and wilhoui 
referring on this fiend lothis Dparlment. It may 
be well that your ExcelU ncy should consult 
Gen. Finckney on such occasions, as be can 
best iudge o'f the whole number necessary to 
{he attaiununt of the public objects."- Here 
was a d'scretinnarv power given to the Gov- 
ernor of Termessee, to call out such portion of 
the Tennessee in litia, without waiting for fur- 
ther or specifir orders from the Department of 
War, as he might deem necessary to sup^/Iy 
any deficiency of troops under Gen. Jackson's 
command. This discretion ve^.ted in the Gov- 
ernor was unlimited, with the exception of the 
suggestion, that it might be well for him to 
consult General Pinckncy, who was at that time, 
the commander in chief of the army, in tlrat 
section of the Union. From the great distance 
of the scat of government from the scene of 
the war in the South, great delays and incal- 
culable injury to the country, must have been 
the consequence of waiting orders from Wash- 
ington, in every instance wlieii militia drafts 
became necessary. :>» the 31st January, 
1814, the Secretary of War, again wrote to the 
Governor of Tennessee aim referred him lo his 
letter of the lltli of the .same month. On the 
20tl\ of , May, 1S14, by vuiue of the authority 
vested in him by the Secretary of War, the 
Governor of Tennessee issued his order to 
Gen. Jackson ; at that time not in the service, 
of the United States; but a Major General of 
the Militia of Tennessee, in w hich he says. 
" you will without delay, order out one //lousnnd 
ntilitin infantry of tkf 2d dinsion for the term 
of !^IX nwnt/:s, xtnksi sooner disci irged by or- 
der nf the Prrsident nf the United •, lutes, or you 
mav accept a tender of service of the above 
number of volunteer iiifantry from the 2d divi- 
sion for the nforcacid term, for the purpose of 
!>««rrisoning the said posts," (tlie posts in the 
Creek n.ition " a* your opl>ou, wliich lalilude 
m relation to culh for men, to act against the 
CreeJss, in furlheriincc nf ihe views of govern- 
ment, in that lylnlfis g'vtri to nv: by instrur- 
Ivms from the War l')f pari ment" The Gov- 
ernor further ordered, that these troopu should 
rendezvous at Fayetteville, m the Slate of Ten- 
nessee, on the 30th of June, 1814, and sliould 
thence be marched to the posts in the Creek 
nation, so as to arrive between the 1st and 10th 
of Julv, ' as about that time the term of ser- 
vice of the troops" then in the field, would ex- 
pire. On the recv"i)t of this order, what was 
the duty of Gen. Jacks.in ' He was not at tiuit 
time an officer of the army of the Un ted 
States. He was a Major (ieiieral of the mihtia 
of Tennessee, and was bound to obey the man- 
date of his superior officers. The Goverr-or of 
Tennessee, by the constitution of tliat Stat^., 
ft the commander in chief of its militia, t*" 



ilS 



:.-isaed lijs orjer ui .Jackson, and distiiictl)- iii- 
ibrmed him in the order itself, that he was au- 
thoiizcd to issue it " by instructions from the 
War Uopartnienl." It was no part of Jackson's 
right or duty, to question that antliority. It 
was sufficient for him to km w that it !:a(l been 
issued by his superior officer, and it was his 
duty tc obey. He did obey. On the 24lh of 
May, 1814, Gen. jL.ckson issued his order to 
the niiUtia of tlve division «liicli he coniman 1- 
ed, in whtch Yim aays, ■*! am commaiKled by 
Kis t^-xcellency, Governor B'ount, to call from 
my d^ivjcion, one* tliou^md men^ in tbe service 
of Uic United St.tes, for ii'/e pcrwd of .SIX 
Tnanllii, onless sooner di»c]iarj>'eil by order of 
t)io Frcsideirt of the United States," Here 
ttw;n, in iiis order to the militia of his division, 
ho distirictly informed tUem that they were 
call^l out for tlie tenn of SIX montl'.s. In 
obedienc&totl>eie several order's, tlic-se ti'ciops 
constituting' a thousand in nur.ioer, were ren- 
dtzvoa-ied at i'ayettevdlc, Tcnn«'s.-ee, on the 
20tli of Juiie, 181t, and wtre on tl.at day mus- 
tered mto the service of the United States, for 
the teem of SIX mouihs. They w.re placed 
under the imrnediate command of Col. Pipkm, 
and rrurcbed to t;.e posts in the Creek Jiation 
Of these troops, the six wlio were al'terwards 
ti'ied and executed at .Mobile for mutiny and 
ftfesertion, we;'e a part. It was notorious to 
the- troops thcmseh , rnd to the u-liole coun- 
try, at t)i9 time Hiey wcrCv mustered into ser- 
vice, that it was for tlie term of si.x monlhs. 
The fact liad been announced to (he troops in 
the g'enci'al order calling' tbem into service. 
The goverrimeut of the United States, at the 
time they entered the service, and long- suhse- 
q.uent to it, so understood it, ftji' they were ac- 
tually paid for SIX months service. Indeed we 
Have no official evidence that it is not even now 
so understood. The muster rolls werercturnetl 
to the Department of War at! the lime, and 
show ou thejr face titat they were mustered in- 
to service for SIX months. The pay rolls 
sltow that they were paid for SIX months, tn 
.» letter from Governor Blount to the Secretary 
oi War, dated Oct. 19tU, 1814, and among' th'o 
documents iVom llie War l>epa;tmeiit, he says, 
ill refcrence to tins very dctaciim:'r.t, tliere is 
iti service from tliis State 1000 men at the posts 
7n the Creek country. They were ordered 
out for SIX montlki, and liave ne^ivly threi: 
months ) et to serve. Here tiie Dejiarlnient of 
AVar wen- distinctly informed tliat liiey were 
Hi sea'vice for the term of SlXniuiitlis, and iliat 
they had nearly tlu'se mouths to serve. 1 lake 
Tt for gnuiteil, wit!i these incoiitro\cj'tible facts 
staring nim in tiie facx^, the most violent parti. 
■/.?.n will no longer contend, that the '• si\ mili- 
tia men" who compow;d a pait of Col. Pipkin's 
IJ&^'imenl, vvei» bt«jnd to fe'rre only three iii- 
stesd -rf six months. 

There is a ijict ciimecttd uith this part of 
the subject, which I sliall here Uike the iiiierty 
to etate. 'I'ho doc^iments recently comniuni- 
eate<i to Congress, by the Secretary of V\ ar, do 
not contain two vory important documents, to 
whicti 1 have Klluded above, iii reference to llie 
Tcmyth of tlie time of service of this detach- 
ment of miDtia, viz. the ra'der of the Governor 
o<" Tennessee to Gcne.'.d Jackson of the 2(Jlh 
.11 May, 1814; and llie ^n-dcr of General Jack- 
;'''n to his 'livision ofmiljtia of t're Ctth, c(f Msv, 



1814, each slatuig' tjiat t'.ic lime of syyjsje was 
to be SIX months. I transmit to yon copicii cf 
these documents which I Jiave procured, and 
which I vouch to bo correct. Where arc these 
documents' Governor Klomit lias recently sta- 
ted on oath, that he transmitted to the Secre- 
tary of AVar, a copy of his order of tlie 20th of 
May, 1814, sliortly after it was i.ssiicd, and 
doubtless tlie other w.as likewise forwarded to 
the Department of War. But now neither of 
them are communicated to Congress, Are they 
in a reixis in the Department' 1 state the fact 
that they arc not among' the documents comma; 
nicaied to Congress, and you will judpe. 

These troops were marohe.1 from Fayette? 
villc, Ten. the place of rendezvous, under the 
immediate command of Col. Pipkin to the post^ 
in the Creek' nation. The corps to wliicli the 
" si.'S trilitia men" belonged, uas .stationed at 
Fort Jackson. Between tlie 10th and 20th of 
September, 1814, before the period even of 
three months, much less six months, had ex- 
pired, an alarming' mutiny, : ,.;h as was scldoit) 
ever witnessed in any army, took place in the 
camp, of v.'hich these " six militia men" were 
tlie ringleaders. Harris, who seems to have 
been the principal, several days before the mu- 
tiny broke out, carried about a subscription 
paper through the cam.p, obtaining' the signa- 
tures of all wiio would agree to go home. In 
defiance of tiieir officers commaBilmg the post, 
they on the 19tli of September, 1814, violently 
and tumnltuonsiy assembled together, to thfc 
num.ber of near two hundred, broke open the 
public stores, took out provisions, demohshed 
the bake house, shot do'wn beeves, and in the 
face of authority, lelt the camp on the next 
morning "at the end of rcvielle beat;" yelling 
and firing scattering guns as they departed, pro-, 
claiming to all who would, to follow them. 

The troops who remained at the post, werr' 
subjected to much exposure and fatigue, in con- 
sequence of the reduction of their numbers. 
The coiiscquenco w.as that they were seized 
with disease and many of them died. Theil* 
death n.ay in a great <legree be attributed to thc_ 
abandonment of the post by the mutineers, 
'I'hese mutineers and deserters were subse- 
quently arre.s'.cd and brought back to the post. 
Gen. Jackson, tiien at Mobile, was iniormed of 
what !iad taken place, and was requested by 
their cl. nnanding officer to order a court m.ai-- 
tial for their tri.d. On the 21st of November, 
1814, tlie General ordered a court martial, to 
be convened at Mobile, for their trial, and di> 
rected that the prisoners and '.vitnesscs siio;'LJtl 
l)e sent tliitlier; and on the v.enl day, the 22(1, 
he lej\ Mobile fur New Orleans, wi.ere 'u anti- 
cipate-.l an attack would soon be made by iho 
enemy. Tliis court marfi<»l convened at .Mo- 
bile on tho 6th of December, 1814, Gener;") 
Jackson bein^^ at New Orleans. It wa.s conj- 
posed of officers, with t!i»? exception of one, r.T 
the I'eiimt.'^sce militia — nfUcers from the same; 
sccti.m of country witu the accused, who dDubt' 
less had ali thesympathyfortliem; and exte".':d- 
ed to them .all the lenity whic.i their duty aS 
otrioei'S of the court would peiinit. They lia'i 
a lair and full trial, according to the rules aiitl 
articles of war; and tho six ringleadii's Were ' 
sentenced by the ••oiirt marti-al to receive th^ 
punishment of death by shooting. 

TIte procet'dimrs of the ronit martial were 



/ 



li6 



ignvartled to General Jackson then at New 
Orleans, for his approval. The six ringlead- 
ers were not recomniended to mercy by the 
court martial. No palliating- circumstance ex- 
isted in their case, known to him. He knew 
they had been tried by a court martial com- 
posed of their fellow citizens and neiifhbors at 
home. The news of peace had not then ar- 
rived. The enemy's forces were still in our 
waters and on our border. Wlien an attack 
rai^ht be raade was unknown, and the militia 
under General Winchester's commaml at Mo- 
bile, were " threatening; to niu iny." (See D. 
Alexander's statement.) General .rick-">" saw 
that the salvation of the country was still in 
jeopard} , if subordination w.is not preserved 
in the army. He approvi-d the sentence, and 
these six unfortunate, thoiigh t^uilty men, were 
executed. This approval of the sentence of 
the court martial was maile at New Orleans on 
the 22d of Januaiy, 1815. The first intimation 
which the General had of the news of peace 
even by rumour," was received on the 18th or 
19th of Febrnary, 1815, from Mr. Livingston, 
now a member of Congress, then one of his 
aid-de-camps, who had been sent to the British 
fleet to effect an exchange of prisoners, and 
who on his return, brought information from 
Admiral Cochrane, that a vessel had arrived, 
bringing Intelligence that peace had been con- 
cluded. (See Mr. Livingston's note of this 
date enclosgd. ) This, a mere rumour, was re- 
ceived by Gen. Jackson near thirty days after 
the approval of the sentence of the court mar- 
tial, and after the execution had taken i)lace. 
On the 8th of February, 1815, Fort Boyer, at 
Mobile Point, was attacked by the British 
forces both by land and sea, and on the lllh, 
the attack was renewed and the fort surrender- 
ed; so that on the 11th of Februaiy, 1815, not 
even the rumour of peace had reached Mobile. 
Col. G. C. Kussell, who commanded on the 
day the sentence of the court martial was car 
ried into execution, slates in alelter of the 29th 
of July, 1827, that " we hail no knowledge of 
a treaty of peace having been signed at Ghent, 
till more than a month after the approval of the 
sentence, and fifteen or twenty days after its 
execution." The official news of peace did 
not reach General Jackson until the IStli of 
March, 1815; and on the 19Ui of the same 
month, the British commander received the 
official intelligence from his government. It 
was not until after this period that the British 
forces left their position on that border of the 
Union. 

The effect which the execution of these men 
produced in the army vvas most salutary. Not 
a whisper \\ as afterwards heard of the mutiny 
which had threatened Gen. Winchester's com- 
mand. Subordination was restored, and all the 
troops in the service were willing, and did 
without a murmur, perform their duty. Muti- 
ny and desertion were no longer heard of in 
that part of the military service. 

I transmit to you the statement of Major 
Armstrong, lately of the army, now the Mar- 
shal of Alabama, a highly respectable gentle- 
man, who was present at the execution, and 
who states the facts which came within his 
knowledge. 

, From this narrative of facts, it is impossible 
to conceive how censure can attach to General 



Jackson. At the time he approved the sen^ 
tence of the six ringleaders, he pardoned aU 
those who had been recommended to mercy 
by the court martial that tried them. At the 
time of the execution all acquiesced in it.^ jus- 
tice. Every officer in the army responded to 
the importance of the example for the good of 
the service. At that time the whole country 
was satisfied. Not a whisper of censure was 
heard aga-nst the commanding General, or any 
member of the court martial in reference to it. 
One of these unfortunate men went from the 
immethate neigtiborhood in which I reside, ami 
no other sentimen' pr^/.^ultrd on the arrival of 
the news of the crime he l)a<l committed, and 
the punishment he had .iiifft-rcd, than regret 
that lie lad committ d the crir c, and a deep 
convictioji that tie liad met the fate his conduct 
mer'ted. That sentimert in relation to all of 
them, w.is universal in Trnnessc, where they 
resided at the time, und .such it has continued 
ever since. The people of Tennessee, .nany 
of whom had been in the camp.iigns against the 
hostile Creeks, knew too weli liow to appre- 
ciate the crimes of mutiny and desertion in an 
army, to think of censuring either the court 
martial or tlie commanchng General, tor having; 
performed a duty, however unpleasant, yet ab- 
solutely necessary for the defence ot the coun- 
try. The people of Tennessee, claim to be as 
moral and as humane, as those of other sections 
of the Union, and yet lltt)/, the neighbors and 
acquaintances of these six unfortunate men, 
and the neighbors and acquaintances of General 
Jaukson, have never thought of censuring him 
for llie approval of their sentence. 

As well might you censun- the judge for 
prtniouncmg the sentt-nce of the law on the cul- 
prit, faii-1} condemned by a jnr>- of his country j 
as well in-giit you centure the Executive of the 
Union, or of any of the States for withholding- 
from the condemned criminal a pardon, when 
he had not been recommended to mercy, and 
when no circumstance in his case could palhate 
his crime, as censure Jackson in this instance 
for withholding from these six mutineers, a re- 
mission of their punishment. And yet it is a.s 
abhorrent to our feelings, to see a man banged 
as tj see him sliot. The one case is as well 
calculated as the other to enlist the sympathies 
of our nature; ard yet, who ever heard th-e 
judge or the Executive charged with the mur- 
der of a man, who was hanged under the regu- 
lar sentence of the law? What has Jackson 
done in ths instance.' He has omitted to par- 
don six mutineers and deserters, the ringleaders 
of a mutiny, the highest offence known in au 
army, that left an important post in the enemy's 
country almost defenceless, a mutiny, the most 
alarming of any that took place during the war; 
and yet we now hear him uiiblushingly charged 
wMYi cold-blooded murder. If it be said that the 
laws of the United States (under which hey 
were tried and executed) were too sanguinary, 
and that the punishment was too severe, the an- 
swer is — neither Jackson nor the court martial 
could alter it. It was their duly to execute 
and not to ameni. it. 1 am jn.stilied in coming- 
to the conclusion, that his conduct was approv- 
ed at the time by tlie Government itself How 
does the matter stand' I undertake to state, 
that the pro(feedings of this court martial, anil 
the approval of tb.e sentence by the command- 



117 



"iVig General, were at tlie time, transmitted to 
ifie War Depaitnacnt. These identical lon^ 
lost, but now found documents, were returned 
to the War Department, were received by that 
Department without objection, and have thi re 
remained without obji ction until recentli for 
political purposes, an attempt is made to mis- 
lead the public. Tt did not occur to Mr Madi- 
son, or to any officer of the Government, tliat 
the "six militiamen" had been \yrongf'uHy 
tried and executed, oi that thi-y did not deserve 
their fate. Tlie conduct of Gent-ral Jackson 
was not then dit.ipproved At a subsequent 
period, wlien his conduct in the Semmole cam- 
pai^ was arraigned in Congr ss, when iiis 
whole public life was scrutinMcd, nc cnaig-e 
was then made against iiim for the trial and ex- 
ecution of the " six militiamen." Then when 
the transaction was fres!i in the recollection of 
the countrj , it was not heard of. The result 
of the invcstig'ation is well n-nu'inb-red. His 
conduct was tlien ably, an' I 1 will ai'.d justly 
vindicated by tht- presm' chef magistrate; it 
■was approved by the solemn vote of Congress; 
it was approved by his country, wlio then re- 
Tnembere<l with gratitude his suffering's, his 
privations, and his, services. 

If there was no other evidence cf the utter 
falsehood of the char e now so industriously 
circulated by hs enemies, for \h.s. purpose of 
exciting public opinion to his prejudice, the 
fact that it slept and was not heard of for thir- 
teen years after the occuiTence took place, is 
itself conchisive. Why was it that during the 
Seminole discussion; why was it th.it during the 
last presidential canvass it was not heard of .' 
f5imply because it was not true; because when 
the, occurrence was f esh in the recollection of 
the American people, all acquiesced in the cor-' 
2'ectness of his conduct. His bitterest enemy 
<lid not then dream of censuring him. But now 
he is a pr'iminent can'Jidate for the Presidency. 
He stands , in the way of the present rulers. — 
ICs success is inevitable unless he can be brok- 
en down by falsehood and slander. This is the 
true secret. This is the true cause of the viru- 
Jent abuse we have seen heaped upon him by 
the partizans of the admiii'stration. They have 
unblusliingly charged him with cold-blooded mur- 
der, rhey have ri-presented this great bene- 
factor of his country, as worsi; than a midnight 
<issassin. 

I agree with you that the efforts now making 
to excite the sympathies of the public in be- 
half of tbese mutineers and deserters, is well 
calculated to produce ruinous consequences if 
the country should ever again be involved in 
war. 

That subordination must ex'st, and that ex- 
amples must occasionally be made, to insure 
safety in our army, all past experience has 
proved. Many executions look place during 
the revolutionary war, both under the com- 
mand of General Washington and Gen. Greene, 
and yet neither of those distinguished officers 
have ever been censured by the American peo- 
ple, wlio knew too well how to appreciate their 
patriotic and valuable services. For the hon- 
or of the country I trust they never will be. — 
One I will notice that is in point. It occurred 
under that great and good man, General Wash- 
ington, lua leltt-rfiom General Washing!. mi 
ro Robert Morris, dated " Head Quarters, May 



ITtfi, ir82,'' he gives an account of it in these 
words: " Minds soured by distresses are easilv 
rankle<l; asaspecimen of it the privates of thc 
Gonneclicul line, were the other day upon the 
eve of a general mutiny ; the vigilance of the 
officeis discovered it a few hours before they 
were to parade; all the ringleaders have been tried 
and executed. " This letter is published among 
the public documents of I'ongress, and its au- 
tiicnticity will not be questioned.* Here then 
is an instance among many others that might 
be enumerated) under the immediate command 
oftieneral Washington, of the ringleaders of 
muti.iy, in an army snil'ering fatigue and want, 
and without their jiromised lia}, having been 
tried and executed; a mutiny too, not actually 
consummated, but only meditated. The his- 
tory of the last war is replete with, examples of 
the execution of soldiers for crjmes, under eve- 
ry pi-incipal commander in the service, and yet 
at the time all acquiesced in the importance 
and absolute necessity of the punishment in- 
flictt-d for the good of tlie service. Among 
others, I refer yon to the statement of Genera! 
Gaines in answer to a note addressed to him by 
Judge White, of the Sen:jte, and myself. 

1 have omitted to say many things which 
might have been said in reference to the course 
pursued by the administration presses, in re- 
gard to this idle story of the "si.x militia men," 
the suppression for a season of the documents, 
their subsequent discovery in the War Depart- 
ment, with all which you must be familiar. 

In conclusion I have to say, that General 
Jackson is the same man now, and equally de- 
voted to his country's honor, that he was when 
he met and conquered the enemies of that 
country. He lives in retirement oii his farm 
in Tennessee, and I doubt not, that the coun- 
try wh'ch he ^o nobly defended, will duly ap- 
preciate the services of this much injured man, 
and rescue hira from the shafts of malignant en- 
vy and wicked calumny tliatare levelled against 
him. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully voiir 
obedient servmt, JAMES K. POLK. 

Governor Blount's order to Gen Jackson. 
Nashville May 20th, 1814. 

Sir: In compliance with the requisition of 
Major Gen. Thomas Pinckney, that the posts of 
Fort Williams, Fort Strother Fort Araistrongf 
Fort Ross, and Forts -Old and New Deposite, 
should be kept up, the doing of winch he has 
confided to you, until the oBJects of the Govern- 
ment in rel.ation to the war against the hostile 
Creek Indians shall have been fully effected: 
and from the probable expiration of the time of 
service of the troops no'v occupving those im- 
portant posts commanded by c3olonel Bundi, 
prior to a final accomplishment of tlie views of 
Government m relation to the Creek war, you 
will, without dehiy, order out one thousand mi- 
litia infantry, of the 2d division, for the term of 
SIX months, unless sooner discharged by order 
of the President of the tJnited States; or you 
may accept a tender of service of the above num 
her of volunteer infantry, from the 2d division, 
for the aforesaid term, for the purpose of garri- 



Senate State .paper.i. ^sl ses.wit, lli/h ('on- 



Sres: 



11» 



.-.eiiii.g the said po8lb, at > our Qption: wli'ich lit- forts Williams, Stfother, mikI Arm&u-oiig, on tni. 
titude in relation to calls for men to act against Coosa river, as well as Old and New llepositc, 
the Creeks, in furtherance of the views of Go- I am commanded by h.s Excellency Governor 
Vernment in that behalf, is given to me, by in- Blount, to call from my division one thousand 
flBmctions from the War Department. men in the service of i he United States, for the 

Those tr .ops will be commanded by an offi- period of SIX monMin, unle« sooner discharpefl 
£er of the rank of Colonel, and will be required by order of the President of the Umted Slates. 
to rendezvous at FavetteviUe, on tlie 20th of The Kiis-.idier (ien-ra's, or officers • orri- 
J'une next; thence thev wdl proceed to the mai.dinR- t',.^ 4tii, 5t!., 6ih, nh, and 9th, Bri- 
above-mentioned posts, 'under your order, in s-i'if's "f t'=<e 2d division will foi-t!iwthturnisU 
Siich number to each as you shall assign. from their br.g-ades respectively, by dr.Ji or 

It is important to the public interests that vohmtwy enlistment, two hundred men, with 
tLcy should be at those posts between the 1st two captains, two fii-st, two second, ami two 
■tnd 10th of .7uly next, as about th.al time the third lieutenants, and two ensigas, well armed 
terra of service of the troops now there, under and equipped for active service, t- be rendez- 
■ Colonel Bunch, will e.-^pire, and at which posts voused at Payetteville, Lincoln county, in thp 
there is much public property committed to State of Tennessee, on tha 2uth June next.; 
■ - and then be orRanired into a regiment, at 

which, place the field office!*!, and muster-mas- 



their charg'e. 

You will order the Muster Master to attend, 
sjid muster tlie troops into service. — You will 
call on the Contractor for provisions, »nd on the 
Assistant Deputy Quartermaster, likewise, for 
supplies in his department. 

WILLIE BLOUNT. 
To M^jor General Andrew Jackson, 

2d Division of Tknnessee ItSlilla. , 



State OF Tenne.ssee, ? 

Montgomery Cminli/. S 
Be it remembered, that WiUie Blount, late 
Ciovenior of Tennessee, this 1st d.ay of March, 
1828, personally appeared before Hir.im Hobo, 
Ksq. a Justice of the Peace in and for the Coun- 
ty of .Montgor.iery, in the State aforesaid, and 
he being- first duly sworn on the Holy Evange- 
lists of Almighty God, deposeth and sai'h: tl:at 
the feregoinij writing' jiui porting to be a copy of 
an oi-derfroin lum to Major Gen. Andrew Jack- 
ion, dated 20tb .May, 1814, is a correct and 
true copy of his original order to Major Gener- 
al Andrew Jackson, of the 20th of May, 1814-, 
(jii his files: that the foregoing copy i9t.aken by 
himstlf, from the file now in his possession, of 
liis ofriciul piipers of that dater that a copy of 
fjiid order was by him transmitted, shortly after 
its date, by mail', to t!ie War Department: that 
he has reason to believe, and does believe, that 
the dctaclimcnt required by said order to be call- 
ed out, was regularly mustered, agreeably to or- 
der, into service, in the montli of June, 1814., 
and that said detachment , to liis knowledge, was 
put under the command of Col Pipkin, of the 
Tennessee MiUitia. And further he s;»ith not. 
WILLIK BLOUNT, 
Ltitc Governor of Tennessee. 
I, Hiram Bobo, Justice of the Peace in the 
C6uoty of Montgomery, State of '1'ennes.see, 
hereby certify th:it the foregoing deposition 
was niade and stibscribed before me this 1st day 
yf March, 1S2S. IllU.VM BOIIO, J. P. 

Qineral Jaciison's order to his -Uivklun 2-iih of 
May, 1814. 



ter will be ordered to meet them. 

OlFicers commanding the brigades composing 
the 2A division of Tenne<«ee militia, are charg- 
ed with the prompt and due execution of this 
order. 

ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. G«i. 
Commanding 2d Division, T. M." 



HoDSE OF REPR1.SKNTAT1VES, "} 

^priiut/i.ima. 5 

Deah Sir — I desired to be mformc<l at what 
precise period, the inimour of peacf first readi- 
ed General Jickf.on at New Orleans in 1815. 
I have unders-tood that you, on 3 our return froin 
the Britisli flef:t to whidi you had goao to et. 
feet an exchange of [jrisoiiers, brought the first 
Intelligenc .vhich the General received wi that 
subject, li from recoUectioB or any raemoraw 
da in your possession you can give me tho in- 
formation, it will be esteemed a favor. 

1 1 ave tne hoiio{- to be very respectfully, your 
obedient servant, JAMES K.. POL14. 

Hon. Edward Livingstoh. 

Mn. Livingston's Answeh. 

.iprii nth, lasa. 

Dear Sir — My recollection of the date at 
which the Englis'h account of the signature uf 
the treaty of Ghent, was brought to New Or- 
leans, carries it to the eighteenth or nineteenth 
of February, 1813. 

1 was sent to the Britisli Ceet to treat for the 
exchange of prisoners, about the first of Feb-^ 
ruary, and w.a3 detained there until the fall of 
Fort Bowyer; just as I was leaving the Admi- 
ral's ship, the Brazen, sloop of war, came in 
sight, and I ruiiiuined until she came up. She 
brought the ili-bt news of the treaty, and I ar- 
rived with it at N. Orleans on the 13th or 19th. 

My recollection of these dates is strcjigthen. 
ed by tluit of a itenilleman, now a visiter at tlijs 
place, who accompanied me on the mission. 
The account brsuglit by the Bruzoii was a Ga- 
zette, nut an olficial riccount i4"'he treaty, and 



" lirave rennesseeuns oftke 2d Division. The 1 ouglit perhaps to add, that very sorn aner re- 
Creek war, through the Divine aid of Provi- ceiving this account General Jack.0.1 wrote 
tii-ncc, and the valor of those engaged in the ei.l.er to General Lambert or to Adm.ral Cocli- 
camiriign, in which you bore a conspicuous raiie (I tliink tlie rormer) requtstmg to know 
share has been brought to a happv termination, whether he consult red the account suthcicnt- 
Good' policy requirus that the territorv con- ly authentic, to justify a cessation of hostilities, 
nuered siiould be garrisoned, and possession to which I tViin!!. no answer was received unljl 
retained until appropriated by the Government after the eighth of Marcli,w!Rn advices were re^ 
of the United States. In pursuance of this po- ci:ived to induce the General to believe, tha 
li'-v a'l 1 10 ri'iii'vc the troops now stationed at tttc treatv had been ratified at WashTligton, »>■ 



though e»en tiien he had received no despatch- 
es from the Government announcing; that event. 

I hope tliis may be a satisfactory answer to 
your note of this date. 

And am with jjreat respect, j'our most obe- 
dient servant, EDW . LIVINGSTON. 

The Hon. Mr. Polk. 

WisniNGToirCrrT, Il/A.^pri7, 1828. 

Dk^b Sir — 1 have received your note of this 
datf,' I'cquestiiig- mt- to stat^; alj I may know, in 
relaron to the execution of the "six militiamen" 
at Mobile in 1815. 

In answer I have to state tlmt 1 joined (he ar- 
my at \!ob-le, in command of a balallion of the 
24ih Ru/iment I'nilc-d Slites infantry, about die 
26lH of December, 1814, Li; neral .lackson be- 
ing- .'it that time eiig.igped in the defence of New 
Orleans. The situuiion of the arniv at Motjile 
Was most critical. The troops, chiefly militia, 
suffered much from the scarcity and want of 
reg'ular supples of provisions. Tiie enemy, 
some time after tlie battle of the 8th of January, 
made his app ■a'-ince in the bay, and took pos- 
session of Uauphiii Island. AVe e.xpectcd an 
attack daily. Subor lination in our camp was 
all important for our safety. We could but take 
a retrospective view of the desperate mutiny, 
-which Had but a short time before taken place 
at Fort Jackson, an-.l to dieatt its recurrence in 
our camp. It was at this awful crisis that Gen. 
Jackson's nrdrr reached us, approving the ex- 
ecution of the "six militia men." Tlie officers 
conversed frfiely of '.he example then about to 
be made. But one sentiment prevailed All 
were deeply impressed with the belief that it 
was of vita! imp-.irtance tothe subordination and 
future safety of the army, and thougjit the time 
propitious for the execution. Foi myself Hiave 
always thought the example a most fortunate 
one, both as regards the discipline of the army, 
and the safety of the cnuntry. 

I was lookngon when those unfortunate men 
were executed, conversed with them a tew min- 
utes before tlieir execution in company with 
Col. Gilbert C. Kupelt. They spoke feeKngly 
of their approacning fate, but without blame to 
any one but those engag-ed in the mutiny. At 
the time they w.re executed, we hud no news 
or expectation of pe.ace. I remained myself in 
camp until after the news of peace arrived, and 
never heard a murmur -if dis.satistaction. There 
were present two brig.adesof Tennessee militia, 
many of them no doubt ii'.igiibors to those men, 
and yet not one word of complaint was heard, 
either against thcCourt Marlial tliat tried them, 
or the commanding General that approved the 
sentence. All ag-eed in its neressity and im- 
portance. The ellects prodnced <.n the army 
by this example was evident; the strictest sub. 
orf'inat-on prevailed; every ofHc.r and soldier 
did his dn;y, and we were relieved from any ap- 
prehension of a mutiny in our camp. 
I am Very respec-.fully, 
Your ob't servant, 

F. W. AKM.sTRONG. 
To the Hon. James K. Polk, Washington. 

WAsniNGToN- CiTT, 24M March, 1828. 
I)eab Sin: — Believing that without subordi- 
.nation, an army is inefficient, and dangerous on- 
.K to it? friends, and that, to enforce it. exam- 



ples are sofnetimes in'dispensaole, and knowing 
that you were in the service of the U. State?- 
tjuring the late war, we are induced to asTc 
whether yon know of any executions, by sen- 
tence of courts martial, during the waj', cither of 
regulars or militia, and, if so, under what cir 
cumstances, and under whose command. 

Latterly, much iias been said relative to si.v 
or seven soldiers executed under sentence cl' 
courts mai-tial lu that division of the army com- 
niaiuled by Gen. Jaeksoii, for the purpose of 
exciting, unjustly, two prejudices of his countr\- 
men against him. We are pertlctiy satisfied 
that Gen Jackson did nothing moro than hi- 
duly requii-ed, and our object in making this in- 
qu'ry of you is not to i-npute censure to any- 
other jfficer, under who.st command execution's 
m-ay have taken place, but to she», if aueh be 
the fitct, that others, as well S3 Sen. Jackson, 
have been constrained, for the publicigood, to 
let the laws have their efl'ect against those con- 
victed of crimes, which, if passed over witlrirti- 
punity, inust have rendered the army worse 
than useless. We will feel obliged by as early 
an answei as may suit your convenience. 

We have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully vonrob't servants, 
IIU. L. WHITE, 
JAMES K. POLK. 
Maj. Gex. E. p. Gaines. 

WisniscTON City, March 26, 1828. 

Gentlemen, — In reply to your inquiry whether 
I kii'iw of any executions by sentence of courts 
martial, either of regulars or militia, and if so, 
undi r what circumstances and under wliose 
command ; I think it due to the service, as well 
as to lh<- repiitatiiin of my late and present asso- 
ciates in arms, to say , that I have witnessed,dur- 
ing the war in 1813 and 14, from ten to twelve 
executions, and that every rcspeci»*bl« and ef- 
ficient CO iimander with v.'hora I have had the 
pleasure to serve, both ofthr regular army and 
mihtia, however much opposed at the com- 
mencement of the war t© the infliction of capitid 
or ignomini:ius puoishment of every kind, was 
impelled by exin-rieiice to concur in the opin- 
ion, that, witiiout such examples in cases of de- 
ser'ion,. tnutlny, &c. the countiy would have 
continued to sufJi^r a successitm of disaster.';, 
such a-s those whicii marked the character of the 
gceiter pait of tlie first tivo years of the war. 

The first execution w'lich I witnessed was 
near Fiankliutoii, in the Sl.ate of Oiiio, in lIa■^- 
or Jane, 1813, while under tiie command of 
Wnjor General Harrison. Three or four desert- 
ers were comicted, and one of them shot upon , 
that occa.sion; the others were pardoned. In 
the course of the cajnpaign, in the following 
Septeniber, two or three other deserters were 
e.xecuted upon an island, near Put-in-Bay, on 
Like Krie. 

The next executions witnessed by me were 
at Sackeii's haiboiir, m Februpry or March, 
1814, under the command of Major General 
Brown. I ...in umler the impression that six or 
seven deserters were shot at one time, and 
two at another time, in the latter part of 
the winter or spring of 1814, at Sackett's 
harbour. The exact nuniher [-may not dis- 
tinctly recollect, but I tiiink there were seven, 
eight or nine. I was at the time of the 
executions, near Put-in I'eiv, .-.nd -.t tile fir?t 



.mentioned executions at Sackett's harbour, Ad- 
jutant General, prepared the orders, after a ve- 
ry fall and deliberate consultatioi. with the 
Major General, and at Sackett's harbour I read 
the orders to the troops, and the offenders at 
the place of execu-tion. 

These executions were principally, if not ex- 
clusively, confined to deserters from the regu- 
lar army. Much to the credit of the militia, 
there w«re comparatively few desertions from 
this description of force in service with me on 
the northern frontier. Had there, however, 
been many cases,of desertion among tlie militia, 
I feel warranted by the opinions of many re- 
spectable officers, such as Generul Porter, and 
those under his command, in supposing that ex- 
amples would have been made of the principal 
offenders. 

I had often in the year 1813, conversed with 
Major General Harrison, and in 1814, with Gen. 
Brown, upon the policy and necessity of such 
punishments, as I did afterwards, in the year 
1815, with General Jackson, and I am convinc- 
ed that there was scarcely a shade of difference 
of opinion between tliem on the subject. Tbey 
each deplored the evil of desertion, as most de- 
moralising and disastrous in its consequences 
-to the character and physical powe- .?' the ar- 
my, and fraught with uicalculable ..' rliief to 
the resources and reputation of the peo,)le of 
theU. States. 1 am strongly under the impres- 
sion that each of those general officers have at 
different times expressed to me the opinion, 
tl.i.t they deemed it an act of meret/ rather than 
of cruelty, to make examples of hardened of- 
fenders, particularly at the commencement or 
in the progress of an active campaign against 
the enemy. Inasmuch as the prijiciple of mer- 
cv enters into human efforts to presevt from 
the ravages of war the innocent and helpless 
women and children, and the faithful citizens 
and soldiers, who remain at their posts, true to 
their trust, but who, abandoned by their un- 
worthy associates, become an easy p'-ey to the 
opposnig foe; inasmuch as it is an act of mt-rcy 
to protect the innocent when tluis situaied, and 
when that protection can be effected only by 
punishing the deserters, traitors or their bi-e- 
thren in arms, and worse than traitors to their 
country, it cannot be denied tlial ills an act of 
mercy to shoot cowardly deserters. 

Previous to the executions at Sackett's har- 
bour, in the year 1814, it was reported and be- 
lieved that near two thousand men. had desert- 
ed from the army in the preceding 18 or 20 
months. Now I think it will not be questioned, 
that with 2000 xeW instructed men, added to 
Gen. Brown's division when under my com- 
mand at Erie in August, 1814, the crippled .ar- 
my under Lieut. General Drummond would 
have been destroyed, captured or driven from 
Upper Canada — with 2000 well instructed men 
at Bladensburgh on the 24th August, 1814, our 
beautiful capito! would have been preserved; 
and though last not least, with 2000 well instruc- 
ted men added to the force under Gen. Jack- 
son at New-Orleans on the 8th January, 1815, 
the shattered remnant of the British army, seek- 
ing the "Beauty and Booty" of that noble city 
must have been destroyed or captured. 

EDMUND P. GAINES. 
Tliellon.H. L. White, of the Senate, 
nnSthf- Hon. J. K. Polk, of the H. R. 



GENERAL GREENE. 
A friend has put into our hands, an originii 
letter of that great Captain and most .amiable, 
man. Gen. NATHANIEL GREENE, so distin- 
guished in the war of the Revolution. It is a 
letter written from his camp in South Carolina, 
dated 22d April ir82, and addressed to his 
brother officer the gallapt Col. Otho II Wil- 
liams. In this letter Gen. Greene, after having 
mentioned some symptoms of mutiny, which 
had shown themselves in one of the lines ot his 
army, says: — 

(j3>" Ihie uf the Sergeants is to be this day 
HUNG for eucouragtng it. Some of that line 
have been pract'sing upon your line; but I am 
in hopes without effect. This fellow that is to 
be hung to-tlay was one of the most forward in 
the former mutiny, i'nu know I act with deci- 
sion. They hud better be quiet. It is true the 
Troops have great reason to complain; but this 
disposition in that line, has a deeper root than 
sutTerings. Desertion Arw prevailed with us for 
a few nights before the face of mutinyappeared, 
to a very alarming deg-ree. We ai'e now in a. 
position near Dorchester. Head Quarters is at 
Mr. Waring's near where you visited — Colonel 
Lee a little before you left the camp. The 
Enemy threatened us daylt/; and was our troops 
in good temper, altho they out number us 
greatly, I should have little objection to a fight. 
General Wayne remains at l^benezer and great 
desertion prevails with the enemy there, and 
considerabti; liere. a few days ago twenty four 
refugees come off together. Capt Neal fell in 
with the enemies horse a little below Dorches- 
ter yesterday and got the rubers. He lost seven 
or Eight men and Eight or ten horses. He 
killed the Negro General known by the name 
of Jilarch. — 

"lam told Congress have again changed the 
plan of promotion. If so, I fear you will meet 
with difficulty in obtaining yours. How ever 
you must learn p.atience. Justice moves slow." 
" Believe me to be yours affec-tionately 

N. GREENE." 
This letter shows that examples by military 
execution have been made by other great men 
beside General Andrew Jackson. It shows too, 
that other great men have been guilty of errors, 
in orthogrujjhy and syntax as well as General 
Jackson. 

It is painful to be presenting a man whose 
memory is embalmed in our affections, in the 
light of a bad speller and incorrect grammarian 
and we do it, not in dis|)aragement of General 
Greene, but in defence of General Jackson. Wc 
doubt not, that the errors of both, are tobe at- 
tributed to haste and inattention; and not to ig- 
norance. General Greene was the favorite ot 
WiSHisciTos, and pri.;ed next to him, by the 
old Congress and the people He was a man 
of a high order of intellect and of the purest 
character. Yet he hung mutineers, and coni- 
mitteil errors in synliijc and orthography. The 
fact is both General Greene and General J.ack- 
son were men of actions and not of words. They 
were fighting the b.attles of their country, and 
if thev could not describe them w;ith as much 
gra/?c beauty and as " strict a regard to rhetori- 
cal propriety" as Mr. Adams, they could tell, 
intelligibly, what they had done. Can Mr. 
Adams tell what'Ae has done ' Is his famous let- 
ter to LEVIT HARRIS rclio cd at all, of its 



i 



131 



mean and cowaiuly spirit, by the gnodnes? oF 
its grammar, or the coiTcctiiess of its spelling.' 
'Editor of Baltimore Republican. . 

EXECUTION OF A MILITIA 11 AN. 

In Gordon's "History of tlie riie, progress, 
and establisliment of tlie Indf p'-ndence of the 
United States," page 28 ofhf 4th vol. wi- find 
the following account ( f tht execution of a sol- 
dier under the eommard of (Icner 1 GIJF.K.NE. 
It was after Gate's defeat and shnrdy p.ttv; Gen- 
eral Greene arrived at Head Quarlers and as 
sumed the command of the southern army. 

" On his arrival in camp, ha learned tliat rhe 
troops had made a practice of going home with- 
out perni^saiou, staying weeks, and then return- 
ing. Determined to stop such a dangerous 
custom, the General gave out, that he would 
make an example of the first deserter of the 
kind he caught; and one was accordingly shot 
at tlie head of the army, drawn up to be spec- 
tators of the punishment. At n'ght he sent offi- 
cers round tlie camp, to listen to die talk of the 
soldiers, and was happy to find that tlie mea- 
sure had taken its desired effect, and that tlic 
language of the men!was only — " We must not 
do as we have been ustd to, it is new lords, new 
laws. " 

Now, this was the case of a soldier's doing 
what they had all been in the habit of doing — 
his home being in the nelghbovhood of a camp 
he had gone there without leave. He had not 
gone off with the intention of remainin;^ dto- 
g'ether — meant to return. But an example was 
necessarv for the good of the service and the 
safety of the country, and [ieneral Greene, 
whose humanity no one ever questioned ordaie 
question, did not hesitate to have him execattd 
Contrast this case with that of the "six militia- 
men," and tell us, if Jackson was a murderer, 
"■.vhat was Giecne? 



INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 

Remarks of Mr. McLANE, ontliebdl making 
appropriations for Internul Improvements; 'the 
amendment limiting the sum appropriated for 
surveys (530,000) to those Objects already com- 
menced. 

Mr. McLANE said, he regretted the necessi- 
ty he felt to take any part in the present dis- 
cussion. His own impression corresponded 
vith that of the Senator from Maine, (Mr. I'ar- 
Bis, ) that the amendment recommended by the 
Committee of Finance, had received the unani- 
mous concurrence of the members of that Com- 
mittee, and especially embracing the views of 
the honorable Chairman. Mr. McL., himself, 
approved the recommendation, tlv ugh it had 
been his wish to submit it to tl\c judgment of 
the Senate, without particular explanation from 
him. But the course the subject had taken, 
seemed to impose upon him the duty, f;-om 
■which hi would not shrink, of stating the 
grounds which had led him to assent in Com- 
inittee, to the amendment now under consider- 
ation, 

Mr. McL. said, he did not concur with the 
gentleman from Massachusetts, (.Ur.VVEBsxER,) 
tnav tv„3 question might be discussed with more 
tiropriety upi.... .iln-rt proposition torepealthe 



act of 1824-, authorizing the surveys. Such a 
proposition would have no similarity to the 
question now before the Senate. The amend- 
ment reported by the Committee of Finance, 
does not propose, nor would that Committee 
recommend the ivpeal of tlie act of 1824, and 
he was unwilling to suffer snch an erroneoiks 
impression to be mr.le by any remark in this 
deba','. He was incapabl. of aeconipiishing by 
indirection, thai, which it might be injudicious 
to attempt by direct means The views of the 
('OTimittee of Finance, were in strict con- 
formity, not only with the spirit and policy 
of the law of 1824, hut w.tli its plain liberal 
import. So far from conflicting v/ith the 
objects of that law, i.ie amendment propos- 
ed mor': effectually to accomolis!> them; to 
recommend them to the favorable considera- 
tion of the coiintry. and by preventing a wider 
d.paitijre from tl^e provisions of the act, to en- 
sure it a salutary operation. 

Mr Mel. s;;ld, he had been an advocate of 
the act of 1824, )vas a member of the House of 
Representatlvt s, when it was reported and dis- 
cussed, and bore his full share, an huinble one he 
admitted, in promn' .ig i's passage, when some 
o*' those, now tiie ,;rofe'.sefl ailvncates of this sys- 
tem were VI the ranks of its opponents. He had 
never doubted. the expediency or constitution- 
alityoftheJaw of 1824, and if hisopinion h;idun- 
dergone any change, it was iinly in regard to the 
purposes to whictt, as he apprehended, the act 
had been unv/isefy perverted. He yet stood 
upon his origiii.ll ground, while others have 
taken a new posit on, which he could not oc- 
cupy He well r'^memhered the discussion to 
which the act of 1824 gave rise, enlisting the 
b-st talents of both sides of the House ; the 
able constitutional views wliich were then pre- 
sented ; and that tlie measure was mainly re- 
comniended to the sanction nf Congress by its 
exclusrve relation to such ebjects only as avfild- 
ingtlie local concerns rifthe States,& were clear 
ly coinprelifudefi witliin the several grants of 
power comini ted by t.>e Constitution to the 
go\ ernment of the Umnn. Recognizing the 
rigiit and exijedleiicy of the (General Govern- 
ment to lend its aid to objects of internal im- 
provement exclusively confined to the sphere 
of its own action, the law directed surveys to 
ascertain the practicability '>f surli obj,»cts and 
his aim now was 'o eoufine the execution of 
the law witiiin this limit 

The provisions of tliis law, he said, suffi- 
ciently bespoke its scope and obj>>ct. It enacts 
"that the President of tiie United States is 
hereby authorized to cause the necesr.ary sur- 
veys, plans and estimate.s, to be made of the 
routes of such r.ads and canals, as he may deem 
of iiati jnal importance in a coiiii -rcial orrailita 
ry point of view, i r nece:>sarv for the iranspor- 
tation .if the public m.all ; designating, in the 
cise of each canal, what parts may be made ca- 
pable of sloop navigation ; the surveys, plans 
and estimates for each, when completed, to be 
laid before Congress." 

Thus tlie law itself distinguishes between ob- 
jects of a mere local character, and those of 
general concern, by confining the surveys to 
the routes of "national importance," as con- 
nected with the commercial -xnd tnilitary powers 
of the general government, and the transporta- 
tion of the mail. He w.as not now, nor ever 



Ijad bcin, ol'lhosc who believed there was no 
limit to the authority of the General Govern- 
ment over this subject. He thought, on the 
contrary, it was confined to the attainrafnt 
of the specified grants in the Constitution, 
and could not concern itself witli objects 
local to the States, without i.)f'':ng'ina' the r 
righu, and by di8tur])jng the nice adjustment 
of power, endanger its o\?n security. 

i'e denied tliat a road or can..! from or" part 
to the other oftiK* s;in -• State, wbich m'g'.il in- 
directly promote the toir.'iierce bet^ece'i the 
Stares, or be occasionailj' used by thr: Unit, d 
States for ihe passii^e of fro".|is, or the traRS- 
portHtion of munitions of war, or cf tiie mad, 
vould fur that reason ;ali wiMm the i.'ower of 
the tienpral Goveru:nent. Such a doctrii e 
would leave tiiis GoveiTiinent with>ut limit, 
nnd j;'iv.; it the right of consfruct'ng all the 
count_\ roads, and i.itcr-ior canals in the rountrv 
All imMrovements of this kind, iioweverl.)cal in 
their character, ir.igly occasionally subs-jrve the 
purposes of tlie government, as of indivt.luals; 
and all the works in each townsliip oftlie Union, 
have some remote bearing upon ciimincrcial 
enterprize, and pay their tribute, liowever hum- 
ble, to the common mass of improvement. But 
•^. work to fall within the scope of the Constitu- 
tion, or the law of 1824, must have an imme- 
diate and necessary' rel.iton to tlie express 
grants of pciwer. Beyond this he had never gone, 
andcoula not now gi. He understood the act 
of 1824 as confined to this limit, and •= xtending 
to those objects only, to whicli, after tlie sur- 
veys should be completed, the General Govcru- 
ineit might apply its resources, as necessary to 
the great purposes of its admhiistradon. For 
this reason tlic act rt quired eslimatei to be made 
and submitted to Coagiess, v. hich could m t 
have been required of works of a mere local 
character exclusively wiihin the power oftlie 
States, and beyond the pale of the Constitu- 
llpn. 

Nor could the desigii of ordering these sur- 
veys and plans have been, as had been suggest- 
ed, merely to obtain accurate topngrapiiical 
knowledge of the cotintry, to be locked up in 
the archives of the Department for occasional 
inspection, oi' at; memorials of out Military sci- 
ence. That could have been efl'ected without 
the law of 1824, and 'n the ordinar\ discharge of 
the duties appertaining to the Mihtarj a.lmmis- 
tration. The act in que.-tiou had a more pre- 
cise and practical end; to ascertain the pjactica- 
bility iu regard both to position and expense, 
of those works which were necessary to the 
.i^ound action of the general goveriiinent, but 
could not be accor.iplished by the St.ites. 

Such he ci ntended was the true and obvious 
import of the law of 1824; illustrated and con- 
firmed b) trie interpretation g.icnto it at that 
day by the Executive, to whom its execuiion 
had been connded, and by tlie proper officer 
duly communicated to Gon.[,Tess. 

It would be observed, he said, that the act 
liad passed on the 30th April, 1824, directing 
the President to designate and survey works of 
a certain character, and report the result to Con- 
gress. The practical discharge of these duties 
&eing regularly referitd to the Department 
of War, the law was subjected to a close 
scrutiny, andrcceivcd a final, andashethoitght, 
a satisf»cto!-y interpretation. At< early as De- 



cember, 1824, the Ppesident ol the V. States, 
in his message to Congress, at the commence- 
ment of the session, communicated the able re- 
port of the tjien Secretary of War, Mr. Cii- 
HouN, in which the views of the Executive, and 
the principles by which it was intended to exe- 
cute the act were fully and clearly defined. To 
sttch parts of that report as more immediate!} 
related to tiiis subject, he asked leave to invite 
the :ct!'-ntion of the .Senate. . 

[Here }\T. lioLANi". read from Mr. Cix.<- 
norN's Re-port of tne Sd December, 13.S4, as 

folious:] 

" It becane necessarj' in giving orders to the 
!)oard under iHe act, to determine what routes 
for roads aod canals were of "n.dior^i i.nport- 
aiice" in the view; conttn.pla'ed hv the aci, as 
such oiil} as the President might deem to bo of 
that description wer.'? authorised to oe examin- 
ed and surve ed. In deciding this po'nt, itbe- 
cai le necessary to ad-, ert to our political system 
in its distribution of powers and duties between 
the General and State GoveruiiK nts. In ihuere- 
giiJing our sy.stem, it was conceived that all of 
those routes of roads and canals which might be 
fairK consul ered as hilling within the province of 
any particular Sl;ate, however useful they might 
be, in a commercial .->r political view, or, to the 
transportation of the mail, were excluded from 
the provisions ol the act. Tne States have im.. 
porta nt duties to peribrmin facilitating by mean? 
ofr.jad->&. canals, political and commercial inter- 
course among their citizens ; Siwithin the spheres 
of these duties, they are more competent to act 
than tne general government; and there can be 
no i-alioiial doubt, but that, as the population 
and capital of the .several States increase, these 
powerful means of developing ibeir resources, 
will receive from their I'es ective leg'siatuves 
due attention. But, aa numerous as this class 
of improvement '.s, and as important as it may 
be to the g-eutral government in the discharge 
of the various uuties coniiued by the Constittl- 
tinn to it, tuerc are other improvements not 
comprehended in it, of a more general charac- 
ter, wiiich are more essentially connected with 
the pei-forinaiice of its duties, while they are 
less immediately connected with those belong- 
ing to the State go. ei-nments, and less witliin 
their power of execution. If is believed thnt this 
clusSf and thisojHyy ivas comjirthended in the pro- 
visimis of the cct. In projecting the surveys in 
this view of the subject, tlie whole Union must 
be consideree as one, and the attention directed 
not to ttiose roads and canals which may facifi- 
tate intercourse between different parts of the 
same State, but to those wliich may bind all of 
the parts together, and the whole with the celi- 
tr , ti'ereby faeilitaiing commerce and inter- 
cou.i-se among tlie States, and enabling the go- 
vernment iodissi inmate pron.pth. through the 
mail, mfoimaticii to every part, and to extend 
protection to the wliole. By extend ng those 
prihciples, the line ef couimunicaiinn by roads 
and_ canals througli the .States, the general go- 
vernment, instead of interfering- with the State 
governments within their proper spheres of ac- 
tion, will afford, (particularly to those States 
situated in the interior,) the only means of per- 
fecting improvements of similar description, 
which propeilj belong to them." 

In conformity with these principles, the va- 
rious routes which the I'l-esident de*""''' " fii» 



^Uiy 10 cautc is be suweyed, arc par^cnlarly 
JcsSgnated and explained; and tlie report con- 
clud'^a with stating that, "When the various 
riMites to which it let'erred and explained are 
examined and surveyed, and plans and esti- 
mates formed in conformitj' with the directions 
df the act, it will present as full a view of the 
whole subject, as will v^nah'e Congress to com- 
rneiice and complete such a s\ tcm of iiternal 
improvem*nt, as it nay deen proper with the 
gj^-atest possihie advantage." 

Mr. M'L L-aid he entirety concurred in the 
principles laid down in this repon, and couil 
irot be induced to transcend them. He would 
not say thaf there m.ght not be other objects of 
"' naiionai importance," than those desig'iiated; 
i|or did he deem it necessary to insist, thoug-li lie 
thought it mi^ht be contended witii g-reat pro- 
priety, that the a::t would be fully executed 
with the accomplishment of these objcrts. But 
it appeared to him that, the annual appropria- 
tion foi' tliis purpose, suice 1824, must have 
been ])rimarily applicable to these objects until 
the surveys were completed, and the estimates 
submitted tu Ooni^ress, that they might he en- 
abled 'O judgx cf the expediency of going on 
with the vvorks, or of diiectiug new and fur- 
ther examinations. This seemed to him to be 
the main de-igii of the report itself, dictated 
110 less by the- propriety of the subject, than 
the obvious i!iiention of the law. 

He asked if uil this had bien done' He woiild 
hot say it had not, but he had received -n m- 
formation !o satisfy hi )i that any uf these sur- 
veys had b'cn nmpleteil acco. ling to the 
lenrs of the att of 1824, while it was apparent 
that there h.^d been a ivide deviation from the 
luminoas chart marked out by the report to 
which he had ad'ei^ed. If any of these sur- 
tfra had been completed, if was, neverthele-w, 
certain that the plans and e.H'mtiles had not all 
been subm'ited to Congress, and tha' down to 
the present period, no opportunity had been 
a"ffbrded us of deterraining upon the projinety 
of the a,vstem contemplated by 'iie act, and pro- 
jected in the report, in pursuance of it. 

Wily, he iriqjired, had this not been done' 
Because a more enlarged construction had been 
,given to the act of 1S24, :.nd tlie labors of the 
lingineer Corps had been directed to survs-ys 
of routes not only beyond the report, lut of a 
mere local ciiaraci^fr, in ivhicli it could scarcely 
Bo pretended the General Government could 
rlglitfuUy iutevfere. Tiie subsequent appro 
priations had been consideicd as authorizing' 
the sui-yeyipg of new objects, and as wa. rant- 
ing' the employment of the corps in the sti'vice 
of the several States, of corporations, or of indi- 
viduals, ou rr.ere local objec s; ;n some .nstances 
as he belie-cd, autho"i/!i:ig sp:?ci.ilative exami- 
nations t'S I'O'ites for roads or canak. wnere 
there cj'jld be little probability tiiat any pracd- 
cal work would be prosecuted, by any a ithority 
wnalsoev:r. IVow the object of the amen •.- 
meut, proposed by the Committee of Finance, 
said Mr. .McL. , was to apply a remedy to what 
he deemed an evil, and lo stop useless and im- 
proper surveys; to bring the Executive back to 
the orig-inxJ and true objects of the law, that the 
surveys and extremities of the routes" contem- 
plated by the act, might be submitted to Ci u- 
gress, and thus afTord an opportunity of inqnir- 
-•ng info the propriety of nr.d'^rt.'rkir.g the 



works, or of exier.diujj the number. He wis 
unwilling to submit longer to the practice of 
perpetually exploring and surveying, wlthoii't 
the hope ofpracticallyacc'imphshing the work;;, 
He desired to be understood, ai not imputing 
the fault, which lie had adverted, to the Execu- 
tive, whom he knew, was not aio^ierespons'ble. 
He Vr'as aware, t'.iat it was usual lo order these 
suivejs, lip. .11 the application of '.he delegatiou 
in Congress, of the particuUir State or Slates, 
in which a work may be projected, and th.at 
siicli apiiUcations could not be easily put by. 
The S nator from JLoui'iiaaa, had complained 
that the small States had been neg'lected in tiiis 
distribution of favor.s.; if the comp.la.ut v/as well 
founded, it mig:it be proper lo consider, wlie- 
ther fhe mode of thus piociiring the intci-feieucc 
of the Government, was not itself Ihe cause of 
that neglect. Certain it was, he said, thattliese 
solicitations were not ahv.iys successful, because 
they related to works of nalior.a! imjioitancc, 
"justifying' the interposition of the Govern- 
ment, but not unfrequeiitly on account of the 
weight of official station and character, and it. 
might be, in some instances, of numerical force. 
It was this practice, which le;l to tlie surveys of 
local routes, not within the competency of tht; 
General Government, which created delusive 
expectations throughout the couiury, never to 
be realized, and which might be perverted t6 
political purposes, not only foreign from the 
law, 'lut injiuiqus to the service, and destruc- 
tive, nlt'mat'.ly, of the system itself. 

H' :; lid, he could not assent to the acgiu 
raeir of the Senator from Louisiana, that a 
survey could be necessary to test or as- 
certain the national charurter of any of these 
■A'crks. riiat question, he said, depended 
upon a sound int< rpretation of the Constitit- 
tion, to which a survey of the route could 
throw no light. It was rot to be decided 
so inuch by a mmiile knowledge of theitopog- 
rapliy of the country, as by reference to our 
political system in its distributitm o*" powers 
and duties between the General and btaie Go- 
vernmeiits. These surveys were to test th-e 
practicability of a work ; they had nothing to 
do with the cou.stitutionahty of our interference;; 
that, we should decide for ourselves before wc 
incur the expense nf the survey, and ho was 
unwilling to cm|)loy the Engineer corps 
throughout the year, exploring- ail parts of the 
Un'on, in searcli of chjects, which might or 
might not he fit for our le^islal.ve action. 

Mr. McLiNE said, he did not feid the force of 
the apprehension whic!/ had been expressec?, 
of injury to works of acknowledjffd atilitr, bv 
limiliug the app"opri.ation. Ho fell quite suit', 
that no usef d work would be negiected, or re- 
tarded, by this amend nent. It v.-ouid be reCD% 
lected thai the operations of the government 
iii respect to in ; great, cla.ss of Improvem.nt, 
were w'.ioljy iniiependtn: of thj appropiitiriou 
for sur.'eys. Of this chiu-actrr, were the nu- 
merous other ite.ns in t!ie bill now befofc tire 
Senate, all of which would receive his cordial 
support. The examinations of our caast and 
nvevs, cle:u-ing out and deepening the waters 
and chaunels, and the extensive class of harbor 
improvement in all parts of the Union, whether 
in progress or to be commenced, are provide'd 
for, by separate appropriations.. Some apph- 
C'iticHis forth.tst^ o'^jert? have alrsnlv h"--.!! cv. 



slilered, and bilis iiave passed the Senate ; 
others are yet before the appropriate Commit- 
tees, and win doubtless be provided for, when- 
ever it may b.: expedient to do so. It is tl<iis 
that upon objects of acknowledged propriety 
and iie'.e^sity, Co'igress sc'instan'ly callei'. up- 
on to act ; and ivhilo act'utr with a wise iibe- 
ral.iy, upon these objects within our constitu- 
tional tphr-re, theie could be no propriety in 
leaving' the annual appropriation for surveys to 
the in-i-spunsible discretion of the War De'pa.-t- 
menl, at least before lie can be iuformtd of the 
actual c'.aracter of the works on which he must 
hereafTt!r act 

Mr McLANE said he concurred in the re- 
mark that, the task n( distui^uisiiing the w.'rks 
within tnc powe; o' tlie g(Sneral g-overn^nent 
was one of moral d fficulty; and that was a reason 
in uis opinion, why the discrimination should be 
made by Congress, actuig under their constitu- 
tional obbgatiMn. It was one motive with him 
for desir.ng to huiit tlie action of the Executive 
as now exercised, and to rnlarge that of Con- 
gress in the manner proposed by the ameiid- 
nitnt. 

But although there might be difficulty in dis- 
tinguisiiing, in some cases, the works falling 
tvithm the power of t'le general government, it 
was easy in many to distin:>uish those beyond 
our power, and in no case was the .liffir.ultv in- 
superable. The able report of the Secretaiv of 
AVar, Mr. Calhoun, to which he bad had oc- 
casion so often to advert, .bad drawn the dis- 
tinctioii, so far as it went, with much accuracy 
and precision. If Ins own opinion could be sup- 
posed entitled to weight in this respect, he 
might atlniit that the conte,mplated post roads 
through theAtlanticStates,and the rail road from 
Baltimore to Wheeling, which bad been men- 
tioned, fell witiiin the distinction, but he deni- 
ed that a rail road from one part to another witli- 
' in the State of .Maryland, fell v.ithin Ihc class of 
works entitled to the aid of the general govern- 
ment 

Sir. JFL. said, he could not admit that Con- 
gress were less fit or competent than the otiier 
tiepanmentsof the government to deal with tn'S 
subject. On the contrary, they were m<isl fit 
from the peculiar coiiipositio'i of tlietwi* Hous- 
es, and it wa.^ moreover their appropriate duty 
by the constitutiun. I'he act of l!jl>4, referred 
the ultimate decision of the whole suoject Id 
Congress, and the anienilment is in firt emnce 
of tliat end. li the systim nf surveys, or of inter- 
nal improvement itself, be of such a character 
as to defv the iiiter[)osition ^.f Congri'SS,it would 
be in his opinion too dan^ermis to be attempt- 
ed; and when convinced of this, be wouki be 
prepared to abandon it rJtogether. He here re 
peated that the mass cf the sun eys which bad 
been making under color of tlie law of lt>24 
had not even been considered by Congress, 
much less had the) received its sanction. 

Mr M'LANE said he denied tlie power of 
the general goi ernment to survey the routes of 
.works which tliey could not constitutionally pro- 
lir>'.c: and therefore he contended, that the cx- 
pL.-'.u:ture for all surveys of lora! objects had 
been unconstitutional, and not authorized by 
the act of 1824. The right to survej the route 
of a road or canal, was auxiliary only to the 
right of constructing tlie work .ircording to the 
survey, and this government, could not be war- 



ranted in entering the territory of a state, atic 
expending the public money in a topographi- 
cal reconnoisance of works exclusively within 
the power of the State. 

Hav.ng no power ourselves to accomplish 
such works, he deemed it inexpedient to per- 
mit the annual expenditure of large sums of 
the public money by the E.xecutive, for similar 
objects 

fientlemen h.ad said that the surveys of local 
objects were not so numerous as had been sup- 
posed, and that most ( f them might be shewn 
to be within the power of the general Govetn- 
me-.t. 

Easily as he supr^os d this opinion might be 
refuted, Mr. McL««fE said he wotdd not now 
be di-awn into a discussion of the character of 
the numerous routes, mentioned n the list be- 
fore the Senate. In might be invidious too, for 
him to distinguish in this list, those particular 
routes which liad been improperly attended to. 
He begged leave, however, o call the atten- 
tion of the Senate to the Hulluitd canal, which 
appears by the report of the Engineers to be 
exchis;vely for local oSj. cts; and also, to most 
of the surveys in he States of Maine and New 
Hampshire, which iie believed, the Senators 
from those -tates would not pretend were in 
any respect of national importance He did not 
think the propriety of the amendmcnt,depend- 
ed entirely upon the extent to which the prac- 
ticjj.of 'Viiich he had been speaking, had been 
Carried. It was enough that it was recognized 
by the Executive as proper to be continued: 
that the act of Congress as < xplainedby the re- 
port of 1824 had been transcended, and that no 
official exposition,; had Deen made, either of the 
grounds of tliis practice, or of the result of the 
original objects of the law. It was enough, at 
least, to justify us in limitin*the apphcation of 
the money until such exposition could be fur- 
nished. 

It m'ght be true, he said, as had been sug- 
gested, thai the amendment might not meet the 
whole evil, as a pat t of the appropriation might 
be expended on those » orks ot a local character 
already in progre.ss. But lie thought this ap- 
prehension would depend very much upon 
those charged wiiii the application of the mo- 
ney: and the amendment proposed the only re- 
meily of which the case was susceptible, that of 
St ipri-ng- the surveysahog! thei, which he wish- 
ed to.i\'"itl. Tile Entjineers being alreatij'' in 
the field, and having incurred expense, could 
not be withdrawn without mate ri.al loss and in- 
jury to the service; and as the sum granted in the 
bill is less by ^20,000, than that demanded by 
the estimat s it is not improbable that most of 
it may be required for those objects properly 
authori/ ed. If the amendment prevail, it may 
he fairly presumed that the Executive conform- 
ing himself to tlie exjiressed views of Congress, 
will so apply the money as to efi'ectuate those 
wews, and avoid the inconvenience now stig- 
gested. At all events, the alternative was be- 
tween a partial lemedy, and an encouragement 
of the mischief: for if the appropriation be left 
unlimited, the Dep.artment will be at liberty, if 
it be not limited by the rejection of tlie amend- 
ment, to persevere in tiie present practice, and 
bv originating new surveys, not only augment 
the ev.l, but hiiall\ provoke an absolute repeal 
of the law of 182-i-. He beheved this danger 



125 



niore immincm when he reflected upon the pro- 
gressive character of the evil, »ndthe excusable 
Dertinacity with which one State would press 
its claims to indulgence which it had seen ex- 
fended to others. 

He could not doubt, that the amendment 
would relieve the Department itself of much of 
the imp'.riuiiity to whicii it was at present ex- 
posed. Fur, as he understood the present prac- 
tice, to be controlled only by Conifre.ss, the 
Corps of Eiij^ineers -nay not be unfrequently 
employed in the service of a State, or private 
Corporation, in making- surieys, pl.ins ai:d esti- 
mates of local p^oj^-ct^;, and with the public 
money appropriated for tlte jmi-poses of the 
law of 1^24. He did n >t objcci to their 
be'ng- thus employed because the worii was 
undertaken 1>\ a State or Corporation; for 
he had ever entertiined the op.nion, that thu 
resources of the Government could be best 
applied to tliese wurks, in aid of individual f n- 
tcvprize; but his objccion applied to tiie 
character of 'he work, and the tn.phiyment of 
the public money, for objects which the Con- 
stitution for'(>ade us to toucli. 

Nor was he disposed, he said, ps had been 
intimated by the Senator from Louisiana, to 
Withhold the science of the Guvernnient, from 
the seivice of 1 st;ite, even for local objc.-ts, 
when the public service would admit of such 
employment. The Corps of Engineers, formed 
a part of tlie military organization of the coun- 
try, and were 'naintained by the general appro- 
priation for tlie mililaiy service. It w».s compe- 
tent for the Executive, by keeping them in 
constant practice and employment, to preserve 
and invigorate the science, as werl as the physi- 
cal energies of all parts of the army, to keep its 
armour bright in peace. that it might be f fficiont 
on the first occurrence of war. As it employed 
the rank and file of the army on the roads, 
he saw no objection to the employment of its 
scientific men on the application of a State, 
requiring only that the Slate should pay the 
extra expense. He had always understood tliis 
to have been the us<ge under the former admin- 
istration of the War Uepartment, and he did 
not desire to change it. He repeated, that it 
was not to such employment of the military sci- 
ence, but to the expenditure of the public mo- 
ney, on objects local to a State, and to the de- 
triment of tlie public service, that his objection 
was directed. 

Mr. McL. said, he would not pursue these 
topics further. He felt that the whole system 
of internal improvement, wasbesst with serious 
difficulties, and he believed the great.st danger 
to « hich it stood exposed, was that of being 
prematurely pushed so far, as to produce reac- 
tion, and array the public sentiment against it. 
The objects legitimately within the spliere of 
the General Government, were, he believed, 
free and of that acknowledged importance, as 
wouUl, if wisely pursued, be sustained be a large 
portion of the people. l!ut v/ben t'.e (. ncrn- 
ment neglected these, and intermeddled with 
local concerns, a countervading spirit would 
arise, tending *-) abridge its just action. . 

Constituted as this governni- nt is, saiil he, it 
is impossible for us, in the execution of our va- 
rious powers and duties, to disregard the opin- 
ions andfeelings of a large portion of the Union. 
Public opinion must be dealt with bv reason and 



argument, and in most instances the hght to 
exercise any particular power shoidd be de- 
monstrated before it is exerted. An attempt 
to force our operations for internal improve- 
ments, by a profuse and indiscriminate expen- 
diture of the public money must act eventually- 
against the system itself He thought the pre- 
sent state of public feeling in many parts of the 
Union justified these remarks. Che cause ot 
internal improvement had been .gradually win- 
ning its way to the favor of the people for 
more tlian thirty years, and the law of 1824 
placed it on sufe ground, if t:'a; position hid 
been judIclou^ly maintained. But it had been 
carried much beyond tb.^t, and no staiesmaji 
cnull c.:st his eye over the country at the pre- 
sent day, ult'iout p-'rceiving tliut new nnd more 
formidaole dangers were gath-'-iug peiore it. 
W iiy, tie asked, was this ' It was, as he be- 
heved, because the .system had been jiusiied 
too far — farther than its mcst sug«cious friends 
had ever contcmpSated. The Executive had 
taken part, not only in advance, but so far in 
advance of public op nion, and on ground so 
untenable in i'le judgmeiit of the most eiilight- ' 
ened advocates o" the federal governm.nit, as, 
to create an apprehension that its powers are 
without limit, and as rxtersive as was ever pre- 
dicted of its wildest assumptions. In advocat- 
ing the amendment rep'irted by the Commit- 
tCi , his design was to re-occupy tiie ground he 
had left, and by -acknowledg-:n< a reasonable 
limit to the pojvers of tliis government, s-ave if 
from thereco Tof its own extravagance. 

For himself, he was not anxious to make 
professions here of his constitutional opinions. 
He was content to refer to his past votes, to 
those he had given at the present session, and 
to those it might be h s duty to give bereaf- " . 
ter. He was satisfied in the belief that they 
were right now, and tlie humble hope that 
they would abide the test of time. He was 
the advocate of the system of internal improve- 
ment fir its own meiits, and their intimate con- 
nection with the puhhc weal. He would not con- 
sent to use It as auxdiary to any other cause or 
purpose whatever, than its own great ends. He 
professed to be nofurilier the friend of any 
me.'.sure than he faithfully labore.I to accom- 
plish its real objects. His aim was to keep him- 
self on tlie line of the Constitution, avoid ng the 
extremes of either side; and looking to a wise 
and judicious exercise of the reasonable pow- 
ers of the general government as essential to its 
own existence and the sakty of the Union, he 
wouh! not consent to do too much, to escape the 
susp cion of not doing enough. 

On motion of Mr. BENIGN, the bill was 
then laid on the table- 
On announcing the vote of tlie Senate, on 
the a.i'endmeiit made in Committee of the 
Whole, to the internal Inipi-ovemem Bdl, limi- 
ting the apjiropriation of 1828, fur the survevs, 
to the completion of those alrcidv commenced' 
tlie VICE PniiSIDENT made 'the following 
reni.trks: 

He said, he solicited the indulgence of 
the Senate, while he made a few teinarks, 
which he hoped would be granted, as a refer- 
ence had been made in the debate, to his course 
both on this and former occasions, in relation 
to the subject of internal improvement. It was 



1S(J 



declared by one ot tlic Senators from Iijd. (Mr. 
Hendricks,) that tlsc vote in committee on tlie 
amendment, just concurred in by the Senate, 
■iv^stantamonnl to an ab;indonmentoftlie system, 
and that it could only be defended on that t,T;iund 
The Chair gave the ca3ting \''nte in favor of the 
amendment in Committee, and if tlie assertion of 
the Senator be correct, he, who fills it, would, 
iTi a special manner, be liable to the charge af 
incoi>oistency, attempted to be fixed on that 
portion of tlie fiiends of internal improvement 
who supported the amendment. It was iiis 
wish, in cTeiy pu'dic act, to be disilnctlv un- 
derstood. The object of !iis vote was. not to 
abandon his former priuciplas It was m .strict 
conformity to them. Had Im voti'd ctli.-rwist, 
he mig-lit then indeed hiive 'jeen char;;'ed with 
inconsistency. 

From the be^nning, he had seen tliat the sys- 
tem was exposed to ofveat -aniJer from its liabili- 
ty te ahu.se; to guard agLunst which, required 
much prudence a-id firnme»s. Itsten.kmcy to 
degenerate from objects truly national, such a.i 
\vere connected with the powei^ and duties of 
the (^enerd g-overnment, t(^ those merely local, 
and also to become the means of extensive and 
dangerous political c.?rabi(iatio'iS, could net be 
doubted If experience should prove, whicii 
he hop-.d it M nuld notj tllat this tendency was 
too strong to be rcsisied, it ought and would 
prove f'Ual to the system, for .as hi^h as tlie peo- 
ple mi;.;'ht estimate me benefits ^liiitemal im- 
prove'iient, they stil' norehTtV'y value, asthcy 
ought, the purity ofourpolitica' institutions. He 
did not intend to intnnate, tltat al)US"»s iiad oc- 
curred. His object w;is simply to slate, wliat 
liis op'uion is, and aUvnvs had been, in erder 
that his conduct, whicli had been in exact con. 
f-rmity to it, mig'ht be ftilly understood. It was 
ilic fortune of him, wlio now fills the C'jtir. to 
discharge tlie duties of Secretary of \Tar, 
when the act of 18-4, which authorises the 
surveys, p:issed, and actir.tj on the views, 
which he has st.atcd, his first step was to 
submit to the President a report co:ilaining- 
his opinion of the construction, which, after 
mature deliberation, he tliouyht oiig'ht to be 
given to it, wltii a plan,! n detail, for carrying it 
into effect, enumerating tlie roads and canals 
siipnosed to he compreliended in the provisions 
ofthe act, which rep.irt was submitted by the 
I'residsnt to Congress, at the prc-sent session. 
In purSiiing this course, it was his int- ntion to 
plact the whole subject, in all of its aspects, be- 
fore the Legislative braue.'i of the f;:overnment, 
and thereby to bring the er.tirc_ control of the 
syslq.n under its immediate supervision. Ho 
then, a^, now, thotn^ht the power too ijreat to be 
placed at the di.irrotlon of any offi;-r r,f the go- 
vernment ; nor in his opinion, ought any iiwiividu- 
a1 to desiru to be place'] in a »ii nation so exposed 
to I'liportunities and infiucnce, as h" must ne 
cesar.Iy be in tlie ex -rcise of p-jwer s-o high 
and unlimited. Coi.gress was the only rafe de- 
postory of such po^ver; and as he coiisniered 
the amendment, bu! as a step towards giving to 
it ihe entire conirol over tlie subject, iie could 
not consistently with his habitual mod*- of 
thinking and acing, reject it by his vote. — 
Ho trusted it would be followed up till a system 
of specific appropriations was introduced into 
this, as well as all other branches of disburse- 
mcn?s^ in none ronld it be JTiore important. 



than that under consiilerati^on, which Ironi h-'^ 
nature , was soliable to abuse. There, if the com- 
mon funds be unequally applied, as it probably 
would, if not imiTiediately controlled by Con- 
gress, it must create discontent in the portions 
ofthe country neglected. It ought never to be 
forgotten, th.at it was only through specific ap- 
propriations, that the Legislative branch ofthe 
government could maintain its proper ascenden» 
cv in our political svstem, and thereby restraiTi 
within safe iimi's tite influence of the Kxecutive 
Department, already so greatly and dangerously 
extended. With liim, this opinion was not rer 
C'ntly adopte<'. Ht so tiiought in 1817, while a 
member ofthe ot' er House. He then moved a 
resolution to inquire into the expi^iiency of re- 
pi-aling the act, which vested in tlie Hresidenl 
the power to transfer at liis pleasure, apprrpri- 
ations froiP one head of disbtirseitienis to aij- 
oth»r, a povFer, winch virtually abolislied thp 
whole system of specific appropriatioQS. He 
met witli great resistance, and succeeded par- 
tially oolv; ijut what he tlien did laid the foun- 
dation ofalmos. wiiolly dvestiug ths executive) 
at a future session, of so dangerous a power. 

He would, with the indulgence of the Se- 
i;ate, avail himself of this opportunity of ex- 
plaining brieiiy tho vote whicli he gave two 
s<s,sions since, on the Illinois eanal bill, and 
which had been dluded to in the tlebnta. His 
ttiotiv- in giving 'he cap'.ing vote against tliat 
measure, had been g-reatlv misrepreoented. It 
was given, not from objec'ion to th. project- 
ed canal, as had bcjn mi&styted, bu' from objec- 
tions to 3'>me of llie provisions ofthe bill. He 
had recommended the canal in tlie report, 
wdiich he rriade in 1319, under the resolution of 
the House of Kepreaentatives, as liigldy impor- 
tant wliich opinion remains unchanged. It 
would be the great channe.l of conunercie and 
intv.rcour5e betv;ecn the Misoiouri and .Missis- 
sippi rivers, and the uppe- Lakes; but notwith- 
standing his high t.rtimate c-f its import mca to 
so large a portion of our country, he could not 
reconcile it to his sense of duty to vote for the 
bill His objections to a part of its provisions 
■were iiiMiperablc. He did not object to the 
appropriation which it proposed to make ofthe 
puMic lands through which the route of the 
projected canal was laid down. On the contra- 
ry, "he thought they constituted tlie natural 
fiind, and ought to be applied to defray the 
expense of coiistructiig the canal. Nor did he 
believe, lli.at a constitutional objection could be 
fairly raised to such an application of a portion 
<if the public lands. In Congress was vested the 
power of dij-nosiiig of tiiose lands, and it did 
appear to him almost impossible to raise a con- 
stitutional objection tn such a disposition of a 
portion o(" them, as wouH makeSCie rcsidtie 
more valuable, than 'he whole, without sticli 
improvement, wh-ch would be the fact, as was 
conceded in the instance under consideration. 
In such cases the General Government acted 
in ti'ie new States not so much as a so>ei'ci>;n, as 
a great land oroprietor, who was bound to con- 
tribute to such improvemen's, as would en- 
hance the value of landed estati-s, by irapruv- 
ifg the means of intercotirse. But v/hile he 
iissented to the proposed donation of land to 
construct tne projected canal, there was another- 
ppovidon to which he co.uldtuot be recoticiltd, • 
and whfeh compelled hitf 'o vrte against St 



137 



ir.alead of making' t'le canal toll free to all of 
the citizens of the United States, the bill pro- 
pos^-d to g-ive to the State of JUinois the 
right of levying a toll for her own use, nut only 
on her own citizen3, hut on all others who 
misht use it, excepting only the United States 
whea transpoitint; ilie.r troops and pnivlic 
stores. He did not tlinik such a provis'on could 
be re; ncilcd either w tit principle, or poLcy. 
The public lands belong- to all tiie peoph" of tl>e 
Union, and Congress was out tlie tvusiee, liold- 
ili^ them for their common benefit, and could 
not, in his opinion, consistently with the. nature 
of Its trust, apply a poriion ot the conitntin 
fund to the construction of an iniport;inl 
wt.rk of the kind, io ue. when completed, not 
the property ofthi whoh, but that of a sinjcle 
state, cSus^ituting; a small portion of the whole 
people of the Union. it was con. p tent for 
the State of lliimis Io cut the canulat her own 
expense, but sureh', if, she shoidil ask the peo- 
ple of the Union to do it for her, out of a 
comnion fund, she oushi not to oijjcct to its be- 
ing free to the citizens of the other States par- 
ticidarly those as much interested in t!ie use of 
the work as herst If This was substi-.oi lally true 
of all of the Slates lying on the Mississipp , but 
more st.'iotly 30, of tie State of Miisouri. It 
would not in fiict be too much to ass.rt, that 
.she would be more interested in the cmal, t'l^n 
Illinois liei'se f, as great as was hev interest, ,\ 
large portion of the latter State would never use 
Jt in tlieirintercoursewlth thelaki 3, hut it ivould 
be the only cliiuintl hat would Oe used by iH 
of the people of Missouri, in tiieir intercourse 
'With tli'i e iidaiiu seas, n-hose commerce in 
tin>e must be so great. Thus thji.K...i<.. he 
entild not reconcile it to his conception of 
iSnly, regarding tne interest of all, to give 
his vote in its favor, containing as it did the 
provision under consideration. But he ducm- 
ed it his duty at the t'me to apprise tlie Sena- 
tins from Illinois. of liis objection. He antici- 
pated the vote would be close, and that the 
passage of the bill might depend on the dee.is- 
lon of the Chair. He infcrmed them, that he 
approved of the object of the bill, and ti.at he 
was desirous of recording his vote in its favor, 
sliould-ine .Senate be eq.ially divided, a-< was 
not i'Tipvobable; but with the ]>rovi.sious in it, 
to which he objected, he could not give it his 
sanction, aild reqneeted them, if agret»ihlc t;> 
their conc'.-piion of wlrat was proper, to amend 
the bill, in such a manner, that he might vote 
ft)r it, should ite passasj-e depend on the Cliair. 

Oil examiniitg tne resoludon of lire State of 11- 
ITnois, under which they acted, they did not 
feel at llheity 10 propose an amendment of the 
kind, and the Cliair was accordingly conipeiled, 
by an tq ral division of the Secate, to vute as 
it did 

Mr. C. s.aid he had nothing to,d".sguiie. Fie 
hsid never concealed a political .se iti.rem, and 
would hold himself in contempt were he capa- 
ble of so eOA'avdly a course. 

He cc.nchided by ask'Og pardon of the Se- 
nate, for occupying any pTiion of its time, 
but expressed a hope th;it they would find a 
justiflcation in the situati.-u in w!l?c-i he was 
placed, by the refe.-ence which hail lieen made 
«o his cour-se, on this subject, in the debate. 



THK WEBSTER BARGAIN'. 

It will lie recollected that it has been chargexl 
that Mr. Webster held a letter, whicli he and 
other federalists considered as a pledge, on the 
part of Mr. Adams, to bestow oflices on th-e 
federal party. It has also been said, that this 
letter contained certain alterations, (U' correc- 
tions, made in the haiuUvriting of M-- Adams 
himself Durng the las', summer, thi,- Kditor 
of the Na*i.'n.il F.dladiuu:, charge d tuut this 
letter was ohiaincd through the agency of Mr. 
John Baiiev, who is known as the confidential 
clerk of Mr. Adain.s. 

This statem^ :it w.ts made a siiort time before 
the New York Bl'Ctions; and Mr. Adams, then 
on his Wi«y f:-or,-. Rviston, aMihoiize<' Mr. Charlea 
King, the Ed-tor of tlie New York American^ 
to cnntrad ct the stateiijei't in the I'ali.idmm. 
Whet'-.er to the extent afterwards stated by- 
Mr. King, which we tmdei-stand to have been 
an uneq-iivocal denial in ail its paits, is Sneer- 
tain. The deni.d oTthe Anviriam was followed 
lip by a certificate of Mr. Biiiley. 

In rejdy to tlus st.itement of Mr. Bailey, an^ 
the denial in the A.nerican, it was stated that 
the Editor of the Pallaiilum was In en-or, ill 
sifpposing that Mr. Btiey had any agency in 
obt.ainmg the letter; that it was e.btained by 
Mr. Webster m person; that Mr. W. had spoken 
of the letter lo.ievei-al gentlemen; an. I Mr. *)Ic- 
L'uie, of 0(l.;WiU-e, Mr. Hopkmson and Mr 
Walsh, of Pivlath-lphia, Mr. Warfield, of .Mary- 
land, Mr. Stockl-n, of New Jt;r.sey, and Mr. 
Van Rensselaer, of New York, liave been named 
as uf that uwrr.ber. Xhe Editor of the New 
York Evening, Post, and tiie Kdilors o}' the 
Ricl.inoid Gnqu '-er, h;ive spoken in tnc most 
unequivocal ter-iis ot too 'Aistenee of the let- 
ter; and 'tr. Web.ster has been cluilenyed to 
deny the fact. Tile Post has said that, one of 
the most highly respectable men, told the Edi- 
tor that Mr. Webster, putting his bund upon 
his pocket and speaking of the pledge, said, 
"I have It, here, in bl.ick and «hite." Yet, 
Mr.. Webster, and all the other gentlemqji 
named, have lemained silent. 

A Mr. Wood, Who, it seems, has resided in 
New.Iersey, and has lately become the IVlitor 
'ff a p-jper m Buflaloo New York, has pub- 
lished whAl he charges to be an extract fro;n a 
letter writtvi by Mr. Stockton, who is since 
dead, in w'mch it is charged th^t Mr. Webstor 
exhibited the letter to him, in tlie presence of 
Mr. Hopkinson, at Bispham's, 7>enton, N. .1. 

An E,-?;trac) from 'IpIs statement was repub- 
lisbod in the New York Evening P!,st, in reply- 
to which, the fiUowin^ note, addressed to the 
editor, by the son of Mr. Stockton, Iras been 
poblisiied: 

(COPY.) 
PRi.vcEr":,-, Apt-lllllh, 1S23. 
To the Ef!lt</r of the N. Y. Eve.n-nsr PoH- 

Sii". — In your patjer of the 16th, there is an 
cxi.rs.ctfra-.li the ''Buffalo Republican," con- 
taining what is stated to be " an extract of a 
letter .'Vom Ur. Stockton, of Princeton." I 
take the liberty to inform you that I believe mv 
fstiier never wrote snch a letter, and that the 
extract in question .nusthe an entire tiibrication. 
It Is perhaps unneces^^ary for me to suy am 
thing more on that subject .at present. 
I am, vnur pb't and humble serv't, 

U. I-'. S'lOT'lCTOV 



IZ9 



t 



^\ 



The Is/a'ional Gaiette says, 

" In addition to tlie reasons already piven to 
shew that the letter alleged to have been writ- 
ten by Mr. Stockton is a mere fabrication, we 
have authority for saying, thai nil that part of it, 
■whicli details an inti-rvii ui betwc'n Mr. Stockton 
and Mr Hopkltison, at Bi^phum's, in Trenton, at 
which a certain letter was s^iewn, has not the least 
siiadow of finindatioi in truth. iVo such inter- 
view ever toot; place — no such letter was eetrshfjvii 
to Mr. StocUton in the presence of Mr. Hipkin- 
son; or, to his knowledge, at any ol/tcr iinie or 
pJaee." 

These statements are now seized upon by the 
administration papcro, ao pruof; of wli it? of the 
innocence of Mr. Adams!! ' These statements 
do not deny ilie existence of the letter, ch.>rgt-d 
fo have been in the po:.session of ilf. "ebster. 
They only deny the autiient'.c'.ty of the k-ttcr 
said to have been written by Mr. Stockton. It 
may be true, that Mr. StocVton slid not write 
the letter in question, and yet be equallj true, 
that Mr. Webster did obtain, and exiiibit to 



THE SIX MILITIAMEN. 

The policy of the present administration tenUs 
to encourage desertion, mutiny, and insubordi- 
nation in the army of the United States. The 
Richmond Enquirer, commenting on this sub- 
ject, says: 

" We have before us an extract from Colonel 
Jones' Report of December 51st last, exhibiting 
the " magnitude of this growing evil" of deser- 
tion. In the years 182j, 4, 5, and 6, there 
were 2183 desertions out of 8''i2t men who 
were enlisted — and the loss in money by deser- 
tion, is estimated by the Aiijutant General at 
S25J,95.3." 

Can that policy be a safe and patriotic one, 
which !e:.ds to buch results? But some of tiie 
friends of Mv^^srs. /'.dams and Clay, insist that 
there is a dflerence between regular soldiers 
and militia!! It is known, that the law has 
placid the militia, whuii called into service, 
un'Vr the saiiie ru'ts and regulations us regular 
sold'iei's, with the single exception, that the 
Conns Mart.al «lio pa;-.s sf ntcnce on them, are 
composed of mil'i. :■ officers. It is known, that 



Mr. Walsh, Mr. Ilopkiii.soii, Mr. Stockton, Mr. we r. ly on a w-U regiil.'ited militia, as the main 
iMcLane, and others, the k^ter which pt'.Jged bulwark of our natioiud defence. Let it once 



i 



be understood, th^t militia are not to be pun- 
ished for muliny, dcserlMm, or insubordination, 
aud reliance can no k>n,";er be placed in them 
for the purp:)ses of defence. Let it once be 
underslood, that mditia canntt be relied on for 
tlie national defence, and the old federal doc- 
trine, of a large standing army, will follow of 
course. Let a large standing army he intro- 
duced, and o.ir li!)erties will take wings and fly. 
Such is tlir )!olicy of the iVderal party, wiio now 
su[)port Mr. Adams. Let them once get the 
army, and all the ir fears of mjlitai-y chieftains will 
vanish. They will find some military chieftain 
of their own to subvert our liberties, and liivinfj 



s. 



Mr. Adams to bestow office on the fisderal p.ir- 
(y. The letter of "Mi: Stockton, ^s introduced 
as a collateral matter, rclati;ig to the main fact, 
and it will nt)t do for Mr. Uopkinson, Mr. 
Walsh and Mr. Webster, to reimn longer si- 
lent upon that point. Is not the fact, that tliey 
are all silent as to the main point, wiiilst Mr. 
Uopkinson testifies, and M:-. \\ al.th puldisiies 
his statement, contradicingan i.'.imiterial i.'isue, 
tlie strongest evidence of tlie tr.nh of the main 
charge? Is it to be supposed, that witnesses fio 
- ready to testify upon a collateral point, w.uld 
be sdent upon the main po;iit, if they could t- s- 
til'y truly in behalt of the same part)? Mr. 

Uopkinson, while he h;is asserted tliat no such corrupted the Senate, the overthrow of >nr Re- 
Ictter was shown to iMr Stockton in his pre- publican Institutions will follow as matter of 
sence or to his knowledge uX any other time course. Such has been the history of all ages, 
and place, has taken special care not to say, The objection to Gen. Jackson, is not that he is 
that no such letter was ever shown to himself, a '-.Militaiy Chieftain," but that he is not a Mili- 
It niay be true, tliat Mr. Uopkinson was not tary Chieftain on Me/j- side. Mr. Adams and his 
present when the letter was shown to .Mr. friends were willing, aye, more than willing, to 
\ St<?ckton, and therefore it may be true, that support him for Vice President. And iMr. Clay 
' such a letter was shown to Mr. Stockton, and had much stronger apprehensions thai the elec- 
vet untrue, that it was shown in the presence of tion of .VIr. Adams would ruin the country, than 
Mr. Uopkinson; and the readiness of tliat gen- he now pretends to have relative to Gen. Jack- 
tleman to create an impression, tjiai the- whole son. Let him but once see, th.at it will aid his 
statement is false, by certif) mg as to the imma- elevation, and he will be as ready to unite witii 
terial issue, while he is .silent as to his own "a .Military Chief" as he was to come to an un- 
knovvledge of the existence ot the lettei-, is one dersiaudmg w.ih Mr. Adams, 
of the strongest points m this case to prove tiiat But to our fii-si object. A typographical er- 
the main point is true — and we assert, tliat it is ror m part of ouredition, of the fifth number of 
capable of proof before any competent tribu- our Extra,has given us no small provocation,and 
nal who have power to co.iip.l-t.'ie aitcndance will be seize.! upon, no doubt, to produce an 
of witnesses, tlvit Mr. Webster has asserted, impression, thJit Col. I'ipkin, and the troops 
'that h ■ held siicli a letter. cO'I-et .'.Ir. Weljsier under his command, were called out into service 
ho rViaiife. and let Mr. Adams nomi.iate but for three months. 

Blount to Gen. Jackson, 
is dated, U.^ccmber 2-d, 1814, instead of De- 
cember 22d, 181i>. The most c;u-eless reader, 
by examining the article, wil! liiscover the error. 
Yet the businessof the Editorsin the p.ay of this 
Administration is to misrepresent. We expeqt 
this error of a single figure to be seized upon, 
for the purjiose of charging Gen. Jackson with 



deny the charge, and let Mr. Adams nomi.iate but for three months 
him to the Senate, so as to raise the question, The letter of Gov. 



and the fact will be proved.^^) 



A letter from arespectablegentlemanin Ken- 
'ucky remarks, that "Jackson's cause piospers 
in all directions; every base 
the fist of his friends." So be it. Kenlucky) 
■ ' ' ' leace, will 



iiluniny 
So be "it. k 
PatrVotic in war, and democratic in pe , ^ ., _ 

demonstrate to the world, that she is not trans- murder, alUiougii the next letter in order i.. 

r„-,hlp at the v.hiin and caprice of one of her dated January lllh, 1314. We will tli^nk our 

wil sons. brotherKditors to note this. _.-,^- 



U>J1TED STATES' TELEGRAFH— jtl 



lira. 



This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Klection, unci be piiblislied, weekl' 
until tlie 15tli of October next, for Out Dnlkir; subject to nef.spaiiur po4ta[,'-c, and no more- ' 

BY GEE EN fy JJIRVIS. 



VOL. I. 



Jt0CS£ OF IlErKrSEXTATITES, Aplil 0, ISJS. 

Expendilttres in the Deparlment of State. 

Mr. Blair, from the Committee on 
50 much of the Puljlic Accounts and 
lixpeniliturcs as relates to the State 
[leparttnent, made the following 

REPORT : 

TAe Committee on so muck nftht Vubi'ic. OrJiounU 
end Exptilditurn as rtia/es to the ,St(ite De- 
partment, arc required by the 75tU danding 
i:iile of the House, to in//uirc andrrport "ivIielA- 
■fc tfie expenditures of the Department are jus- 
ilfiedby low.- whrthir the claims, from time to 
lime, s.ilisfuj (Did discharged l/i/ the Deparl- 
ment, (ire supported liy sufficient rouehers, cs- 
tabtisliinq tlieir Justness, loth us to character 
nnd amount; ifttetlier any, and trhal, prcvi. 
S 'on3 are neccisary to tic adopted to provide more 
yiarfeelly for tlie pi-oper npplcnti(m ofthcpub- 
lie moneys, and to secure the Government from 
i/emands unjust in their character, or exlruv- 
'Oi^ant in titeir amount; v-hethcr any, and 
trhit, retrenclime.tt can tie made in the Depdrt- 
7.icnt, imthout detriment to the publie: service; 
vi.ether any, and what, abuses at any time 
rxist in tile failure to enfr.xc the payment of 
imnej/s which may be due to the United States 
from public dejaulla-s, or others; and to report, 
frwn time to time, nuck provisions as mai/ he 
necessary to addto economy of the Dtpartriicnt, 
turd the accountability of its oj/icen — in nbe- 
tlienceto which, thry report: 

That they proceeded to tlie d;sc!-.;irg-e of tbe 
uties assigned tliem, commencing- their invt^- 
fatioiis with th^ year 1835, as, on the 3d of 
ebruary, of tliat year, a'preceding committee 
id, in tlicirrcpoit to tlie House, embraced tlie 
isbiirsemeiv.s of the State Department, up to 
le 31st of December, 1824, and which is on 

e in the office of the clerk of the Mouse. 

rom reference to the appropriation laws, it will 
; seen that the e.xpenditures of the Depart- 
ent are specific and contingent. To the tii-sl, 
piisistini^ of the salaries of the Secretary and 
lerksofthe Department, and the patent of- 
:c, the committee have onlj inquired whether 
cy have been kept « ;thin tiie appropriatior. 
ts, which they find has been the case. The 
cond has more especially claimed the .atten- 
m of t!ie committee, which must, from 'ts n\- 
re, be (ii. its application) g-reailv at the dis- 
etior. of the Iltad of the Departm'ent. It coo- 
ts of the appropnation.s for the c-tpenditurcs 
the nepartment; for the- contin.5cnt expenses 
foreign intercourse; and the continffcut f. 
ns2s of all the raJ<;sio;;3 al^roai 



WASHINGTON, MAY 7, 1S2S. 



No. f 



Tor the expdiuiitures of the De- 
partment was appropiated 
in tlic year IS'JS, the sum of 

l"or tlie year 18:36, 

For the year 1827, 



5'?jr,550 Otf 
28,095 Ob. 
28,050 00 

r.Iatingr an aggregate of 'S81,695 00 

fcr the mntingcnl sxpenses of Foreign Intercourse. 

Tor 1825 §40,000 00 

1^26, 40,003 CO 

^82", .... 30,000 00 



Making an ayg-reg-ate of 5110,000 Of). 



Fur tiie con'ingenl erpnses of all the Miesivji: 
abroad. 

620,000 00 
3(1,000 O'J 
20,000 00 



la 1-S25, 
lS2t), 
182r, 



M-aklng-iii th^ wbole, 



f70,0'Jt> Oi.' 

The committee liavlnfj ascertained the suni« 
appropriated under the several heads before 
speci.'ied, addressed a letter to the Secretary of 
ht.ate", requestmg- to be furnisiied with a state- 
ment of the ilisKiirsemer.ts made out of llic fir.s; 
mentinned apprepriations, to whom ijnid, and 
for what services, with the voiicliers fn.- sucli, 
paynients; also, a s*:;lri;Knt of t'le (lisburst 
loents made out of either of the Ijiitcr :■I^^ro- 
pi'ialions; so far as tiiey liad betn expend, 
ed under his authority, and upon his vouch, 
cr. To which, on the ■ttlv iiista.nt, he re- 
turned his answer, accoiiipanied by the state- 
iiieirts \ and I'., toijetlier with 'the letters 
of the Register of the Treasury, the Fifth Au- 
ditor, aiid a letter addressedbv Mr. Adams, 
then Secretary of State, to the Committee on 
the Expenditiu-es of the State deprrfnieni 
d.".ted April the 18th. 1822, in explanation oi' 
the manner ot trans.icting the pecuniary con- 
cerns of the orTice, and which are annexed to 
this report. Statement A contains the dis- 
bursements of the State Departmes'it, e.xctpt 
for the printiivir and distribution of tl;e acta of • 
Con.i^-css, .from the 3:st December, 1K24, to 
tbelst of.Uiiuai-v, I82.S 15, the disburseme'nLs 
of the approprtations for the contingent ex- 
pet>ses of Foreign Intercourse, froifi the 4th of 
March, 1825, to tlie 31st December, 1827, dij;. 
tiiiguishin.^^ between those items which had 
been allowed upon the certific.ite of the Sec- 
rcUivy of State, from those 'Ji'hich had beci< 
Otherwise vouched. That no statement had' 
been lumished of the disbur.semcnts of tba 
apfiropriation for defraying- the contingent e.K 
penses of all the missions abroad; because it^ 
appeared, upon examination of the account"^ 
during- the period particularized by tiie com-- 
iDitto, tliat no i'.cmhiu-l bi--n all-.wcd •.vrr 



iyu 



fj'tte specml aijpvuval at ihe .SetiTeriry q'! State. 
In the letter of tlxe Register of the Treasuiy, of 
tbe 12th iitst., in answer to further inquu-ies 
tnade by the committee, it is stated that the ap- 

?iropriations for outfits, salaries, aud the con- 
injfent expenses of m:s£ions abroad, have been 
tinifotmly blended in one account, denominated 
Diplomatic Department, and tliat payment for 
these vanous objects had been as unifoi-mly 
made out of that general fund, without specifi- 
cation of object. In the same letter, it stated 
that the payment to John A King, Charge, &c. 
for salary and outfit, was made out of that fund; 
but tliat k had not been allowed upon the sole 
and exclusive voucher of the Secretary of State, 
Uut had been endorsed thus: " The Pres.dent 
approves the above charges, 32d December, 
1826. II. Clay." That, upon re-examination 
ff fne accounts, it liad been found that Ileaiifort 
'i". Watts, Charge des .\fFaires at Kogota, had 
been allowed, by the Chief Clerk, in the name 
of the Secretary, the sum of six huiidi-ed and 
iiftcen dollars for newspapers, postage, and let- 
ter carrier; which communication is also annex- 
ed to this report. 

Tlie Commhtee will first notice the accounts 
of the disbursements in statcmeut A, which are 
:iaidto be all the disbursements made of the ap- 
propriations for defraying the contingent ex- 
jieiises of tl)0 Department, from tlie 31st of 
December, lS2i, to the Itt of January, 182?', 
^except for the printing and distribution of the 
acts of Congress) which, for the same period, 
amounted to the sum of §38,243 35. The 
manner ill which those disbursements are m.a,le, 
will be seen from the statement itself, and tlie 
letter of tlie Secretary of St.:te to the Commit 
tee. AVilliam Brown, a clerk in the office, is 
allowed to receive sums in gross from the Trea- 
sury, upon requisitions ot the Secretary of 
State, v/hich are deiioVited by him in the office 
of the Hank of the Caited States, within this 
District, upon which, from time to time, he 
draws from the current expenses of the De- 
partment. The check upon him is, (it is s;ud) 
that, after making his quarterly disbursements, 
Snaccoimt thereof is foi'nislied tV.e Secretary of 
State, who writes liis approval, which is under- 
stood to be an approval of the objects only, but 
not as dispensing with the exhibition of vouch- 
trs, in any instance, except where, from the 
nature of the expenditure, it is impracticable to 
produce them ; in which case the propriety of 
the charges is judged of, and decided by the 
Jlead of the Dep.-.nment. As the head of the 
Department only approves the object of ex- 
penditure, without reference to the value of the 
articles purch.ised, or services performed, the 
committee were led to examine into the 
means afforded the Auditor in deciding upon 
the justness of the variety of claims discharged 
by the agent. The vouchers submitted to liim 
are nothing more, in tlie genertl, than an un- 
corroborated statement sf account, with the re- 
ceipt of the claimant to Mr. Brown, as agent 
for the State Dcpiutment. — The statement A, 
ihoWfl^nol as full as some of the origin.als in the 
liegister's Office, from whence they are taken 
may, to a very great extent, be said to furnish 
as ample means of ascertaining the correctness 
of the claims, as the origin.al vouchers in the 
Kegister's Office. Hence, they conclude, that 
^i 10 Arm. it is.trje-, that 'he disbuKerac-nts of 



the Ajjent are^iljoiitted to tiie hihh Autiitbr 
for adjustment ; but, it is also true, that, froni^ 
all the eridence furnished him, (of which the 
Committee can have any knowledge, ) the al- 
most endless variety of articles and services for 
which compensation had been made, may not 
yet have been delivered or performed , and, 
if they were, at extnavagant prices, without re- 
ference to their intrinsic >alue. The Commit- 
tee are of opinion, th.at some higher standard 
than the judgment or discretion of a clerk in 
the office, (liowever virtuous and intelligent) 
sliould have been proviaed for testing the ade- 
quacy of compensations involving the payment 
of so large an amount of the public money. 

The Committee have found it impossible for 
them to enter into a critical examination of the 
justness of the multiplied items In that account; 
many of them made out without such specifica- 
tion of the extent of services, as to enable the 
Committee to fo."m any opitiion of the adequacy 
of the compensation; and which (if practicable) 
would consume more time than the Committee 
could promise to devote to it, consistently with 
their other duties. They have so far analyzed 
the account in statement A, as to ascertain that 
the following amounts were disbursed by the 
agent for the purposes there stated. 

For ej:tra clerk hire in copying and Map tracing, 

Iilthevearl825, - - § 2,552 "0 
do 1826, - - 7,561 00 



du 



Total, 



1827, 



Extra Printing. 



lo the year 1825, 
do 1826, 
do 1827, 



Tot-al. 
Which is exclusive of the sum of 
S 550, which in said statement is 
blended with stationary; part of 
which, Is for printing, ;wid the re- 
sidue stationary, hence, the ccni- 
mittee were unable lo sever the 
respective amounts; which sum, 
if added to the above, would 
amount to 



3,597 45 
513,71124 



2,488 35 
1,784 81 
1,036 30 

$ 5,309 4.' 



5,859 4. 



iiir Statnnury. 



In the year 1825, 
do- 1826, 
do 1827, 



$ 1,304 36 
2,058 42 
1,988 28 



Total, 


$5,351 06 


It'cwspapers. 




Ill the year 1825, 
do 1836, 
do 1827, 


370 69 

608 47 
444 OU 



Total, S 1,423 16 

For Boiik and Ncu:ipafi.r Binding. 

In the year 1825, - - 70 76 

do 1326, - - 829 23 

do 182' - - 1,431 75 



Total, 



331 7'- 



lur 



j'osiage en letters la Akssys. £i^nt, and 'ITwrn- 
ion, fsaid to ba on pul'lic business. J 
In the year 1825, - - S3 05 

do 1826, - - 146 55 

do 1827, - - 94 30 



Tolal, - - - S 293 90 

For Carpenter's and Cabinet work. 

Tn the year 1825, - - 1,382 Sr 

do 1826, - - 609 88 

do 182r, - - 1,659 36 



ToJal, ' - - - 5 3,602 12 

MiaceJlaneous work, suc7» as painting, plastering, 
frriuiu-ati?ig public ground, brick-laying, iic. 
and materials. 

In the year 1825, - - 2,r79 80 

do 1826, ■ - 1,102 °7 

do 1827, - - 1,831 25 



Total, - . - $ 5,714 02 

The Comnnittee have not carried out the resi- 
ilue of the accounts in said statement, inasmuch 
as tliey are so various in their character, that 
they would not fall under general heads, nor in- 
deed would they he susceptible of classifica- 
tion under any one head in the general esti- 
mates furnished by the Secretary of State, upon 
which the appropriations were founded. Such 
are the charges of 1250 for the portrait of 
■Washing-ton, and S19 for a medal, and f 13 for 
a prmt of the Presidt-nt of the United States, 
which, though of inconsiderable amount, never- 
theless involve principle to as sTeat an extent 
as would a larger amount. If the Head of a 
Department can (consistently with pr'jiciple) 
apply the contingent funds appropriated for 
the current expenses of his office to such ob- 
jects, the committee can sec no limit to his dis- 
cretion, save that of the fund at his disposal ; 
\vtuch, if sufficiently ample, he might apply to 
the erection of a monument on the public 
ground, to perpetuate the memory of whomso 
ever he might think proper. 

The Committee likewise would remark up- 
qn the compensation to Thomas Miller and 
Thomas M. Bailey, who were severally employ- 
ed by the Secretary of state i Miller to Acco- 
;rnac, Virginia, 8140 for nine days' services ; 
Bailey for twice travelling from the same place 
to Washington, and returning; for the first 
trip he was paid *2S4 40 ; for the second, 
$370 20, without specification of time. They 
assume the data furnishcti in the case of Mr. 
Miller .as being the criterion by which to judge 
of the justice of the compensation in each. In 
hat case the compensation is stated at $3 per 
lay, making $73 ; and the remaining S68 is 
jiven for his expenses, of a journey which the 
Committee believe does not exceed the distance 
if two hundred miles. At that rate of allowance, 
he daily compensation and expenses would 
all but little short of $ 16, which the commit- 
ee believe tohe extravagant. They find in the 
tatementj charges for carpeting purchased for 
he office,' during the period embraced in their 
iquiries, and for making and laying them, near 
]e sum of five hundred dollars, which is not 
icluded in either of the specifications which 
ley have made in this report . 
1 he coniniittes have seen with surprise that. 



whilst tlie apjvrof>rii.tions hLve increaied fo/ 
the three last years, that the disbui-sements of 
the Department have, fortha same time, great- 
ly exceeded the annual appropriations, wliicl-. 
wUl be seen from comparing the statement foi'- 
nished the committee by the Uegisterof the 
Treasury with the amount of appropriations, 
(exclusive of those for printing and distribut- 
ing the lawsof Cnngre.ss,) and which statement 
or summary the committee annex to this report, 
and, for its better identification, they desig- 
nate it by the letter D That statement e.'c^ 
hibits only an excess of expenditure (exclusive 
of publishing and distributiim of the laws) for 
the years 1825, '6, and '7, of the sum of $ 10,- 
600 doll.ars, tlie aniount of the unexpended bal- 
ance at the close of the year 1324. 

From reference to tlie statement A. it will be 
seen that the actual expenditures of the Depart- 
ment (exclusive of printing and publishing the 
laws) in fact amount to the sum of $52,359 75, 
instead of f 44, 805, as stated in statement D; 
making an additional excess of expenditure, 
over the unexpended balance of 1824, and thu 
annual appropri,ations, of the sum of $7,554 75. 
That excess, the Committee apprehend, ha'', 
been met by the fees received from tlie I'a 
tent Ofiice, and the unexpended balance of 
the appropriations made for printing antl 
disti'ibution of the laws; which they find iu 
the same statement, amounted, on the 31st 
of December, 1824, to the sum of J5,556. 
and on the close of the year 1827, to tlie sum of 
S 7,558; being at that time, about equal to the 
excess of expenditure before stated. 

The committee, upon contrasting the espen- 
tiires of the State Department for the tliree last 
j'ears, with those years which preceded them, 
cannot (consistently with that economy which 
shoLld be exercised in t!;e disbursement ot 
public money) account for the increased expen- 
diture. From the statement annexed to the 
report of the former committee, made to the 
Uouse in the ses.sion of 1824—5 the expendi- 
ture of tlie Department for those )ears amount- 
ed to the-sum of J35,311 IS, averaging some- 
thing more than $17,000 per annum ; when 
the expenditures for each of the I'ears cm- 
braced in the inquiries of tlie committee, wil! 
average more than $32,000. 

The committee have viewed the appropria- 
tions for the current expenses of tiie Depart-- 
ment as being strictly contingent, which, 
though technically true, cannot be so in point 
of fact. However indoiinite the apjiropriation 
laws may be, they are predicated upon an esti- 
mate furnished by the Secretary of State, spe- 
cifying the various objects to which there is ft 
necessity for the appropriation of public money; 
which estimate, owing to the faith reposed in the 
public officer, founded upon his experimental 
knowledge of the necessities »f the Depart - 
ment, is received as the basis on wliicK 
such appropriations are made. Hence an 
unlimited exercise of discretion carmot be 
assumed in the after disbui-sements of the 
money, in, disregard of the enumeration which 
he has made of the objects, without vio- 
lating that faith which •..•as reijosed in his esti- 
mate. The committee, from that consideration, 
have adverted to the estimates presented for 
each of the years to which ihevhave extended 
their Inquiries, as to the sum necessary to nic;*. 



li)z 



Jie L,ujijiUj,LLs tiic piiiia4a)£.U' t«r tsjl'.a Ore eioitfciu'tc t/ir»«^r tjB Bjate ajjy rcyiinmeii- 
t:\tvk h'lfe, which they find lias uniformly been dalion the?erm. 

$1,000 — tlJat sura for the three years would The committee beg leave to add, that, frojfi 
amount to S3, 000; when, in fact, tliere was es- the document A, it appears that the sum of 
pended, during that period, more than fear Jl?7 was paid to Peter Force, otit of the con- 
tiaies that amount. Thider.'he act of 20th, ting-ent fund of the Department, for publisiiinj; 
,\pril, 1818, (which rej^ulated tiie amount of pmoiamations of Indian treit:o9, when, from a 
tho specific appropriation for the clerks of the reference to tHe act of Cougress of May, IftJfi, 
IJepartment,) there was appropriated for the it v/ill appear thai the publication of such trea- 
vaars 1823 and '26, each, the sum of §15,000 ties are czpre«ly coiifined to one paper, and 
Jcr clerks Bv the act of the 2d of March, that to be within the limits of the State or Tej' 
JiH7, there was an l^:ldition of $4,400 made to ritory to which the subject-matter cf sacb trea- 
the former appropriation; ir.aking the sum of ty shall belong 

^■20,300 for that year; notwithstanding which, They are of opinion, from the best informa- 
Ulere was expended of the contins^nt fund for tion w'lich they can obtain, that the distributioi: 
extra cleric hire, more than f 1,000 over the ex- can still be made through the Post Office Dc 
pfnditure of 1825, for the same object. pariment, without detriment to the public ser- 

Tho committee are unnble to say whether vice, certainly by the mad contractors, for a 
ijbe mectianioal aiiJ. other labor, and materials very triPing' amount, coinparcd with that ol 
iurnislied, cnnstitutintj so larg'e an item in tlieir private asreuts, as now practised. They, there- 
*pmier cl:i6sific;ition, v.'ere necessiiry, and, if ai, fore, recommend the expi-diency of withhold- 
were performed and furnished at their equitable in;^ the appropriation of $3,500 from futurt 
t.alue, as it was imposkible for them to traverse acts, and tliat said distribution be made throujt; 
^0 wide a field in their investij^ations; but this the ag-ency of the Postmaster Cleneitil. 
they will say, tliat, if such expenditure was The Committee have been induced to en:t 
^'all'ed for, instead of resoi-t being had for nine mine the hbrary of the State Department, fron 
thousand dollars to the contingent fuad, an ap- havln» st'e« a standinfj annual estimate q 
aropriatiuii shotdd have been made by Corgress JJ.OOilper annum for the purchase of bcok< 
fbi' these objects, and the precaution used of' It embraces the statutes, compilations, and di 
disbursing It under the superintendent of the gestsoftlie Law.^ of the United States and q 
Ittiblicbniklinsjs, rather than the discretion of a the several States and Territories, Foreign Sta 
rterSc who, in the nature of things, must have tutes and Digests, National I.aw, Common 
ijeen mcu'e incompetent to the taste than one 
stilled in mechanics. The committee can re- 
•'iomroeml no mode better calculated to pro- 
mote econetny in the disbui'senn'iits of the De- 
jiartinent, than (Where practicable) to specify. 



Civil, and Municipal La'>', and Itcports thereat 
TrtatieK, Conventioiw, and Histories of Negr 
tialioivs. Journals and Histories of Legislativ 
Bodies, and Sbite Papers; Scientific Cieographj 
A'oyages and Travels, History, B-i'igrai).i) 



in thb app:-opriation bv.'s, the several objects to,. Medicine, Chemistry, and .Vnntomy, Statistic 

yhich sjich appropr:ati..'ua simil be applied — Political Kconojny, See; Miscellaneous, wit' 

leaving aa little :c pusjsible to the discretion of tlie Magazines, Review S, Newspapers, and Pul 

theomcer. Th;it all the objects of txpcndi- lie Journals of the States, as well as foreie 

,ure could be foreseen, so as to be provided for, countries; Atlasses, Maps, Charts, &c. Tl' 

Is not to be e.vpected; .allowance must ever be ('ommitiee can discover no necessity for so e 

:irade fi>r unforeseen cases; but the committee tensive a library in that Department; embracit 

ars of opinion, that much greater precaution works which cannot pofsibly be required in tl 

!j')uld be used th;ui has liitlicrto ch.aracterlzed discharge of ofiicial duties, ar;d which iiivol 

tile le^i.datitm of Congress on that subject. so much expense, without being called into ns 

Thecommittee liave lierj^n before stattd,that They are induced to recommend the exp 

tK-e aitiount appropriated lor the printing and diency of withholding that appropriation, (tc 

distribirtion of the laws of Congress, for the great extent, ! in future, from the following ct 

•.'ears before stated, amounted to the sum of sidei-aiions: 1st. Tlie inuiilliy of very many 

)f47,500, which, with J«5,558; the f.nexpended tliese books; 2d, That ace. ss to the Library 

balance of former j'eius, amounted to the sura Co.ngrc-^ could be afforded to each of the 
<lf #55,058. 



Qf tb.at sum wscB exp^nded fur 
these objects, in the jear 
1(325, - - - 511,500 

In ie-2&, • ' 16,500 

IftlB^r, ■■ 17,300 

.$45,300 
i.^aving tme.\pended of that fund, on the 31st 
of December, 1827, tiic sum of ^7,558. Tl'e 
expenditure of those apprupriatiuhs, and iil- 
deed, for printing generally, are at the discre- 
lion of the head ot the Dep.artmeiit, except so statement, cicnorainatcd K: which, with ana 
f;lf as there Is a limitation fjxod by the third diipidement attached to it, purports to be a 
section of the .act of 1818, upon that ihscretion, expose of the disbursements made of the 
ill regi.rd to the cornpeiLsatiou of the proprie- .propriations for the contingent expense; 
lurs of newspapers in which the laws, resold- I'oreign Intercourse, from the 4th of Ma 
lions, &;c. shall be puldislie:!. As this subject 1825, to the 31st December, 1827; distingi 
Via so fully discussed in the House dining tlie ing-, in d'tfiererent columns, between the it 
r.vlj f'..)'r!>T>'i-s, av ! r;-. .s" be s-Mveriii!i:".:'r*tocxl, which hat! b-'ien aViOV/Cw uitder thr' aufh' 



ficers of the Government, for such books 
might be desired, and which were not neces 
ry to iupart information in the discharge of 
ficial duties; such as Law, Uledicine, Chen 
try, .Anatomy, Mi-scelianeous, &c. Sd, Fr 
tlie tact that a Librarian, at the ar.mi.al salarj 
$1,400, appears now to be incompiteut 
make out tho catalogue of so extensive a lil 
vv, without employing assistants, at ;in ;xpe 
off 90 to the Government, as appears from 
statement A, hereto annexed. 

The Committee will now notice the sec 



jiid upon Uie voucUer ai' tUe Secrelai-y of Stiitc, . 
from those which had been otherwise vonched. 
It appears, from llic exhibit U, that, on the 31st 
of December, lb2-i, there w;is, of the appro- 
priations to that object, an unexpended balance 
t)f ;^17,306 39; which, v,-ith the sinn of §113 6<i, 
repaid into the Treasury during the years 1S25, 
'6, and T, will, uhen added to the'amouiit of 
tlie annual apprfpriations, as herein before 
stated, amount, in the ohole, to the sum of 

$127,420 05 
Of which sum was expended — 

Ih (he year 1825, - . 25,572 68 
183d, - ; 18,633 00 
1827, - , 36,358 63 



Total, 



580,567 97 



Leaving an Unesp^ided h;d- 
aoce, oo tlio 31st ikij of De- 
cember last, of ?4fi,8S3 08 

Fram the tact Uiat to the Committee on I'ub- 
;ic Expenditures, and tlie Select Comraittce on 
Retrenchment, belong more properly the coa- 
jidcration of most nf the subjects gruwir^ out 
of that disbui'sement, your Committee have on- 
ly noticed such parts thereof as fall within the 
liffitimate scope of their inquiries. They have 
ascertained that, for the years 1825, '6, ar,d '7, 
there was paid out of that fund, for extra clerk 
hire, the sum of $l,i>.7l 78, which, with the 
3iim of iJlS.ril 24, expended for that purpose, 
<rf" the continjjent fund of tlie State Department 
M-itlim the same period, an'ounts. in the whole, 
to the sum of 515,683 02 ; a sura nearly equal 
to one-third of the amuu.rt annually appropri- 
ated for the w-hole clerks of the Department and 
Patent Office. The committee are (^fopmiontliat 
<he compeiKsatisn to each clerk erajjloyed in the 
Department ( whether for {general or special pur- 
poses.J properly devolves upon the appropria- 
tions for theUep.artmeut, and ought to he paid 
out of that fund, if for no other reason tfian that 
the disbursements would be more 3in>file, less 
difficult to understand, and rot so liable to 
:ibuse. 

The Committee have al&a extracted from the 
said statement, the amount paid out of that 
fund for extra printing-, during; the same jieriod, 
which Ihyfind amoimtsto ihesum of 12,967 52 
$2,455 33, of which amour.t, was for publish- 
ing notice to the St. Dnniingo exiles. 

T'.'ey also find, that, of tlie sum hereinbefore 
stated to have been jiaid for printinj;-, out of 
the contingent appropriations for the State De- 
l>epaitment, gl,205 00 was for the same ob- 
ject ; making taccoi'dlr^ to those statements) 
Oie sum of Jo,C60 7^2, ^laid for the ptiblicatimi 
«f that notice, out of the different appropria- 
tions before specified. The Committee arc un- 
able to perceive why, for the same services, 
.Tisbursements have been made out of both 
<liose funds. Surely, the appropriations for the 
j'o.itingent expenses of the Department, and 
«hat of foreign intercourse, are dissimilar in 
their characters, and could not have been in- 
tendetl by Congress to be thus blended. The 
committee will not particularize the pei-sons em- 
ployed to publish that notice, or the amount:; 
paid; as the respective sccounLs are aiiiiexcLC 
to this report, to which reference can be had 
for tli.1t purpose. Tliey &ill here repeat wliat 
't'ev h.T-e •i'-i'itl on tlip ci'liVr'-* nf nri'T^'ntr. in tlip 



first slateiueiil: that the tiUDpeiisaiiou litf Uia.i 
ser\ice is esclusively at the discretion of tlit 
He.ad of the Department; and the Hoase will bfc 
better enabled to judge of the expediency olj' 
regulating by law that compensaliou, tliaji the 
committee. From the Statement B, it will be 
seen, that f 16,304 92 of the appropriations fot 
the contingent cxpetases of foreign intercourse^ 
has been expended upon the certificate of the 
Secretary of State; the greater part whereof liaSi 
been paid to the bearers of despatches. Th>i 
oo:iimittce have no means of ascertamiivg the 
necessity for employing special agents, to tire 
extent practised, that must, necessarily, be re,- 
ferred to the di.'icretioii of the Head of the De'- 
partment; and the greatest security against the 
niis-applicitioa of that fund \7ill be found in 
hfs intejyrity They as-e unable to say, b\' 
what rule the Secretary of Stata determine?' 
Qpon the amount of expenses incident upoji 
such agencies, which (in the case of John 
Mason, jr.) more tlian doubles the anwmn'; 
of daily compensation. In that account there 
is an item of $278 for hire of a coach fW)n\ 
MexiCO to Vera Cruz; al.su, expenses from. 
Mexico to Vera Cruz, including two days dt. 
tention at the latter place, $78; niaking $"5B\ 
for carriage hire and expenses. 

In the account of Theodore W. Clay, 
allowance is made for carriage hire, 
from Mexico to Vera Cruz, - > ^fS 00 

Expenses to ditto, - - - £3 2.5 

Total, §98 25 
Making a difference. In charge, for the sAme 
distance, and travelling in the lite raanuex, ef 
§258, in favor of Mr. Mason. 

They 6nd, in the same statement^ fho sum cf 
SI, 940 paid to .lohn II. Pleasants, for beaiinji- 
despatclu-s to Buenos Ayres and Uto Janeiro^, 
aad his expenses. That Mr. Pleasants was em. 
ployed by the Secretary of State to i/eaforii; 
that swyice, and did set out on his journey, the-' 
Committee believe to be true; but that he pc\-. 
formed the journey particularized on his ar. 
coiunt, and for which he was paid, *licy believe 
to be untrue. Whether prevented by indispo 
silion or otherwise, from performing the ser- 
vice; the Committee are of opinion the fact:^ 
should have been stated, and the recoi-dg of the 
country been made to prove the services (c't; 
which the public money was disbursed. As 
the case now stimds, they are furnished with no 
means of determining upon the adequacy of the' 
compcns;\tion paid. All tliey can say, from tlifv 
evidence fiirnished from the statement B, iX 
that the saitl John H. Pleasants was not entitle^ 
to compensation for bearing despatches tq 
Buenos Ayres and Rio Janeiro, as stated in hiJ 
account. They recommend to the House the 
propriety of (ixing by law the compensation st 
Special Agvnts, on such basis as wDuld do jus-, 
tice to them, and exempt the Government frcrm 
impositions. In the same statement, they dii-' 
cover an item of 200 dollars piud, upon tile 
certificate of tlie Secretary of State, to AV.' 
Prentiss, for his expenses in delivering a box oV 
books to the Governor of Mai:>e. The voach.- 
ers furnish no evidence of the description ai 
books, or of their quantity, so as to enable tht; 
Committee to judge of the justness of the com- 
pens-ation, or of the fund out of which it Siioidd' 
l,..,vr. K.,r-n i):lir! T'hev wer' irrirrrii-d 8t X^"- 



304 



liegister's office of the Treasury, that they 
were the Acts, Journals, or Documents of Con- 
gress. It' so, such claim was not chargeable 
tipen the conting'ent fund for foreign inter- 
course, but upon the current expenses of the 
Department, and should have been supported 
by proper vouchers. 

The Committee will now advert to the ap- 
propriatiops " for di-frayinp; the crrting'ent ex- 
penses of all the mission^abroad;" for the dis- 
bursement of which, no statement has been fur- 
nished them, because it appeared, on examina- 
tion, tliat no disbursements of that apj.»ropria- 
tion had been made upon the certificate of tile 
Secretary of State, save the cases of John A. 
King, CharE^e des Affaires at London, and licau- 
fort T. Watti, Char^je des AfJa;rt-s at Bogota, 
mentioned m the letter of the Register of the 
Treasury, annexed to this report. The atten- 
tion of the Committee has been directed to the 
former case, because it was brcu?jht before the 
last Cona:res<;, by a member of this committee. 



al services and expenses; with this proviso, that, 
it shall be lawful for the President of the United 
States to allow to a Minister Plenipotentiary, or 
Charges des Afi'aires, on going from the United 
States to any foreign country, an outfit, which 
shall in no case exceed one full years' salary of 
sucli Minister or Charge des Affaires." The 
second sec ion enacts, "that to entitle any 
Charge des Affaires, or Secretarj' of any Lega- 
tion, or embassy to any foreign country", or Se- 
cretary of any Minister Plenipotentiary, to the 
compensation therein before provided, they 
shall respectively be appointed by the Presi- 
dent of the U States, by and with the advice 
and cons'-nt of the Senate; but, in the reeess of 
the Senate, the President is hereby autiiorized 
to make such appointment, which shall be 
submitted to tlie Senate at the next session 
thereafter, for their advice and consent; and no 
compensation shall be allowed to any Charge 
dfs Affairs, or any of the Secretaries hereinbe- 
fore described, who shall not have been ap 



and has since been a subject on which much pointed as aforesaid." 
lias been said in the House. The whole The Committee are of opinion that, undev 
amount of that claim is S5,2o8 15, and is stated the provisions of the b, fore recited law, the ap- 
tbus.- ■ pointment of a Charge des Affairs can only be 

■" John A. King, Charge des Affaires at Lon- made by tlie President of the United 'States, by 
ckn, for his salary from the 1st of July, 18.7(;, and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
the day on which his duties commenced, to tlie (if in session;) if not, then, to be nominated to 
"1st of AuR-ust following, when they tcrmi- the Senate at the next session thereafter, for 
nated, sixty-two days, at <4,51!e per annum, • their advice and consent. The compensation, 

?758 15 when thus appointed, cannot exceed four thnu- 

For amount of his outfit, equal to sand five hundred dollars per annum, " for all 

one years salarv-j ... - - 4,500 00 his personal services and expenses," with this 

— ■ — exception, " that on going from the United 

55,258 15 States to a foreign countni-," the President of 
the United States, at his discretion, (which dis- 
cretion can only be exercised when the apiiro- 
priation is made,) may allow an outfit, wnich 
shall in no case exceed the amount of one 



Endorsed thus; " The Ppesident approves 
the above charges, 32d December, 1826. 

H. CLAY." 

John A. King had been appointed Secretary years salary. In the case now under considera- 
of Legation to Eufus King, Minister to the tion, Mr. King was not appointed by the Pre- 
CourtofSt.James,inlS26,bythePiesident,Mith sidentofthe United States with, or without the 
the advice of the Senate, proceeded with the consent of the Senate, nor had he "srone trom 



Minister to tht.t Court, and, after the President 
had been notified by Mr. King of his intention 
to return, and after his successor had been ap- 
pointed, and was on his way to relieve him, the 
Minister retired from tiie Court, leaving the 
said John A'. King in charge of the Legation, 



the United States to a foreign country," as 
Charge des -Affairs, but was, at the time of the 
appointment being conferred on him by theMin- 
ister, the acting Secretary of Legation, and in 
the pay of his government as such. The com- 
mittee will not controvert, (upon the death or 



for the period of sixty-two days, for which, the absence of the Minister) tlie necessity of 

beforementloned compensation was allowed, the Secretarv' of Legation taking charge of 

The payment of this claim, (in the opinion of tlie archives, and transacting the ordiitary 

the Committee,) was not authorized' by law,' business of the Leg:Uion ; nor would they 

nor was it of that description of claims, which be tenacious of the title conferred by such 

were designated to be paid out of the contin- contingent agency; but they do deny the right 

gent fund. They have iieces-sarily adverted to to conipensate for such appointment, when for- 

the act of Congress, fixing the compensation of bidden by the plain and direct provisions of the. 

public Ministers, in the .acts of 1810, chap. 61, act of Congress before recited, more especially 

sections 1 and 3, and which is in the following v/hen no appropriation had been made therefor, 

words "That the Presidei>t of the United and when Congress was in session at the time 

States shall not allow to any Minister Plenipo- the allowance was made to Mr. King out of the 

tentiary, a greater sum, than at the rate of 9,000 contingent fund; which fund, (in the opinion 

dollars per annum, as a compensation for all of the committee; was not subject to the pay- 

his personal services and expences; nor to any ment of salaries and outfits of Ministers and 

Charge des Affaires, a greater sum than at the Charges — their compensations^ being specific 

rate of four llviusancl rive hundred dollars per subjects of appropriation. If thc_ committee 

annum, as a compen<.ation for all his personal be correct in their construction of the law, a 

services and expenses; nor to the Secretary of long series of departure from its provisions can- 

aliy Legation or Embassy to any foreign coun- not justify tlie act of usurpation, but, on the 

trv-, or Secretary to anv Minister Plenipoten- contrarj-, calls more loudly for a strict compli- 

tiary, a greater "sum tluin at the rate of $2,000 ance witli them. . The committee discai-d pre- 

per annum, aii a eompensation for f.U his person- cedents mwie in violat'ron cf law, because tisnr 



^ontion to-day, may (ai:d ii-equenliy does) .be- 
come precedent to-morrow. They can recom- 
mend no rule whicli promises more safety than 
frequently to inquire into delegated power . 
compare the act (lone with the authority for 
doing it; and, in that way, circumi>cribe tlie 
agents of the Government (without respect to 
grade) to the limits of their authority- 

The Committee, from inspection of the re- 
cords and accounts of the Treasury Depart- 
ment, have ascertained tli:^ much, if not tiie 
greater part of the annual appropriation for the 
contingtnt expenses of all the missions abroad, 
has been disbursed for the contingent expenses 
of Ministers and Charges abroad; some of which 
have been settled, and others remain unset- 
tled. They have called for, and obtiiined an 
abstract of the 'accounts settled for the year 
1825, as for that year a greater poi-tion of the 
accounts have been settled at the Department 
than for suosequent years, which statement 
Ihey annex to this report, and mark G. The 
committee will again advert to the before re- 
cited act of Congress, in order to show ti;at 
wliatiiver m.ay have been the causes which su- 
perinduced the practice of defraying the ex- 
penses of Ministers abroad out of this land, that 
such practice is without legal sanction, and can 
only be supported by construction. That pari 
of the act aforesaid which provides Cor compen- 
-.ation, is, "th.it the President of the United 
States shall not allow to any Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary a greater stun than at the rate of nine 
thousand dollars per annum, as a compensation 
for all his personal services and expenses." — 
The Commi'tee believe, that it was the inten- 
tion of Congress to fix, in the act of 1810, the 
salaries of Ministers and Charges des Affaires, 
so tliat nothmg sliould thereafter be left to dis- 
cretion ; else, why use the strong language 
"for all his personal services and expenses'" 
ii' it was intended only to regulate tlie compen- 
sation for personal expenses, as contradistin- 
guished from official, wliy not provide for such 
'Expenses aswere not included in the salary? — 
They are of opinion that eighteen thousand dol- 
lars per annum to a Minister, and nine thousand 
dollars to a Charge des Affaires, are amply suf- 
ficient to cover all the expenses contingent up- 
on such missions. If in this they are mis- 
taken, still, it must be conceded that direct 
legislation upon the increase of salary, is pre- 
ferable to the present practice; whicli leaves 
to the discretion of the Department, the 
extent to which allowances shall be made, and 
which, necessarily, must depend upon the na- 
ked memorandum furnished by the Secretary 
of Legation. Bcheving- that the appropriation 
for defravingthe contingent expenses of all tlie 
Missions abroad has been expended at the dis- 
cretion of the Department, and without the 
.authority of law, other llian the appropriation 
acts, the Committee reconimemlj in future, 
'withholding tiiat appropriation; but if, in the 
opinion of the House, the salaries allowed by 
the act aforesaid are insufficient to cover all ex- 
penses, then, and in that case, to make such 
specific additions as shall be deemed amply 
sufficient. 

DuP-inTMEST OF SxiTE, 

Washington ilk March, 1828. 
'il»n. .TonK Bl\iii, Chairman, &e. 
"V.n: I have the honor to acknowledge tlie 



receipt, on the tjth ult. of your kiter, beariiii;' 
date on the 4th, as Chairm.an of the Committee 
on so much of the Public Accounts and Expcii- 
ditures as relates to tlic State Depai'tment; and, 
also, on the 7lh of the same month, your letter 
of the 5lh. By the former, the Committee re- 
quest to be furnished, first, " with a statement 
of the incidental and contingent disbursements 
of thib office; shov/ing therein the respective 
sums paid, to whom, and for what service3,'witli 
the vouchers for such payments." And, secondly, 
" a statement showing the disbursements made 
out of either of the appropriations for the contin^ 
g.;nt expenses of ;dl missions abroad," and " for 
the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse," 
sofar'as either of these appropriations have 
been expended under the authority of the Se- 
cretary of State, and upon his voucher, for the 
use of that Department;" leaving it to my dis- 
cretian whetlier X would recur, or not, to a pe- 
riod beyond the commencement of my service 
in the Department of State. In your secomi 
letter, you state that the Committee on the Ex- 
penditures of the State Department, having cs^ 
amined the accounts of the Departmertt, and 
reported up to the year 1824, inclusive, it wi!! 
not be necessary that the statements previously 
required by you, should embrace any perioC 
prior to the commencement of the year 1825. 

Incompliance with the request of the Com- 
mittee, I transmit, herewith, a statement of the 
contingent expenses of the Department of State, 
from tlie 1st d.\v of January, 1825, to the;!lsC 
December, 1827, marked A. The account has 
been settled by the proper officers of the Trea- 
sury, for the v.'hole period. The vouchers sap- 
porting the various charges in the account, af- 
ter having been examined and scrutinized by 
the proper Auditor, have been passed to the 
Register of tlie Treasury, in whose office they 
now remain on file. A copy of every one of 
tjiem would occupy much space, and require 
considerable time to prepare it. Mr. Bren'j 
the first cierk in the Department, having un- 
derstood iVoiii you that it would not be wanted, 
it is not, therefore, now sent. If he misunder-' 
stood the wishes of the Committee in that re- 
spect I will, upon receiving iiiform.ation to that 
effect, direct a transcript of the vouchers to be 
made. 

I liave also the honor to communicate to the 
Committee, a letter from the Fifth Auditoiv 
transmilti;",g tlie second statement, (which i'\ 
designated by the letter B,) requested by the 
Commiitee, accompanied by an explanatory 
letter, from the Register of the Treasury. This 
statement shows all tlie disbursements made out 
of the appropriation for the contingent expen- 
ses of foreign intercourse, from the 4th of 
March, 1825, to the end of the last year; d!s- 
tinguislilng between those items which have beep 
allosved on my authority, and upon my certificato 
of approval, from those which have been other- 
wise vouched. In examining the accounts con- 
taining the contingent expenses of all the mis- 
sions abroad, during the period particularize^ 
by the Committee, no item was found to have 
been allowed on my special approval ; and, 
consequently, there is no statement to be fur- 
nished of disbursements from that appropria 
tioii, according to the request of the Commit- 
tee. . 

Ho far as disbursements take place at Iinme 



li3b 



•t apjivopixatioiis at tlie disposal of the Depart- ordinary charges in siinUw? cases, iuformatiPJl ot 
Tiientof St:>'c, tliey are inadu by an Af^cnt of whicii is obtained through tlie custontary chan: 

Ihe Department, for that purpose designated, nels, and the amount is specilied in the instruc- 
This practice has prevailed for a long time. It tions. The statement, therefore, that the 
can be traced bacli. at least, as far as tlie com])ensation and charges allowed to be;<r-. 
ministry of Mr. .Madison. The person sc- ere nf despatches are unvo\iched, is not; 
lected for the agency has been, most generally, substantially, if it be technically, correct, 
ftn- many years past, exclusively, one '.f the- Their accounts are first car. fidly examined 
clerks in the Deoartnient. He draws, from in the Department of State, where they 
(ime to time, upon the requisitions of the Head are checked by the means in the possession of 
of the Department, the necessary .sums, under tliat Depaitment, and then approved and cer- 
painicular appropriation.s, for covtring t!ie or- tificd by the In. a;! of the Department, and pass- 
Sinary disbiM'semcnts. Those sums are pl.iced ed over to the Fifth Aiuhtor. 
to his credit, in the office of the Hank of the U. The employment of bearers of despatches is 
States, within tliis District, where he keeps limiied to important occasions, in which tlie 
his account, and upon which he draws, from Department cannot avail itself of the agency 
time to time, for the current expenditures. No of regular packets, periodically sailing, or 
part of the raoney appropria'ted to the public where, from the high interest and confidential 
service, under the direction of the Department nature of the despatches, it is deemed best to- 
of State, has ever been placed to my private e.vpose them to as little casuality as possible, 
credit. The accounts of the Agent are settled They are generally employed in the transrais- 
quarterly, and are eiamined by the Head of sion of treaties prior to tbc;r promulgation, iiv 
tiie Department, who usually writes liis appro- consequence of the magnitude of the interests' 
yal at the foot of them. This approval is which they involve, and the respect which is 
(mderstood by the Auditor as sanctioning the due to existing usage in national intercovirsc 
o'ljeci of expenditure, but not as dispensing with To most of the persons who have been employ- 
the exhibition of vouchers in any instance, ex- ed in that character, during the laat three year.s, 
cept where, from the nature of tlie expenditure, were confided either treaties, o:- the creden- 
it is impracticable to produce them; in which tials and the general in.structions to some of oin' 
cases the proprietj- of the charge is judged nf NJinisters abioad. Thus, in 1825, John If. 
and decided by the Head of the Department. Pleasiints was engaged to carry their credential* 
Due attention is, of course, paid to the amount and general instructions to our Cliarges d'Af-' 
drawn from the Treasury by the Agent, so as fairs at Kio de Janeiro ami Huenos Ayres, 
to prevent an um-easonably large sum, at any where they were tiien respectively residing;, 
period, accumulating in liis hands. The clerk and, in 1827, John Mason, jr. was paid, a« a 
who, when I entered the DejKU'tment, was bearerof despatches for bringing home atreaty^ 
charged with its peciir.iaiy agency, continues v.'hich had been negotiated .at Mexico, and 
to e.\ecute it. Theodore W. Clay was engaged, in Marcli last. 

The -above mode of transaeting the pecuniary to carry back to Mexico the ssune treaty, after 
affairs of the oilice, was fully explained by my it had been submitted to the Senate, and, also, 
predecessor in a letter winch he addressed to a to carry other highly confidential despatches 
ibtmer comnvttee of the House of fiepresenta- to Mr. Poinsett, arid despatches to Mr. Ser- 
tivcs, underrate the IStli of April, 1S22, to a geant, who bad left tlie United St.ates the pre. 



-opy of whicii, herewitli transmitted, the Com- 
mittee are respectfully referred, marked C. 

Upon an exa.nrn:uioii of the statement ex- 
hibiting the disbui-semeats out of the appropria- 
tion for the contingent expenses of foreign in- 



ceding November. 

The greater part of onr despatches to and 
from Europe, generally pass through the handvv 
of our consul, Mi-. Maury, at Liverpool, and 
hence the heavy charge for postage.wliich form?. 



^rcourse, which have been made in the three the first item in /the statement now transmitted 



1 have the honoi- to be 

With great respect, 

Vnur obedient servant, 

H. CL.U" 



.',ist. years, uuder my authority, and upon 
my ' certificate or voucher, it will bo ob- 
served that the principal item is for tlit 
employment, durin ; those years, of bvan-rs 

of dispat<>hcs. Their compensation and allow — 

ances have not varied, as far as any traces of Mr. Pkas»ntun to Mr. Clay. 

them can be perceived in the Tre;isury, since Tiie.isiri DKrAnTMF.XT, 

t"lie establishment of the Govertmient. Their- Pifth- Jl'tditor's Office, February 27, 182Sv 

compensation was fixed at a per <liem of six Sir: 1 have had tlie iionor to recaive your let>\ 
dollars, with an allowance of their travelling ter of tlie 16th instant, requesting a statement, 
expenses, including the price of their pass.age for the use of the commitec, on so much of the 
by sea, when they do not proceed iu a public public accounts as relates to tlie .State Depart- 
vessel. VJi'henever a messenger is dispatclied meat, shewiu.g t!ic disbursements made out of 
npoii this service, he is furnished with a letter either of tlie appropriations " for the contingent 
of instructions, in whicli his duty ami desiina- expenses of all missions abroad," and "for the 
tion are mentioned; and in which, also, it is contingentof foreign intercourse," .to /arose/M-, 
.;iated tliat the above compensation and allow- tr oj'thuse appropriat:\ms have been expended uti- 
ruices will be made him. Upon the return of dcr the authnrily of llie Secretary of State, and 
.he messenger, it is, of course, known in the upvn liis voucher, fur the use of tliat Department; 
Department how Ion* he has been absent on .".nd, as the accounts relative to tiioseappropria-- 
the public service; and it is not difHc'ult to tions.afterbeingauditedby thisotlice.aiidpassed 
judge of the re:\sonabkncss of his charges for b_\ the CoTni>troller,are transmitted to, filed, and 
iMivelUng expenses and passage money. This retained in the office of the Register of the Trea, 
fvn^i-cuin is. indeed, u.srallv fl:?ed, from tlt'-^ suiv, I referred vonr lettrr to that ofqccr wiy'' 



la/ 



'iut delay, vitb a request tUatUe would comply 
with its verjiiisitloMS. He has, accordiii.^ly, 
prt-pared .ind tr.iiisniitted a stutcment, in wiiich 
IS distijiffuished the accounts which luue been 
KOttled oil your authority anil certiilcite, and 
those settleil upon tiie ciistomar\' vouchc7-s. 
There are some items of expense ir. the state- 
iTient wiiich }\\re auUiorized and inciUTed by, 
and during', the late Administration, but for 
which, the accounts were not rendered, set- 
tled, and paid, untd after tiic comniei. cement 
of the present. Suc!i arc tlie accounts of Mr. 
Thomas Rinda-1, Ajrntat Hava?ia, and of Ellier 
Shcpley, fcr collcc'.ii:;^ teslimony in relation to 
oairai-cs upon certain .Vnierican iialiing vessiils 
near llalifax. . As th.e paynients were made 
during- die period specified in tlie call of the 
cBmnnttee, Ihouifh tiie service \ras previously 
jierformed, it was thouglit proper to compre- 
licnd tliem in the statenicnt. 

It may be proper to remark, that the pet' 
diem allowances t:) bearers of despatches, and 
their expenses whilst absent, contained in the 
statement, are in coulbrmity with those imiform= 
ly made, in similar cases, under the Adminis- 
tfations of Mr. Jelfei-son, Mr. Madison, and 
Sir. Monroe. 

In ; 'gard to this description of accounts, it 
being impossible for this ofrice accurately to 
ascertain the period for which payment ought 
to 1)0 made, in all cases, and for tlie jjarty ren- 
dcrinf the account lo produce vouchers for his 
travelling expenses, to dispense with whicl), the 
•authority of the .Secretary of State is considered 
necessary, recourse ha.s, gcjieiullj , been had to 
the Secretary of Stiite for his sanction to such 
part of the account as he should approve; those 
accounts are, therefore, generally entered as 
beii;g app.oved by him. The receipt of the 
agent, claiming the account due, is always ex- 
acte<!, and filed in the proper office, upon[i>ay- 
ment being made. 

In furthi.r explanation of the statement, I 
have the honor to enclose the letter of tiie lle- 
glstcr of the Treasu") to me, upon tlie subject. 
I have the honoi: to be. 
Very respectfully. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

s. plkasonton:, 

Fiflh Jludtior of Ike Treasurtf. 
i'lW Hon. IIbnby Clxx, 

, Seerctury oj State. 



T<1f. lihursc lo Mr. Pleasonion- 

Trf.'.S- lir DKPAHT3IEST, 

Jiei;iikr's Offire, trhrilartj 25, 1823. 
Sir: In compliance willi tiie letter of the Sc- 
cretiiry of State, of the Ititli, addre.ssed to you, 
and winch was referred to this office, on the 
ISth, instant, 1 have the honorto transmit here- 
with, a statment, showing the disbursements 
made out of the appropriation for the contingent 
R.^penses of foreign intercourse, so far as it has 
oeen expended under the authority of the Secre- 
tary of State, and upon his voucher, fortbe use 
ofthat Department, from the 4tli of March. 1S2J, 
lo the present time; all which iiasbeen extract- 
ed from the accounts :ui settled at your ofiice. 
In making up this stxitenient, you will perceive, 
that we have set down, as vouched by the Se- 
cretary, all those accounts upon which his name 
is endoi-sed, as approving the same, except the 
accounts of the disbursing agent of the Depart- 



niciU j and from Ikese v>'e have eelecjed, «nU si, 
set down, such items as wcrespecially approved. 
Upon this, we must remark, that m^ny items in 
these accounts, though without vouchers, have- 
no doubt been allowed upon the common prin- 
ciples of settlement, as not requiring the special 
sanction of the Secretary for their admission: 
but, from the want of specified data, in the ac- 
counts t'lemselvis, w-e have been unable to 
make ilistinctions. 

In examining the accounts containing the 
contingent expenses of m.sfions.abroad, for the 
above period, we have not been able to d.scover 
any item .as allov.ed upon the special approval 
of the Secretary of St:»te. 

I have the honor to be. Sir, 
Your most obedient servant, 

JOsKPH NOURSE, liegvita- 
STEracs Pleisoxton, Esi(. 

I'lflh Auditor iif the Trea-tiiry. 

B, 

STATEMENT showing the disbursements, 
made out of the appropriation for the contin- 
gent expenses of Foreign Intercourse, from 
the 4th March, 1825, to the 31st December, 
1827; distinguishing between those items 
which have been allowed under tlie authority 
and upon the certificate of the Secretary of 
State, frnm those which have been otherwise- 
vouched. 



In whose favor and for 
what purpose. 



Apjii-tived 
by Secre- 
tary of 
State 
without 
vouchers. 



Accounts 
vouchei'.. 



1835. 

To James Maury, Consul 
at I.iverpo >1, for postages 
on lettei-s and packages 
to and from Ministers 
and other Public Agents 
in r.urope, from Istjuly 
to 3lst December, lS2i, 
including a premium 
thereon, for exchange 
between Liverpool and 
the Uirited States 

I'o William J. Stone, fo;- 
engraving two copy 
piatcs for ciphers, and 
p'inting 92 impressions 
of piiLtes, including pa- 

j.Ll- 

To Lary Anderson, fur 
his services from 29tli 
December, 1S3-1, to the 
13th February, 1825. 
making 51 days at $Ci per 
day, and travelling ex- 
penses from Cartliagena 
to Bogota, and from 
thence to Washington a-? 
hearer of the (.'oiiventioti 
between the United 
States and Colombia 

To Thomas Uiudall, 
Agent fur Commerce and 
Seamen at Porto Rico 
and Havana, arxl for hat- 



$272 ir 



C9g go 



1,190 0- 



138 



, vice of his saiary froiu 
iOtlx of April, 182j, to 
, IStli March, 1825, at 
$4,500 per annum 
'4'o (ieorge S. Watkins, 
Special Messenger 6f 
the United Slates' to the 
Minister at London, for 
compensation from 12th 
March to 1st July, 1825, 
making' 112 days, at (> 
dollars per day, includ- 
Inij his passage out and 
veturning, traveliinff ex- 
penses from Washintfton 
to New York, from Liv- 
-.'.rpool to London, and 
ii-om London to Liver- 
pool, on his return, and 
irom NcNV York back to 
■\Vashing-ton - 3^34" 68 

To John H. Pleasants, 
bearer of despatches to 
Buenos Ayres and Rio 
Janeiro, for his compen- 
sation Irom 19th April to 
:^2d Ansfust, 1825, ma- 
king 126 days, at $6 per 
'Jay, including his pas- 
.^agc.g'oi.is^ and returning-, 
his travelling expenses 
and boarding, from the 
time of his leaving Rich- 
mond on the i9th April, 
to the 28th May, 1825, 
in which inteiva! he was 
seeking, from Baltimore 
to Boston, the means of 
gciting to Buenos Ayres, 
and h;s expenses in re- 
turning from New Y'ork 
to Richmond - 5^940 qo 

1 o Fctcr' Force, for pub- 
lishing Exequaturs 
To Wiliiam Maul, for seal- 
ing Mtditerranein pass- 
ports ... 
I'o L. Child, sign b.oard 
for the Legation at Bue- 
nos Ayres 
ToH. Niles, for 52 copies 
of the Weekly Register 
To S. Masi, for a great 
seal, and box for the 
same, and tliree iroaty 
boxes ... 
To Ether Slieple.v, for ex- 
penses in relation to cap- 
iure of fishermen by 
British brig DotteriU 250 00 

To JosepliMilligan,for two 
port folios, for treaties 
I'o W. J. Stone, for print- 
ing passports and im- 
pressions of Ministers' , 
coats - - . 
■i'o iMavy Lengtliall, for 

painting signal flags, - .. 
To Patrick Rogers, for 
diplomatic trunks. 
To J. Milligan, for four 
port folios, for treaties, 
PoW.Sb/le-, Jr. fir he.-.r- 



in» despatches to 'New 

Vork iUO 00 

F- C. Baker, for bearing 
4,540 39 despatches to Norfolk, 

to Mr- Miller, .... 40 00 

To Patrick Rogers for di- 
plomatic trunks, ... . 26 00 

To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing exequaturs, . i. . jx 50 

To W. J. Stone, for en- 
graving flags, 16 00 

"To James Maury, Consul 
at Liverpool, for posta- 
ges in England, 266 58 

To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing exequaturs, ... 6 00 

To H. Niles, for 52 copies 
of the Weekly Register, ■ - 153 ?5 

S825. 

To Gustavtts II. Hcott, 
bearer of despatches', 
from the Secretary of 
State to the Mmister at 
Bogota, for his travelling 
expenses from his resi- 
dence in Virginia, to 
Washington, and from 
thence to Norfolk, via. 
Baltimore, to take pas 
sage on board the Johi-. 
Adams frig.ate ; for sea 
stores, stationery, ex- 
penses of transmitting 
the despatches from Car- 

thagena to Bogota; pas- 

.<;age from Carthagena to 

New York, and travel- 
ling expenses from New 

York to his residence in 

Virginia, via. Washing- 

ton.including the sum of 

'<'92 dollars for his servi- 
ces in said capacity, at 6 

dollars per day, from the 

nthof,\!archtothe20th 

July, 1826; . - $968 32 ^496 "^r 

To John Marshall, bearpr 

of despatches from thq 

Charge des AHairs at 

Guatemala to \he Seers- 

tary ofState.for his com- 
pensation from 5th Au 

gust to 31st October, 

1826, making 88 days.at 

six dollars per day, in- 
cluding his expenses 

from the 19th of April, 

when he was detailed 

from the frig.ate John 

Adams for tlic ])urposc 

of attending Mr. Wil- 
Jlams, to the 3 1st August 

1826. - - - 1,528 Ofj 

To Clifton Wharton.bear- 
er of despatches to Co- 
lombia, for his compen- 
sation from 22dof Mav to 
26thOctober, 1826,m'ak. 
ing 159 days, at §6 per 
day including his travel- 
lingandnece^sary expen- 
ses from Washington to 
N.Vnrk; expenses rvhils • 



42 00 

6 00 

30 75 
152 75 

406 00 

200 00 

.y 00 

5 00 

91 00 

400 00 



Vib 



tatrci necessaiy erpen- 
5es at the Caicos Islands 
after his shipwreck, pas- 
sage, &c. from Turk's 
Island to Carthagena — 
n^.!-dical aid a^ Cartilage- 
na; pussaire frum 'lienca 
to NewYork, and travel- 
ling' expenses fifini New 
Yoik to Washington, in- 
cluding also sundry arti- 
cles of clothing purchas- 
ed at Ttuk's Island, af- 
ter being shipwrecked, 
lie haviiig landed there 
in a state of destitution. 

To John A. Dix, bearer 
of despatches to Copen- 
hagen for compensation 
from 17th May to 14th 
October, 1826,a'tsix dol- 
lars per day including 
his travelling expenses 
ses from Washington to 
MewYork ; passage from 
thence to Liverpool ; 
travelling expenses, &c. 
from Liverpool to Co- 
penhagen, and fron". 
tlierce to Paris and Ha- 
vre including passports 
postages, carriage hire, 
passage from Havre td 
X. Y'ork, and travelling 
expenses from Ne.v York 
back to Washington 

To Robert Anderson, 
bearer of despatches 
from Cartliagena to 
%Yashington, for his tra- 
velling expenses and I las- 
sage from Carthagena to 
Sew York, and from 
thence to Washington, 
including his compensa- 
tion from the 24th of Ju- 
ly to the 21st of Sept. 
1826, making 53 days, 
at ?6 per day 

To Edrtard Wver, bearer 
of despatches to & from 
St. Petevshurgh, for his 
compensation from 29th 
April to the 15tU Nov. 
1836, making 201 days, 
at f6 per day, inchidmg' 
travelling expenses froih 
Washington to N. York, 
j)assage from thence to 
Constadt, from thence to 
Boston, :.nd expenses to 
AVasliington 

To Peter Force for pub 
lisliing exequaturs 

To Gales & Seaton, for 
publishing exequaturs & 
signals ... 

To John Myers, for two 
diplomatic trunks 

To Davis 8c Force, for 
printing 50 copies direc- 
tions fof? Ministers' tb-ess 



To A. W. BeU, for iv.o 
diplomatic trunks 

To H Ndes, for six vols. 
Weekly Register 

To James .Maury, Consul 
at Liverpool, for postage 
in England 

To M. M. Cruikshank, for 
a port foli) for a treaty 

ToJohii Myers, for a di- 
plomatic trunk 

ToH. Ndes, fr.r53c'jpies 
of the Weekly Register 

To A. W. Bell, for two 
diplomatic trunks 
1,191 50 830 75 To S. Massi, for 24 cast- 
ings cf th-e great seal - 

To A. W. BeU, for two 
diplomatic trunks 

To M. M. Cruikshank, 
for a port folio, full trim- 
med, &c. 

To John Myers, for two 
diplomatic trunks 

To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing exequaturs 

To George E. Ironsid?, 
for carrying despatches 
to Mr. Gallatin, New 
Y'^ork 

To John Myers, for a di- 
plomatic trunk 

To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishin.g exequatur 

To Peter Force, for pub- 
1,608 20 17 15 lishing commerci.al re- 

gulations of the Republic 
r,f(;nlombia 

To Gales and Seaton, for 
pulishing exequaturs - 

To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing-exequaturs 

To W J. Stone, for a Le- 
gation seal and passports 

To W. Brown for a di- 
plomatic trunk 

To J. Maury, Consul at 
Liverpool, for postage 
504 00 in Englan.l 

To H Niles, for 52 copies 
of the Weekly Register, 
vol. 30 

To Thiimas L. Thurston, 
carrying despatches \o 
Mr. Laurence, N. York 

To Peter F<'rce, for pub- 
' lisiiing exequ.aturs 

To Peter Force, for print- 
ing 30 copies of (lie trea- 
ty with the Federation of 
the Centre of .\merica 
- 1,902 00 To W. Brown, for two cii- 

plomatic trunks 
15 00 ToJobnMyers, for2 do 

To W. Brown, for 2 do 

To do for 2 do 

:T 00 To M. M. Cruikshank. 

for a port folio, with che- , 
18 00 niUe, bullion, &.c. 

To J. P. Latruite, for 2 
gold sword knots, for 
2 50 tassels fqr port foho 



13 Uk, 
18 75 



150 



51- 



lu .K. Gale? li Sort, Iw 
publishing- ordina.nces, 
&e. relative to St. Do- 
laingo Exiles 

To n. & J. M. Faust, 
ft>i- do do 

'Jo E. Charlebs, for do 

To G. W. Robertson 
for do do 

To Amos Kendall k Co. 
for do de 

To Morgan, Lodge, & 
Fisher, for do 

To Ether Shepley, for sep- 
vices ill the case of the 
British schooner Hero 

2S27. 

To John Mason, jr. bearer 
of despaches from Mesi- 
*U> to tlie Secretary of 
Slate, for the hire of e, 
«-oach from Mexico to 
Vera Cruz S/S 

JJftlly expenses from 
Mexico to Vera 
Ci-uz, including " 
days detention at 
the latter place 78 

Passage from Vera 
Cruz to Norfolk 

Baily expenses from 
Norfolk to Wash- 
ington 

Per diem allowance 
from the 25th De- 
cember, 1826, to 4th 
February, 1827, is 
42 days, at 6 dollars 
per day 252 

raid a courier a Jalopa to 
go to Vera Cru7, to stop 
the ship 

To John H. March, Con- 
sul at Madeira, for main- 
tenance in prison, cloth- 
ing and boat hire to car- 
ry three American sea- 
iiien to Lisbon for trial, 
diarged with murder on 
board an Amtrican ves- 
sel, including a com.- 
misslon of 9 dollars and 
three cents 
ToM. M Cruikshank, for 
a blue velvet portfolio, 
embroidered, iic. for a 
treaty 

To William Wirt, for his 
.^"rvices in the Circuit 
Court in the United 
Status foi' Marj'land dis- 
trict, in the case of the 
V. States against Good- 
ing 
To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing ejequaturs 
To J.S. Simpson, for pub- 
]ishnig notice St. Do- 
mingo claimants 
To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing exequaturs 



81a 0,0 



To GaUs and Seatcn, tyx 
do do &c. 

To F. Massi & Co. for 
j3D 00 gold trimmings for trea- 
ties - . - , 
350 00 To James Haig, for pub- 
250 00 lishing notice to St. Do- 

jningo claimants 
350 eO To M. M. Cruikshank, 
for blue velvet port folio 
205 72 for treaty, embroidered 

with chenille, 8cc. 
S^ 00 To Peter Force, for pub- 
hshing proclamation sus- 
pending intercourse, See. 
To do for 30 copies of the 
Convention of London, 
&c. ajid for 30 copies act 
fbr adjustment of claims 
To H. Niles, for 152 co- 
pies of the Weekly Re» 
giater, vol. 31 
To F. Massi & Co. for two 

l>oxes for treaty seals 
To Peter Force, for pub- 
lishing exequaturs 
'Jo M. M. CriiikshanX, 
for a port folio for a trea.- 
ty . - - . 

To W Brown for a diplc- 
matic trunk 

To James Maury, Consili 
at Liverpool, for postag- 
es in England 

To Gales and Seatoo, far 
publishing exequatur^, 
advertising, &c. 

i'o W. P. Elliott, bearii^g 
desp.atches to London 

To A. & IL Wilson, for 
advertising 

To W. Brou'n foradiplftt 
H7 00 matic tru!ik 

To B. S. Coxe, assigiieCj 
for passage of Wm. B. 
Hodgson from Port Ma. 
hon to Algiers 

To W. Brown, for 2 diplo- 
matic trunks 

To Peter Force, for 25 
sets National Calender, 
H vols, each, at §1 pci,- 
volume 

To Gales & SeatoD, far 
sea letters and public- 
iug exequaturs 

To John Myers, for a di- 
plomatic trunk 

To li. & W. Robinson, ffs? 
advertising 

■^o f. G. Broughton, far 
ditto 

'i'o Ch. Goodrich, bearing' 
despatches toMr. Wheat- 
500 00 an. New Yoi-k 

To L W. Townsend, foj- 
32 0,0 advertising 

To B. Kussell, for do. 

To Gale? &: Seatot>, for 
350 00 one ream sea lettei-s 

To do. for exequaturs 
18 01^ To reter Forre for dc 



189 63 



00 



i2 3) 
148 61 

7SQJ) 

£i 00 

17 5P 



ta3 2.5 


•2no (10 


12 OJi 


75 QO 


S<}0 



m s? 



m, sr 


TOO QD 


rs m 


© ej5 


120 CD 


2/5 <JD 



i:i5 QO 

.f 1 QQ 
5 00 

10 CD 

60 00 

24 00 
113 fiO 

28 00 
*5 00 



141 



injr Consuls' commis- 
sions, &o. 
To Thoniis SnouJen, for 
^vertising- 

'ioCammoc fit Raeland-, 

ibr ditto 
To do do far (ic. 
'Jo do do for rfo 
To Joseph Forresl, foi- 
making extracts ft-offl the 
.>ournaI of the Commis- 
sion unJn- the riorid:^ 
, Treaty 

To D. & J. M. Ifaost, for 
advertising in relation to 
(he treaty of Ghent 

To S. L. Dashiell, for co- 
pying 44,464 words, at 
10 cents per hundred, 
and 5 maps irvreijtion to 
(he treaty of Client 

Jo A. L M'Jntire, for co- 
pying 51,1346 words> at 
10 cents per hundred 

To EdwaiJ Deebie, for 

copying 53,118 words at 
same 

"I'o A. n. Pemberton, far 

advertising 
To 1. Hiijrhcs, for do '. 
To Natlian Low, for do ■- 
To Joseph Forrest, for 
fDpyinR:e?,rifi words, at 
10 cents per 100 

To Pleasants & Smith, far 
advertising' 

To A. L. MTntire, for 3 
days tracing- maps in re- 
lation to the boundary a 

'I'd Theodore W. ciaj-, 
bearer of despatches to 
Alexico, for iiis passage 
to New Vork, incladini^ 
"no day's detention in 
Philadelphia § 18 50 
his passagt; to 
Vera Cruz ISO 00 

ftamagc hire and 
JxpensestoMex- 
■'<^o 135 50 

ferriage hire to 

Vera Crtrz T3 On 

"xpenses to do 23 25 

his return pas- 

sa,ge to N. Vork 150 00 

f--q)enses from 

thence to Wash- 
ington 20 25 

iiis compensation 

from 17th March, 

the day of his 

departure from 

Washington, to 

the2d.lulyl82r, 

inclusivc,theday 

of his return thi"- 

'her, making 10? 

<lays, at Jo per 

To James Davidson, for 
^y,rrs 5^,41S words, 

« 10c^n*« per. IffT) ' . . 



. 9 50 

ri 25 
4 30 

-2 50 



9 W 
§15 90 

£4 46 
n 23 

S3 12 

33 75 

15 00 

7 50 

87 ?2 
22 50 

fS 09 



1,-205 50 
5? 4.7 



To A. J-'ord, toi- U Jajs 

tracing maps 
To S. L. Dashiell, far 13 
days do 
To A. Rentzal, forlSdays 

do 
To William Phillips.beaf-- 
er of despatches from 
Hiiatemah to the United 
States, for compensation 
from 9lh April to 30th 
June, 1827, is m days, 
at '.'6 per pay, including 
his expenses 
To Gales&.Seaton,forpab. 
hshing exequaturs, &c. 
To Samuel Hanson, for 
Copy;ng,r:!,346 words,al 
10 cents per linndred 
To S. I,. Dashiell, for S 

days tracing maps 

To \Y. G. Cranch, fm- 

copying 52,7e8 words, 

at 10 cents per hurdred 

To A. Ford, for 12 days 

tracing maps, at f2 per 

day - . . . 

To A. Rcntzel, for 14S 

days do at do 
To Ed. Taylor, for copy- 
ing 107,537 words, at 
10 cents per hundred 
To S.McDonald.for copy- 
ing 53,130 words, at io 
cents per hundred 
To Helen Davis.for copy- 
ing 87,609 words, at 10 
cents per hundred 
To A. L. Mclntire, for 
tracing maps 32 days, 
at R2 . . . _ 

To A. Kentzel, for do 7,'. 
, daj's, at do . ." , 

To E. Deebie, for copv- 
120,900 words, at 10 
cents per hundred 
To A. Kentzel,for tracing 
maps 4 days, of 9 hours 
each day, at g3 per day - 
To A Ford, for do. 12 
days. 6 hours each dav. 
atJ2 . . :' ^ 

"i'o S. L. Dashiell, for 37 
clays at $2, and 6 days 
at $3 . . i 

To James Couclieval, for 
part payment as bearer 
of desptches from Stock- 
holm to H'ashington.and 
returning by way of Lon- 
don ---... 
To do. for his services in 
the Legation at Stock- 
uolm,in transcribing,S;r. - 
'lo Lucy Baker, for copy- 
ing 94,51 S words, at 10 
'•ents per hundred 
'lo M. AI. Cruiksliank.for 
copying 81,S24 words, 
at do . . .' _ 

To Meade Pitzhugh, for 
do. 102,695 words, s^lo 
aiiiljmlpsatSlO 



775 25 



( James Haig.tor adver, 

sing 

) A. Rentzel, for copy- 
ig maps six days, at $3 
lei-dav - ■ ■ " ' 
3 S. L. DashieU,fordo. 
I davs, at do - - ' 
Thomas Miinroe, for 
,undry articles of arms 
ind equipments of an 
\mencan soldier, trans- 
mitted through ThomHS 
Munroe, jr. to the Arch- 
duke Constantine, and 
certain liussian and Po- 
lish Officers . - - " 
;o A. Ueutzel, for copy- 
ing; maps five days, at 
$3 per day . - - 
to A . L. McTntire, for do 
17 days at do - - ' 
ro.\.Hamsav, jr.for copy- 
ing 35,75^ wor.ls, at 10 
cents per hnndred 
To James Ord, for copy- 
ing 95,040 do at do 
To A. Ford, for tracmg 
maps 2J days, at $2 per 

day - - " . " ' 
To K I'atton, for copymg 
52,500 words, at 10 cts. 
per hundred 

ToW. B. Paf,'e, for do. 
120,960 words, at do. 
To Jonathan Klliot, for 
100 copies Treaties and 
eonveniions - - 
To Gales & Seaton, for 
advertising exequaturs, 

&c. - - ' '■■ 
To James ilaun", Consu! 
at Liverpool, for post- 
ages in England 
To James Martin, for 
copying 91,6B7 words, 
at lb cents per liundrert 
To Dobbin, Murpliy & 
Bose, for advertising ^ 
To James Ord, for oA 
days' txamining record^^ 
inrelation to Treaty ci 
Ghent, at ^^ SO per day 
To Ballard J^ AVrigut for 
advertising - ;., 

ToA. L. Mclnt.rc,fcrb,; 
days examining record in 
relVion to 'I'reaty at 
Ghent, at S:) 50 per day 
ToB. llussel, for adver- 
tising ■ , " 
To Kdward Wyer, beare. 
of depatches to London, 
lor his compensitmu 
ftom 28th Dec. 829, 
to the 19th March, 18-;, 
inakinq: 82 days, at id 
per day, including pas- 
sages and expenses 
To W. Prentiss, tor his 
compensation and cs- 
vcnses in delivering a 
Sox of books t^ the GOV- 
'T or of Maiac, atPo'- 



oo 



18 To M. M. Cruikshank, for 
copving 18,370 words, 
at 10 cents per 100 

18 00 To S. D. King, for copy- 
ing part of an old map ot 

27 00 North America 



200 U(J 



18 SS 
9 50 



56 54 

15 00 

51 00 

35 75 
95 04 

44 09 

52 50 
120 96 

1,000 eo 

46 00 

164 £9 

91 69 
135 00 



116 25 



fll.Sis 8: 



Dollars, 16,304 92 . 19,759 39 
Tn'.ASuBT Depabtme.vT, ? 

".g„<er'.Q/ffc.,ft6.28,1828. 3, 
" JOS. NOURSE, Jicg'r. 

STATEMENT explaining the differences bc- 
tween the " Statement showing the disburse- 
.. ments made out of the appropnations for 
.< the contingent expenses of foreign inter- 
.. course, distinguishing bet^veen those items 
.. which have been ^^''^"'^^^ "f " ^^ I''' 
" thority, .-ind upon the certificate of the be- 
..c eta.^ of State, from those «hich have 
.. been otherwise vouched, from 4.th March, 
« IS'i": to the Ust December, IS-':', 
frnXed B.) and the actual amount of pay- 
i^'ntrmade frym the Treasuiy dunng the 
yll^s mi 1826, and 1827. (as perslatemen". 

A.) 
Expenditures, las p*r 
statement B) from 4th 
March, to 31st Decem- 
ber, 1825, 
To which aild the follow- 
ing expenditures, from 
the 1st J.inuai-y, to 3d 
March, 1825, viz: 
Andrew Armstrong, Com: 
mercialAg.nt.atPortau 

Vrieee, (salary,) 
Daniel Turner, bearer ot 
despathes from ilonte- 
,iedo to Buer.os Ayres, 
William Taylor, Agent of 
the United States at Al- 
varado, - ' 

Condv Raguet, Agent for 
Commerce and Seamen 
Rio Janeiro, - /.500 0( 

JohnB. Prevost, Agent of 
the United Stales m 
South America, 
■\Volcott Chaunccy,for pas- 
sage of Edward Wyer, 
and Consul StUb, and 
familv, in the years 1821 

and 1822, 
Joseph Milligan, for a port 

folio, for a treaty, 
; President's certificate, 
without specification. 
Do. do. 



6 00 



250 CO 



150 00 



560 00 



500 00 

1,150 GO 

100 00 

700 00 
1,000 00 



1,267 00 



6,850 00 
And Expenditures from March 4. to Dec. !.-• 

J82S, n'z- 

\ndrew Armstrong, Com- 
mercial Agent at Port 
au Prince, (salary,) 750 00 

•John B. Prevost, Agent 
of the United states m 
South America, -.000 UU 

-Condv Raguet, Agent for 
Commerce and Seamen, 
nt Rio JjJ'-eiro- 400 u J 



i4J 



, Richard C. Anuersoii.ji. 
late Minister at Colom- 
bia, for writing done for 
the Legation of the 
United Slates at Bogo- 
ta, from 10th December, 
1823, to 2d Jan. 1825, 2,125 2-1. 

•John J. Appleton, Spe- 
cial Agent at Naples, 1,125 00 

> John U. Forbes Charge 
de« Affaires at Buenos 
Ayres, for tlie funeral 
expenses of Cxsar A. 
Kodney, deceased, late 
Minister at Buenos Ay- 
res, - . Hn n 



To which add ihe following: 
Forthis suin paid toGeorge 

S. Watkins, more than 

accounted for by him 185 0" 

And this sum advanced to 

John H. Pleasants, more 

than accounted for by 

liini in this year; both re- 
paid in 1827 - - 10 00 



13,r21 56 



'John Kainals, Consul ai 

Copenhagen, - - 500 00 
jWilliam Tudor, Consul at 

Lima, - - - 9,800 00 
iRobert M. Harrison, Con- 
sul at Trinidad, - • 875 00 
Vincent Graj , for amount 
paid by him at Havana, 
tor the relief of sundrj' 
Americau citizens con- 
fined there in prison, in 
1815, - - - 1,275 00 
t*residfr.t'3 certificate, 

without specification, - 067 38 
Do. do. 979 78 

Do. do. 1,052 90 

Do. do. 4,456 00 

Do. do. 1,500 00 



Md, also. 
Ba'ance due fram the 
Agent, on the 1st Janu- 
ary, 1328, - - 5,789 97 
Balance due from the 
Agent, on the 1st Janu- 
196 07 ary, 1827, - - 3,268 79 



22,158 01 



; From which deduct Ik^ following: 
Balance due by tl»e Agent 
the Department of 
State, on 1st January, 

1825, - • - 218 38 
Balance duS to the Agent 

of the Department of 
State, on 1st January, 

1826, - - - 44 80 

Total payments made from 
the Treasurv in the year 
1825, 



25,746 26 Total payments made from 
_the Treasury, in the 
year 1327, - 



2,521 ?S 



536.258 63 



TbeISUKT DErARTMENT, ~) 

Register's Pfice, hhrch 22, 1828. 5 

JOSEPH NOURSE, Register. 



173 58 



•Advances — accounts unsettled. 

fAllo'ved by ♦he Prcs;dent. 

k do. Ex-President Monroe. 



825,572 68 



, Expenditures fas per Slaiement 
S,J/orl826. - - 12,656 04 

To which add the following expenditures for 
1826, viz: 
,lamcs Bowdoin, formerly 

Minister at Madrid, for 

balance due to liim - 86 31 
Andrew Armstrong, Com- 

merciri Agent at l*ort 

au Prince, salary - 1,000 00 
President's Certificate, 

without specification, 1,666 66 

2,752 9- 

Jidd, also — 
Balance due from the 

Agent on the 1st Janua- 

rj, 1827, - - 3,268 79 
Balance due to tlie Agent 

on the 1st January, 1826 44 80 3,223 99 



Total payments made from 
the Treasury in the year 
1826, - - - gl8,653 00 

lUpenditurcs fas per Statement 
B.J for 1827. - - 11,579 44 

To which, add the following ex- 
penditures for 1827, viz: 
Andrew Armstrong, Com- 
mercial Ajfcnt at Port 
■'U Prince, (?alary.) 750 CO 



Economy — We do not profess to belong i^^ 
that class of politicians, who feel, or pretend to 
feel, a desire to be econon:ical at the expensf 
of public good — on the contraiy, we desire to 
see liberality governed by prudence, and expen- 
ditures controled by necessity. Nevertheless, 
when wanton extravagance, and waste of public 
money are sanctioned by llie administration, the 
sooner the people change their public servants, 
the better it wdlbe for the coffers of the nation. 
We have before us the report of the committee 
on the expenditures of the dcp;u'tmcnt of state, 
in which there ;ire some items wliich would 
make a republican cabineflDlush, vis: — 

" Maurice I'nrslfor a gold medal of John Qm'nc>/ 
Mami, SlO'i. 

Now t!ie sum of SlOO, it is true, is not of much 
consefjuence, but it is the principle it involves. 
For what public use,orbcnefit,is this g.ild medal 
of .Mr. Adams', intended ? who is to v/ere it ' Is it 
Mr.Clay ' we think he has weight enough of the 
original around liis neck. Wiiere is the appropri- 
ation, by Congress, for this gold medal? If yoii 
give away flOO of the public money, for a gold 
meilal of the President, there is notliingto pre- 
vent the payment of a jjension to htm, and al- 
lowance to ^is eldest son. To the next — 

Do. M. M. Cni'ckshank, for blue velvet, port 
folio, embroidered with clienille( with gold tas- 
seIs)J100. 

Monstrous! flOO for a port folio, when a neat 
morocco one, in a plain republican style, may 
'bi hiid fir SIO, which would eniswer the iv,- 



144 



l.osa — besides, Aiie.-e Is the appropriation, or 
who is it for' i'r.jbably it is the idciitic;il golilen 
port folio, ill which I'ririce John carries the 
nicssai^es to Doth Houses of Congress. 

Cash paid Kichard Kii^li, for sun(h-y linolcs 
:tnd newspapers, procured by him m London, 
5799 98. 

Nearly 800 dollars for fumgn newspapers 
witliout reference to the sn.m to newspapers at 
hon)e, wliicli print by " a\itliority " For whose 
use were these newspapers imported, and where 
is tlie appnipriLUion.' 

Do. to Eoljert Ellis/o;- it'fW and Porfraifs of 
eminent Enu;Ushmm'. SJO. 

Has not President Adams given sufficient 
proof of his attachment to eminent KncflisUnn'n 
without making- the freemen of this country pay 
1 lie expense? Is this :i proper e.-ipenditiire of 
public money* 

Do. W. A. Davis, 1(5 reams Exoliph laid -Ito 
post paper, g'ilt, at 9 dollars per ream, •■.Hi. 

\\<i\\ done jhiuricnu Si/slcrn. Mr. Chiy, who 
1 alls lilmself the fatiier, or h6 should ralher say 
the .1///) father of th.s siBtem, expending 1.14 
[lollai-s of the people's money for Etiglisk wri- 
ling j)apcr. We know the reason, however; 
for though --YnK rJcaTi hot pressed letter paper is 
equally as good as Knglish, yet it has no little 
stamp'of a irffw.'i on the corner of the tjiiire. 

Do. G. Gaither for a dozen Silver Pens, $2 50. 

SihfT Penx — vmilas vanitalum— or as some 
ill-natured Lattinibls would say, Ebony and To- 
Tiaz. Mr. Adams wears a tliimbie v/hen he 
ivritcs, and probally requires some equally liard 
substance in the composition of his pens,but why 
a (Acp/i sil-er pe.ns, if plain continental goose 
quills would not answer, one silver pen might do. 

Do. G. E. IrouKide, for a plalinu pen, gG. 

Just now a whole doi-eu, silver pens cost but 
§2 50; but as silver was cheap :iud pleiiu in 
Washington, (which is nut tiie case in wall-stree!) 
something more costly must be sought for.ov the 
peo])le's money v.ould continue to rust in the 
vofFers. 

Do. Davis Sl Fore-, for printing 50 copies 
(l^dircclions for M.nistfJ-'-'i dref!S,J^d S2 50. 

Shades of iSenj. Franklin, Timmas Jeft'ei-son, 
Ttoger Sherman, I'atnck ilenry and other ven- 
erable patriots.wlu) founded ourllepublic— wliat 
voiild vou sa_\. could you be familiar witli such 
expenditures,' in the 50th year of American In- 
dependence' lionaparte, amidst the splenilour 
of his Court, took ;>leasure in singling out Chan- 
v-ellor Livingston, and always conversed will' 
Irim, thotii^h he wore a snuff-colored coat; but, 
to make people pay for directions for siich trash, 
or indeed to meddle with a Minister's coat and 
breeches, is contemptible, and beneath the 
fharacter of a free an.l enlightened people. 

Do. W. Slade, for bearing &sp«i'cAej> to New- 
York, SIOO. • 

, This is an impudent charge, to say the least 
nfit. It is true, that pol.tical parlizans have 
had a few newspapers tied up and sent to for- 
eign (;ourts, as despatches, and they have re- 
-reived 1000, 1500, and 1900 dolhu-s, forexpcn- 
se.s, but to send a dispatcU mcsser.ger to Ncw- 
Vork, when a daily mail runs from Washington, 
i« a shameful expense. We can inform them, 
however, that the person who received 100 
dollars for carrying despatches; to N. York, ac-, 
tially carried tiiem to Vermont, to which plate 
;->■■ V. as sent or, an c;':ction"?e.-:i'.g rn'.ssb:). 



We mttst lay by tbe black book Lor Ibe pi'c'' 
sent, with the simple remark, that extravagance 
and 'mpud'Ht waste of public money, arc sane- 
tioncd at Washington, while the remnant of our 
revolutionary officers, are in vain praying for 
the pittance which is due to them— and v.'e are 
daily losing sight of that simplicity and econo- 
my, wliich siuiuld characterise a Kepubltcaji 
Government. — N. t. Enq. 



THE PUBLIC DEBT. 

Certain newspapers in the service of the mn- 
ligrtunt.f, are giving Mr. Adams credit fur great 
financial skill in the reduction of the public, 
debt li'i Secretary of the Trcasur}', in his last 
annua! report, has so stated the account as to 
lead some honest, well meaning men to bel.eve 
that, ?21,35-,2I0 9.3 of the principal of the 
debt w;is discharged between the 1st of Jan'-'S- 
rc, 1825 and the 1st of January 1K3S; when in 
truth, but 516,397,210 93 was paid within that 
period. Under the act of 26tli M.iy lS2.t, five 
niillions of dollars were borrowed by the Gov- 
ernment at 'U perc(Jnt interest, to redeem a like. 
Slim s'.andiig at 6 per cent. These five milhcns 
are, by "dr. Hush, added to tlie 516,297,210 93. 
actually paid, with wliieli they had no natural 
confection : thus making the gross sum of 
521,297,210 on on the credit side; .arid then 
to balance the account, tliese five millions aro 
charged on the debit side as so much new debt. 

Whether this was aukwai'dness or design on 
tile part of the Secretary, is not material to en- 
quire ; certain it is that many honest people 
Inive been misled by it ; and some of theii 
idolatrous Editors, no doubt, believe that We. 
Adams, by his woiuierl'ul learning and talents, 
has discovered thePhiIosopiicr'sstone,by which 
lie can not only convert wine into Bt/oni/ ■^nil 
Ti>puz, but the leaden brain of his Secretani; 
into pure g"l 1. The truth is that in the three 
years of Mr. Adams' administration, there 
has not been as much of the public debt 
paid by S 13,702,789, as v/as required by 
law. That th's sum is now due to tlie sink- 
ing 'und, the Editors of the National Intelligen- 
cer must know; and yet they have copied into 
their paper of tl;e 29th ult. asiily article from 
the llaryhnder, .stating that, by July next, Mr. 
Adams will have paid more than thirty eight 
millions of the public debt, and thi rcfore. re- 
commending him, in the strongest terms of pan- 
egyric, for Fre-'idenl a^ain. , Call you this hon- 
estv and fair dealing gentlemen' It is hut li:- 
tle better than the spurious documents con- 
cerning the six militia men, now advertised in 
vour paper for .sale by Jonathan Elhott, or the 
coffin hand bills. Like those disgraceful docu- 
ments, wiicn properly un.lerstcod, this pitiful 
trick will serve to swell the vote of Gen. Jack- 
soa a few thousand mca-e; that's all. 

This paper is published as k newspaper, and 
s'lbjectto newspaper postage and no more.— 
Some Fostma.sters have charged postage on it 
as a pamphlet ; this is not correct, and all^ our 
subscribers are informed that we base submitted 
the <iuestion to the I'ostmaster General, who 
considersit within the decisio.-i iflade'iQ the f^ 
of Nik-s'. Ucgi.s'.er. 



UNITED STxVl ES\ TELEGRAPH— JKrrm. 



i'his pai>cr will be dovotr-d exclusively to ll-.r Presidentiul Election, and be published weekl;;, 
until the Ijth of Oc'cber next, foTOtie liotltir; subjet to iiewsaper postage, and no more. 

nV GREEN S,- JAR VIS. 



VOL. \. 



"WASTilNGTOX, MAY 10, ISCS. 



No. 10» 



Il;i >he j!"-'-^"i l'orrt,:fcnt/!rig CoTnm'tt.'c ofti'S 
niitrici iif Culumbii:, to Mr. Clay's last JUL- 

'Jo ihe People of the United Hiates. 
1m-!.\.o\v CiTizv.x,'-.: 

In fulfiim-^nt of the iritentlon, liere- 
ti.fo:-'? announced by tiiis Committee, we 
'i i\v proceed to iuj before you a lejiiy 
1 ihe lafe a:l-hv.-s of Mr. (.'lay. This 
-••j;lv v.'oulil have been made Hi a much 
<'Hrlier period, but. for the delay un.ivoidu.- 
bU' inciJent to the piocuremeat of the 
resfliueny of distant and (iispcrsed wit- 
nesses, and other cnnsfes of a similar na- 
fiire. The C'ominiitee have no reason, 
;■ iwever, to recrct the de'ay v.hich lias 
aken place, inasmuch- as it has cr.a'jkd 
rhem to exhibit an amy of tcstimijiy, 
'•■ hlch s^nes to cstal)!i'h, bevond the r>bs- 
-ibiiitv of a rational doubt, the chai-ije of 

corairit jioiilicai bargain between Mr. 
\<la.iir. anil .Mr. (lay. 

It is very far from our \vj.4h to cover 
:ny man, imblic or private, with uuJo-* 
- rved rcjiroacii. On the c(Hitn:ry, it 
>:;ould be the j:rid<'. a> it is- the duty of 
every patriot, to protect our pablic inen 
from causeless attack.", and r-'scire them 
from iintoundcd accusations. B«t there 
is a duty superior to the pride of nati.')iial 
rcnov/n. When men v.-hoin (he pe:>}'lc 
have ilelighted to honor, disrei-ard and 
fori^ct their obligations to tlicir c^Minny - 
and th-cniselves. c:'.dcavor to sap the 
foundations nf our free inslitufions, am! 
destroy th'^ family which ha.« '^iven thrm 
power and distin( iion, it would be trea- 

n to our princi]ile«, our couv.try, imfl 
' '!i-selvps, not to expose their machina- 
'ion.=, and disarm tlietn of power: Na- 
tional character without liberty, is not 
wortii possessin'j;. It should iie oi:r bonst 
to maintain both, 'i'o that e;id, it be- 
cames us tp"'*"^!'*'^" ^'"^ ma/es of intriiiiie,. 
■jv.d visit witii fxee.iplary pualsliincnt, 
every violation of the ri-ijits of fr^em(^n, 
and every attempt, wheditr by force, 
r,ianan;eineut, or corruption, to concen- 
trate m -one or a few men, those powers 
w hich beloiis: to the pe'Ji>le. I'y promp- 
titude and tinnness in 'nliici.inn justice 
upon political otVenders, v.'s shall not on- 
ly deter others from the pei-petrjtion of 
'.I'.c- enormities, but e.'ti:bli:-ii for our- 
?e!ves. amoiis Uio nations of the earth. 



an exalted national character, as merited 
as it will be endiirins'. 
. .^or Mr.' Cliiy," w'e ask only that jus- 
tice which he invokes. If he has not, in 
tlie aspiratiims of an unreauiated ambi- 
tioDSiisandoncd theiibeial prmciplesv/hich 
were once his boast; if he has not, to se- 
cure, his T)wn au.^raudiiemcnt, disobeyeti 
tiie voice of hiscf^untry; if he has not, 
as the means of securiui; his own eleva- 
tion, imhiced others to forget their duty: 
if he has not scu^lit to shut his ears to 
tb.e vij.ice of ^e peopic, and when forced 
to hear, treated it with conteinnt; if he. 
has not leajrued v. ilh his personal and jxi- 
litica! enemy to tiivide tlie offices and 
einolnuicms.jif.tlfe. government between 
icinv^Jjya inutunl sacrifice of personal 
jpathies and p'>litical principles; if he 
not 'iscd the power and patronage of 
ofSce, to bend .m unwiUins; people into 
reluctant >-i|aie.scence in his political ai- 
range'Ticiivs; if he has not been g;uilty of 
r.iost, if not all of tltese, then may he be 
a uit'.ch injured man. still (le/vrvinj; of 
])or,r.lar ri;^ard and e;o.!ieral commiscra- 
ti'.'k* It is a firm convictlyn. founded on 
the e\-ide,nce before us. that Mr. Claj is 
frjiltif, and that, to sufler him to escajie 
v.ith unpunitj, would be unjust, Tjvould 
tempt -"iher jwliticlans to seek elevation 
bv siciilar me.'ins, and ultimately change 
our pure elective sy itenr of 2:overnnieiit 
into one of wide spread proiligacy and 
corruption, which icduccs us to attempt 
his detection and evposyie. 

Thcverv title paije "f Mr. Clay's Ad- 
diess, is a'specimen of the disingenuous- 
nessby which. his wholtr cpur?e has lately 
been (listin^uishcd. It Is cntit'cd '■•An 
Address of Flenry Clay to the public, 
c.in'iiinin'.^ certain testimony in refutation 
of tlie chi<r5:es as;;'.inst him, made by Gen. 
j-hvlrew.J'ii'-kson, touch.int: tlie late Pre- 
siiiiitiftl election." The charges era- 
braced in the Ad.drcss, are. that <:f ma- 
king; .a proposition to Getteral Jai kst.n to 
make hiin t-re.'ident on condition that lu5 
w'ovld not make Mr. Adams Secretary of 
State, and that of voting; for rk5r. Adams 
on condition that he should be made Se- 
cretary ot State him'.elf. 

'i'hc only i^ouud on which GeneraT 
Jacks9n is accused of makiuij; the fin;t 
charge, is the statement made by th<; 
General of the conversation which took 



Mb 



jiiace bet\ieeii iiitii aaii Mr. Buchanan, 
and tlie inference which he drew, tliat 
this gentleman had come authorized by 
Mr . Clay. By the statement of Mr. 
Buchanan, it appeared that tlie conversa- 
tion took place, in substance, as General 
Jackson had stated. General Jackson 
had admitted, that in this inference he 
might be mistaken, and might have done 
injustice to Mr. Clay. When Mr. Buch- 
anan disavowed having come by the au- 
thority of Mr. Clay, tihere seemed to be 
an end to tliis matter, which made the 
array of negative testimony produced by 
Mr. Clay, ^vhoUy unnecessary and gra- 
tuitous. * General Jackson had stated 
that he might be mistaken. There end- 
■ cd the first charge, so far as General Jack- 
son was concerned. 

To implicate General Jackson in ma- 
king the second charge, Mr. Clay's rea- 
sbmng is as illogical as his object is un- 
just and disingenuous. The charge origi- 
nated in thousands of minds, and fiowed 
ftom thousands of tongue?, the mqMEnt 
that Mr. Clay's determination to volWor 
Mr. Adams became publicly known. ?'Ir. 
Kramer's letter to the Coliniibian Obser- 
ver, uiaking tlie char<;c in the broadest 
la-ms, was dated on the 25th of January, 
1825, and was published on the 28tfi. 
Mr. Clay, on the 31st, in his card, pro- 
nounced the writer " a base and infa- 
mous calumniator, a dastard and a liar," 
and promised to hold him responsible "to 
all tlie laws which govern and regulate 
the conduct of men of honor." Mr. 
Kremer, in "another card," dated 3d 
Yebruary, declared himself "ready to 
prove, to ihe satisfaction of unprejudiced 
minds, enough to satisfy them of the ac- 
curacy of the statements which are con- 
tained in that letter, to the extent that 
•thev concern the course and conduct of 
.," fl. Clay. " The first r^wement of Mr. 
Clay, was intended, by its violence and 
menaces, to deter every man from making 
charges against him, through fear of be-' 
ing held "responsible to the lav.s of ho- 
nor." Mr. Kremer's card suggested to 
him another course, no less artful. The 
Presidential election had riot yet taken 
place. His vote had not been given; the 
consideration of the bargain — the appoint- 
ment of Secretary, had not been paid; 
and, in the absence of these lacts, it v.-as 
difficult, if not impossible, to prove mo- 
iives and intentions: or, if string circum- 
stantial evidence could be adduced, it 
was still in t'le powfr of Mr. Clay to im- 
or(*s? the commi'.nitv wi(h the hrt^liof. ihat 



the evidence as well aa itie biaiemeut oi 
Mr. Kremer, was founded in misappre- 
hension, by refusing to accopt the ap- 
pointment of Secretary of State. In- 
stead of challenging Mr. Kremer, ic- 
cordiug to the laws of honor, he thei'c- 
fore appealed to the IIou?e of Represen- 
tatives, and solicited an investigation. 
Mr. Kremer avowed his readiness to meet 
it, and prove the charges, a^ mude ia tbf. 
letter. By rejecting the proposition made 
by Mr. M'Duflie, the House refused (o 
receive evidence corresponding with the 
charge, end Mr. Kremer not being able. 
to produce it in any other shape, prudent- 
ly abandoned the attempt, and left the 
parties to complete their arrangements. 
This failure to prove him guilty before 
the oifence was committed, Mr. Clay hasy 
with his usual art, ever since claimed a:* 
an acquittal! 

It dees not appear that General Jackson 
ever mentioned his interview with Mr. 
BHchanan, at Washington City; but the 
latter gentleman, in his public statement, 
admits that he had frequently mentioned 
it himself. But Mr. Clay, for pui-poses 
which cannot be mistaken, olioo'^es, with- 
out a shadow of evidence, to attribute tKa+ 
to General Jackson, which he knows came 
from Mr. Buchanan. It is only by follow- 
ing the General in his journeys, some time 
after the Presidential election, and catch- 
ing at garbled statements of remarks as 
made by him in c.tsual conversations, and 
by searching his own domicil, that expres- 
sions of disapprobation have been detect- 
ed in relation to that, which had before 
raised the voices of indignant millions. 
There is scarcely a man in the Union op- 
posed to the re-election of Mr. Adams, 
upon whom stror.gcr expressions in rela- 
tion to the late Presidential election 
might not be proved, than those which Mr. 
Clav, v.-ith all thi» devotion of his willing 
instruments, has been able to lis on Gen. 
. Jackson. 

Mr. Clay misfakefl his accuser. It is a 
N ATIONwhich has arraigned him at it? 
bar. The charge of corruption in the i 
last Presidential election, has been made 
by an insulted people. The evidence of 
its truth has been accumulating from the 
moment of its origin. To escape from its 
fatal influence, Mr. Clay turns to the 
right and the left, grasps at every expe- 
dient, and seiiks a personal quarrel ^vith 
General Jackson. It is all in vain. 'Th: 
fatal charge sticks to him like the pois«neil 
fWrt <jf Nessus, and every reckless eflbr^ 



ir, 



of his a^Quy, Uiu lixts 4 moi e cLasaiy, aiid 
makes nis (iesfrr.ction more certain. 

The late Address is but another evolu- 
tjou of Mr. Clay's politicrJ tactics, to 
deceive the people, and draw oii" their at- 
tention froir: the only important question 
now ill issue. Neitiier his menaces nor 
bis arts, nor his letter to Judge Brooke, 
nor his address to his constituents, nor 
his Lett-isbur^ speech, nor his Pittsburg 
speech, couM arrest the torrent of pub- 
lic reproach, and retrieve the sinking for- 
tunes of the Coalition. The Fayette- 
ville letter suggested a new expedient. 
It was to avert public attention Irom his 
■bargain with Mr. Adams, by seeking a 
cflntest with General Jackson, upon a col- 
lateral issue. On his journey to the West, 
last summer, he learnt at Wheeling, that 
there was in town a private letter from 
General Jackson, detailing the incidents 
alluded to in that letter. Of this private 
letter, he procured a copy, without the 
consent of the writer or i-eceiver. Gen. 
Jackson liad drav.n the inference, that the 
racmber of Congress alluded to had been 
authorized by Mr. Clay, directly or indi- 
rtctlv, to hold the conversation which he 
recapitulated, although he admitted that 
in this he might bo n\istaken. Mr. Clay 
determined on a tremendous elfbrt to make 
tlie whole controversy in the public mind 
rest on the correctness of General Jack- 
son's inference. He therefore publish- 
ed the private letter of General Jackson, 
denied the inference, charged General 
Jackson with becoming his public accuser, 
and followed it up with speech upon 
speech, at Noble's, in Wopduird county, 
at Paris, and at Maysville, filled with de- 
nunciation and violence. General Jack- 
son calmly replied, and gave the name of 
the member of Congress with whom he 
had held the conversation, and again ad- 
mitted that his inference might !>e un- 
founded. Mr. Buchanan stated that it 
v/as. Instantly the Union rang with Mr. 
Clay's acquittal. His friends every 
ivhere maintained, that tiie absence of 
evidence tliat he had made a proposition 
to Ge«crff/ ./fff^so)), was conclusive proof 
that he had made no bargain witli J\Ir. 
Mams! The art of Mr. Clay measura- 
bly succeeded, and for a time the public 
attention v/as withdrawn from the import- 
ant point in controversy- — iiis coalition 
WITH Mr. Adams. 

But new facts and new evidence had 
been disclosed. The public attention was 
lagaiu fixing itself upon the point in issue. 
To divert it once more, Mr. Clay came 
CTiit v.ith his late Address, still assailing 



General Jui-k.-^LL. .i.aKiiig uew K.„,-,,^ict. 
against him, and casting an ancTior aheati 
to guaid against a storm which he sa^\ 
appoaching from the West. In all hr^ 
defences, hitherto, he had conveyed the 
impression tliathe had made Op liis mind 
to vole for Ivlr. Adams with gieat delibr'r 
ration, after he had ceased to be a candil- 
date, and was converted into aji elector. 
The public knew not of his dctermirt.-]-. 
tion until about tlie 20th of January, 
1825, and consequently, had drawn ifici 
inference, that he had not formed it many 
•days before th.at time. But facts dis- 
closed in the Western papers, were lead- 
ing to the conclusion, that his coalition 
with Mr. Adams was privately formed 
long before, and to weaken the effect ol 
this new evidence before it should cow 
fUrly before the people, the Secretars. 
\s\i\\ his usual adroitness, undertakes tb 
prove that he made up his mind to votrt 
for Mr. Adams, as early as October, 1824] 
In the course of this investigation, it will 
be seen what advantage will accrue to his 
"mTacitjj, his in'ogrilij, or his honor, by 
the new ground he has thus lately assuni' 
ed before the American people. " 

Wit'iout further adverting to the arl- 
of the Secretary to divert and deceive 
the public attention, we sliall now pro- 
ceed to consider the only material poin< 
in issue between the people on one side- 
aud Messrs. Adams and Clay on the 
other. Did M,: Clay suppo/t j/r. Mams 
xvith his vol?, and influence in coiisiderd- 
lion of being made Secretary of Stale, as 
Ihc price or the consequence of his support? 

To judge of the inducement which 
brought tiiese men together, it is neces- 
sary to understand their previous rela- 
tions. Forthe honor of our country, we 
could wish that the facis we are about to 
disclose, had never existed. Nothina but 
our obligations as freemen, who vicvv the 
intrigues of unprincipled politicians as 
more dangerous to our country than the 
enemies whom Jackson conquered, would 
draw from us the mortifying detail whicli 
it is now our duty to lay before the Ameii- 
can people^ 

At the period of the treaty of GhenT, 
John Quincy Adams was considered tire . 
most eminent public man in the East, and 
Henry Clay, in the AVest. The race of 
Virginia Presidents was almost extinct-. 
Mr. Monroe was the Secretary of State, 
and the destined successor of Mr. Madi- 
son. It v.-as universally foreseen, that, s 
tlie termination of Mr." Monroe's service 
as President, the sceptre of authority 
v.ould 1>? transferred to some cthcrpcctioj. 



148 



■A t'ho Union. yU. AdauiK ar.d Mr. Clay, mus: reserve lo inyscit me power ot cqIu- 
mo prominent mtn of the East and tlie rounicatins; to you, hereafter, the reasons 
Wt-st. both desired to obtain the appoint- which inRueiiccd me to difier from a ma- 
•ment ot'y<;creLary of Htatr to Mr. Monroe, jority of mj collta.^iiies on that occasion; 
ihatthev niif'ht sui ceed him as President, and if thej be iiisufticicnt to support my 
In the negotiation at Ghent, a difter- opinion, I yersnade rayselfthat they will, 
^'nce arose among the Commissionerk, re- at least, vindirate my motives.'' 
lati\ e to an offer propos£>d to be made to It v. as very singular, that Itir. Rtissell, 
)he British Coni:ni3sioners,of ti-.e free na- who did nut even desire tiiat the altcra- 
vigation of the Missisiii.m by British Sub- tion should be nwde in the joiat letter, 
rects, as an eciuivalo;)t'fo"/t!ii? privilege sprcifying that a majority puiy concurred 
of fishinj; within the territorial jurisdif- in the offer of the. Mississippi ruiviRSitiori, 
t'on of Great Uritain on the coasts of should have so far d)an2;ed his mfnd or> 
North America. Messrs. Adams, Bay- the same dav, us to detm it neces&ary for 
ird, and Gallatin, vvere in favor' of him, in vindication of his motives, to a;i_ve 
jiuJdnn- the oSer, and ?.Iessrs. Clay and an explanation to his government. ■ No- 
Huriseil a,u;aintt it .In a joint letter body had denounc«>d his motives, and the 
iVom the "American Conimissioners to Secretary of State wotild never have 
their Government, dated at Ghent, Bee. known that he was one of t!ie minority, 
25th, 1814, is the following passao:e: had he not aiinouucwl it himself. It is* 

, "If they, (theUritith Coinmissloners,^ 'evident, therefore, that he must have had 
ftsketl the navio=ition of the i.lississippi a motive in this transaction, distinct front 
as a new claim, they could not expectwe self-vindication. 

:;>ionld (ixant it without an equivalent; if In accordance with his notice, Mr. Rus- 
I'hev asked it because it was granted in sell wrote a long letter to Mr.. Slonroe, 
TrS3, they must recognise the claii#^)f then Secretary of Btiiie, dated at Paris, 
iho. people of the United States to t!\e Feb. 11 th,' 1815, marked "-private." In 
liberty to fish, and to dry and cure fish, this ietier he magnified the importancje of 
in question. To plnce both points be- the Mississipsr. navication to tiie B.ritish, 
yond all fature controversy, a mnjorUi; depreciated (he value to us, of the fishc- 
o/w.s a'f'cr/,(mfi/ M <5^'fr to admit ail arti- ries in coiitroverpy, became the champi- 
vle confirmina: both rights; or, we oSfored on of western interest.-, and charged trie 
at the same time to be silent in the treaty majority wi'h insincerity, absurdity, and 
upon both; and to leave out, ^together, vioiation of instnictlrms. It was a form- 
"ihe. article deniiini; the boundarv from al arioment and studied comuientary upon 
the Lake of the Woods westward"." the joint letter of Dec. 2;)di, 1 81 'i, which 

How the expression, '* a majority of had been penned by Mr. Adams. Being 
us," &c. came to be in the letter, is tlius marked ';jr/f«/P,'''itV',va& intended only 
nsplained by Mr. Adams in his book up- for the insjjecti.-n of Mr. Monroe. Mr. 
on the Mississippi and the fisheries, page Russell fust makes an occasion for this 
159: explanatiiin by gratuitously itifoiniing 

'•The draun-ht having been pass?d Mr. >.ionroe, tliat he was in the minority, 
round to ail the members of the mi^sion and then gravely proceeds to give it! Un- 
for revisal, was brou^^dit back to me by assailed, exce,/byhi;nse!f, he enters into 
Mr.RuBsei!, with an alteration, which, he a formal vintiK-ation. This is addressed, 
said, was desired, not by him, bat by not to the people nor to the public author 
Mr. Clay, to sav, insfead'of '-we oiler- ities of his country, but to him wli" is d^i- 
ed," "a majority of us determined to tiaed tobe the next rresident. Mr. Moii- 
/ otter.'' roe had always distingttished himself as 

■ v The very same day, Mr. Russell, wAo the friend of the west, and any thing 
i^id net desired the altei-ntion himself, which threatened to injure that favorite 
wrote .a'aepaiufe letter to the Secretary of section of the Union, was calculated to 
State, in v.hich he said: sink deep into his mind. Nor could it be 

" ^s, hov.ever, vuu will perceive by supposed, tluit the impression would be 



■our despatch to you of this date, that a 

majority only of the mission was in favor 

of offering ti/the liriiisli plenipotentiaries, 

an article conlirmin'i the British right to 

• the navigatiuii of the Mississippi, and 

.. ,ptvr A to the liberty as to the fisheries, it be- 

'''c*>mas me in candor to acknowledge, that 

^ ■'VT* iti rhpi irunij-ltv on tliat f^uei-'tiiiri. I 



less.eifective, because the disclosure came 
from a northern man, who seemed to have. 
no interest in exaggeration or misreprc- 
sentation. 

Mr. Clay and Mr. Rus.^ell acted togatli- 
er, and voted together. At ilr.Chiy's sug- 
gestion, Mr. Russell procHred the alter- 
ation in the joint letter. TImj i':cre togel':- 



L4b 



•'.' af PariSjU-'icii the txphnation teas 
written. If this docmnent !iad impaired 
I'ue coalidence ol'i]!-. MiUiioein Mr. AA- 
anjs lis oneof Uie liiajorky, who was to be 
bonefiteJ? Not Mr. Ru.^cRj for he could 
liot expect the office of Secretary of iiVAtz 
J'roiii M». Monroe. No man t\ as as likely 
to reap the benefits as ?.Ir. Clay. Deliv- 
ered Irom t!ie rivrdrv of ?*]r. Adams, he 
would have had a brighter prjspect for 
the oliirc of Secretary of State, that sure 
path t'» the sum;;'iir of his ambitious hopes. 
The interest of Mi'. Russell could have 
been only contingent upon the downfall 
of .Mr. Adams and the elevalion of Mr. 
Clay. There CRn, therefore, be but kittle 
doubt, that thi.-i whole aft'air was an iu- 
triiiue set on foot hy Mr. Clay, to under- 
mine .Mr. Ailara--. in-the e8!imHtlon-.of Mr. 
Monroe, and ojien to hiniseif an avenue to 
the, :j'ecnnd office in tiie g..'Vern>neiit. 

The !!itrii;«e ftiled. Ilu^^seil's letter 
vias filed away unheeded, among. Mr. 
Monroe's private papei sj ha is made Pres- 
ident, and appoints Mr. Adams Secrelnry 
of State. From that moilient Mr. Clay 
was opposed to Mr. ^Monroe, ^m! sout;ht 
i^ystvy occasion to thwart the measures of 
his administration. 

That this whole aftair v/as a piece of 
management in Mr. Ciav, to destroy Mr. 
.\dams. and tliat the latter thought so, is 
proved by subscqueni events. In the 
lirsf page of the introduction to his book 
ujKjn the Mississippi, Mr. Adams ijays: 

" In the course of last summer, (5^ 
1821) I was apprised by a ftiend, thatr^ 
mors very unfavorable to mv raput^uion, 
evi.-n for nitegrity, ware imiustriouaiy cir- 
culated in the western country. 'I'hatit 
^vas .said I \\uA m.ide a proposition at 
tjhent to grant to the Brili.sli the ri,n:ht to 
iiavij^ate the Mississippi, in return for 
the Newfoune'laud fiiihories, and that this 
ivas reprLxented aa, at least, a hi^;h mi.s- 
demtjanor.'' " He siiiJ, the proposal was 
tryje represented (as an oiVcuce) so that 
it was chftr^cd exc!u:>ively upon me; and 
( hat 1 should hear more about it ere long. " 

On the. succeeding JaiuieLry, the docu- 
ments relative to tiie Olient nej^otiation 
viere called for, .ind in February laid be- 
fore the HouLe of Representatives. Mr. 
Adams says, that ■vvliile these documents 
were lying on the table, '• the correstMin- 
dence from WttflhiiVg;ton, apd the news- 
papers indoctrinated by it, had not been 
equally inactive. Throu>;h these chan- 
nels, the public were assured, that the 
proposal of ofFerin;; the navigation of the 
>ili9sis9ippi for the fisheries had been made 
^)v me; that Mr. Clar had uniformly de- 



clared that \\'i would mil ^igu the U'e;i" v 
v'rh such tin article in it; and that tlu; 
propo.»al had been finally set aside by Mr. 
Bayard's haviuu; chai'ged sides, aa^A 
come over to the opinioo of the in'r- 
iiovity." 

In April, 1822, a call was made for Jlr. 
Russell's private letter, dated at Pari.-j, 
Feb. llth, 1815, which was repeated in 
the following June. On the latter occ2' 
sion, Mr. B. Hardin, of Iventucky, is rft^ 
DOrted in the Kati-mal Intellijjer.cer, (0 
nave said, "he was L;!ad the letter wa.-i 
called for, and he should vote for the re- 
solution, as it would show the western 
people in what manner their intercsU 
were disregarded or sacrificed: tiiat the. 
CoMimissioners o'Tered tti give up the na- 
vigation of the Mississippi, to secure tl'.e 
fish.eries of the east." 

Tli«e now came out the original letter 
to Mr. ilonroe, maFked ^* priva/e" ta- 
gether with a "duplicate" left by Mr. 
Riissell at the Depariment of Slate, be.. ' 
f'jxc file ori<j!nal was found, to be commut 
nicated to the House. Mr. Adams ob- 
tained leave to submit his remarks upon 
these documents, aiid laving hold of cer- 
tAl:i differences betwcev theletterandthi: 
duplicate, to assail Mr. Russell, did nol 
hesitate now nnd then to aim a thrust ut 
Mr. Clay, whom he evidently believed to 
be the original miover. Of Mr. Clay and 
Mr. Russeii, he says, page H: 

"'rhat the. objection, by the minority, 
against the article and aiuendment, insist- 
ed, in principle, upon the sacrifice of an 
eastern for the benefit of a western ijitijr- 
est. 

"That the eastern interest to be sacri- 
ficed, was of verj,' great impoi't;;nce to t!;i- 
Union, and of vita! importance to the Sliite 
of Massachusetts; while the western in- 
terest for which It was to be immolatiil. 
was altogether speculative and iniaginaiy. 
It wdi most truly denominated vy tKe- 
member of tiie mission now no more, brag,- 
gins; a million Ui^ulnJit a cent.''' 

These views are enforced throughout 
the publication r.f Mr. .Vdams, intermiug- 
led with insinuations against tlie coiidut'' 
and m.otives of Mr. Clay; with insinua- 
tions that the wViole affair, from the altpr. 
ation in the joint letter at Ghent, to the 
c;ll for Mr. Ruifgeirs private letcer i;i 
Congress, was a scheme of intrigue to de- 
stroy his reputation and effect his ruin, 
\n productions written by him some time 
after tlie publication of Mr. Russell's lei. 
ters with his remarks, he repeats the same 
views. In his book, page 232, he says: 

"Since the communication ofhife (Mr,- 



i>(l 



Kussell's).k-iif!-> to the U.cmac of R.rpi'c- 
serifalivcs, <hc uses i'nrwlrich it vas sup- 
posed the production (if them was intend- 
ed, and to which they v.ere. adapted, have 
■not bepu altogether abandoned in some 
parts of the western coinitr}'. The St. 
. JjIhus Enquirer, has p\irsued this purpose 
in t!ie simplest form, by publishing the 
message of the President of the United 
States to the House of Kepresentatives, of 
■lie rth May. and ?tlr. ihisselFs private 
letter, and by suppresslns: the duplicate 
and (he remarks. In the Kentucky Re- 
porter, publislied in Lexington, and in 
the Argus of Western America, published 
Ki Frankfort, vai-ious publications have 
appeared, exhibiting similar views of the 
subject, representing the, proposition 
Juade to the British plenipotentiaries on 
the lstBece!nber,1814,as a very grievous 
Otrjncc,& ascribing it exclusively to me." 

In page 254, he further says: "The 
perusal of Mr. Russell's duplicate, dis- 
closed to me the mystery of ruin which 
had been brev ing aguinst iiic, from the 
vciy day after the signature of the trea- 
'fy of Glient. It was by representations 
like those of that letter, that the minds 
of my lellow-citi/.ens in the west, had 
lor a succession of years been abused 
and ulcerated against me. That let- 
ter, indeed, inculpated the whole ma- 
jority of the mission of Ghent; but*subsi- 
diary slander liad perf(U-Uied its part of 
pointing all the gTiilt, and f^istening all the 
responsibility of the crime upon nie." 

The allusions to Mr. Clay, and the im- 
iiutatloiis cast on him by 'Mr. Adams, 
were too obvious and too severe to pass 
\5ithout notice. Mr. Clay became sensi- 
ble, that it was due to his integrity and 
iicnor, to appear before the public. "^ liad 
not tlie alterations in his duplicate, ren- 
dered Mr. Russell unpopular, there is 
little doubt that he would have been back- 
ed and sustained by all Mr. Clay's 
weight and influence." As it was, that 
gentiemaii was glad to escape from the 
.Contest. Tiie introduction to Mr. Ad- 
.•4ims' book was dated Sept 2ist, 1823. 
•On the 16{h November, Mr. Clay ad- 
dressed to the editors of the National In- 
'"liigcncer, the following letter : 

Lexingtox, loth Nov. 1823. 

"(Ji2;iTi,EMK.v — I have witnessed, w'lth 
Vry great regret, the unhappy controversy 
which has arisen between two of my late 
d-iolleagucs at Ghent. In the course of the 
several publications of wiich it lias been 
the occasion, and jirirticularly in the ap- 
!>Sndix to a pamphlet, whica has been re- 
''fnlU'' puWis'ied !>v ih> ht^ntirahTe Tolm 



Quinry Adams, 1 tjiinkiiier*;ai'e s.(iuie er- 
rors, (no doubt unintentional, J both as to 
matters of fact and matters of opinion, iu 
regard to the transactions at Ghent, re- 
lating to iheaavigation <>f1he Mississippi, 
and certain liberties claimed by the Unit- 
ed States in tlie fisheries, and to the pai-t 
which I bore in those transactions. These 
important interests are nov,' well secured, 
and, as it respects that of the navigation of 
the Mississippi.left as it ought to be, on the 
same firm footing with the navigation of 
all oth^r rivers of the confederacy, the 
hope may be confidently cherished, 
that it never v.ill hereafter be deemed a 
fit subject of negotiation with any foreign 
power. An account, therefore, of what 
occurred in the negotiations at Ghent, on 
these two subjects, is ftot perhaps neces- 
sary to the piesent or future security of 
any of the rights of the nation, and is only 
interesting as appertaining to its past his- 
tory. With these impressions, and being 
extremely un'.villing to present myself, at 
any time, before the public, I hail almost 
resolved to remain silent, and thus expose 
myself to the inference of an acquiescence 
in the correctness of all the statement'^ 
made by both my colleagues; but I have, 
on more rellection, thought, that it may 
be expected of me, and be considered as a 
duty on my part, to contribute all in my 
power towards a lull and faithful un- 
derstanding of the transactions referred 
to. Under this conviction, I will, at gome 
time more propitious than the present, to 
c: ti.iand dispassionate consideration, and 
wiien there can be no misinterpretation of 
motives, lay befjre tiie public a narrative 
of those transactions as I undei-stood them. 
I will not, at this time, be even provoked 
(it wotdd, at any time be inexpressibly 
painful tome, to find it necessary) to en- 
ter the field uf disputation with either of 
my late colleagues. 

"As to that part of the official correispon • 
dence at Ghent, which had not been com- 
municated to the public by the President 
of the United States, prior to tlie last scs- 
siuh of Congre'is, I certainly laiew of no 
public considerations, requiring it to hfi. 
withheld from geneial inspection. But 1 
had no knowledge of the intention of thft 
honorable Sir. Floyd, to call for it, nor of 
the c.ill itself, through the House of Re- 
presentatives, until I saw it announced 
in the public prints. Nor had I any 
knowledge of the subsequent call whiclt 
was made for the letter of the honorable- 
Mr. I'usseli, or the intention to make it 
until 1 derived it from the same channel. 

''■I will thank yrti to publish tlii^ i*tf in 



asaurancea of the higK respect of your obe- 
dient servant, H. CLA\." 

The next day the following reply ap- 
peared in the same paper: 
To the Editors of the National InteUig-encer. 

" Gentlemen — In your paper of j'es- 
ferday I have observed a note from Mr. 
Henry Clay, which requires some notice 
from me. 

" After expressing the regretof the wri- 
fi?r at the unliappy controversy which has 
arisen between two of his late colleagues 
at Ghent, it proceeds to say, that in the 
course of the several publications of which 
it has been the occasion, and particularly 
in the appendix to the pamphlet recently 
publisiied' by me, "he thinks there are 
>some error3,(no doubt unintentional,) bcth 
rrs to matters of fact and matters of opinion, 
in regard to the transactions at Ghent re- 
lating to the navigation of the Mississippi, 
and certain liberties claimed by the Unit- 
od States in the fisheries, and to the part 
■which he bore in those transactions." 

"Concurring with Mr. Clay in the re- 
gret that the controversy should ever have 
arisen, I have only to find censolation in 
(he reflection, that from the seed time of 
1814 to the harvest of 1822, the contest 
was never of my seeking, and that since I 
have been drawn into it, whatever I have 
said, written, or done in it, has been in tl\e 
face of day, and under the responsibility 
of my name. 

" ilad Mr. Clay thought if advisable, 
now to specify any error of fact or of im- 
puted opinion which he thinks contained 
in the appendix to my pamphlet, or in any 
other part of my share in the publication, it 
would have given me great pleasure to rec- 
tify, by candid ac'/;nowledgment, any such 
<:rror, of which, by theliglit that he would 
have slied on the subject, I should iiave 
been convinced. At whatever period 
hereafter, he shall deem the accepted 
time has come, to publish his promised 
narrative, I shall, if yet living, be ready 
V, ith equal cheerfulness, to acknowledge 
indicated error, and to vindicate contest- 
rd truth. 

" But,as'by the adjournment of tliat pub- 
lication to a period "more propitious than 
the present to calm and dispassionate 
consideration, and when there can be no 
inisintrpretation of motives," it may 
chance to be postponed, nnti! both of us 
shall have bee-i summoned to account for 
all our error9,bcfoie||a higher tribunal than 
thatofour country,! feel myself now callcJ 
.upon to sifv, thnt Iptthe appropriate d1»- 



jBkiiiuu.i. w !n'u ciaii iio iv luey will, exjioM.. 
the open day and secret night of the trana» 
actions at Ghent, Ihe staiements both erf 
fact and opinion in the papers which I have, 
written and published, in relation to this 
controversy, will, in every particular, es- 
sential or important to the interests of 
the nation, or to the character of Mr. 
Clay, be found to abide unshaken, tire 
test of human scrutiny, of talents, and <t1" 
time. 

•' JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
Washingtos, 18th Dec. 1822." 

It will be seen that Mr. Adams not on- 
ly re-asserts all he had said in relation to 
?ilr. Clay, but mysteriously hints at ' si'- 
cret night' transactions at Ghent, and 
broadly insinuates, that Mr. Clay had co- 
vertly assailed him, without daring to in- 
cur the responsibility of putting his name 
to his accusations, frothing in Mr. Clay's 
letter to the Editors of the National In- 
telligencer, could have excited those dark 
suspicions, or justified their publication. 
Mr. Clay said: "i have witnessed, with 
very great regret, the unhappy controver- 
sy which has arisen between tv/o of my 
late colleagues at Ghent." He does not 
even censure Mr. Adams, but siniplv 
thinks he has committed " some errors^ 
(no doubt unintentional,) both as to mat- 
ters of fact and matters of opinion," &:c. 
He seems to think the whole matter ot 
very little importance, and says: *' I will 
not, at this time, be even provoked (it 
would at any time be inexpressibly pain- 
ful to me to find it necessary) to enter 
the field of disputation with either of my 
late colleagues." This has the appear- 
ance of uncommon forbearance and mag- 
nanimity. 

In one point Mr. Clay was doubtless 
sincere. It would have been ' incxpressl- 
biy painful' to him to enter the field <jl 
disputation with Mr. Adams, as the co- 
adjutor of Jonathan Russell. But in every 
other respect, we are compelled to say, 
as Mr. Adams insinuated, tliat there ne- 
ver was a more perfect specimen of pro- 
found hypocrisy and dissimulation, than 
was exhibited by Mr. Clay, in this letter 
to the Editors of the National Intelligen- 
cer. At that very moment, the western 
papers were teeming with tlie most inju- 
rious charges against Mr. Adams, instj" 
gated by Mr. Clay's own tongue, or com- 
ing from his own hand! 

During the late investigation in the Se- 
nate of Kentucky, Mr. Robert WickliftV>, 
a devoted friend of Mr. Clay, asserted, in 
his place, that Mr. Clay nt^fr did en- 



I5d 



'.erisin ahTiU feeling i©war«JsiIr.A(l.inis, v,-Lir& arc uc:. l"ovc:oite!;; .iiid you %vll! 
in cousequpnce of the transactions ;it pause ami count the value of many a brave 
Ohcni; in proof of which, he adduced iiiaifs life, befoic you rai.se to power one 
Mr. Clsy'a declarations to iiiinself; and wjiose unfeeling policy- v/ould crimson 
lie defied the friends of General Jackson your fresh fields '.vith the blood of your 
to prove the contrary, by t!ie evidence of border brethren, and ii^,ht the midni.;iic 
any respectable n\an. Samuel Daviess, fcu-est ^ith tiie Humes of their d\veniny;s. 
Esf|. then arose i'roni liis place, and stated Men, who would think of contessions ^o 
that the gentleman himself had, by his disastrous, are unworthy the sujjport of 
speeches Rjiil votes, in 1 8'24, alftmed ti\e Ohio: much, more so, are those who re- 
truth of the charges against >Jr. Adaais: diicc them to a SLiinns proposition. The 
and he moreover produced a series of navigation of the Mississippi is too ini- 
numbers, signed " H'aiine^''' w'icii were portant to be bartered for the prlvile'^eef 
published in (lie '"Liberty Hull and Cin- nshingln Eritish v.aters. It is (giving our 
<;innafi Ga/.ette,*' at Cincinnati, Ohio, wives a!id children for fish, and bartering" 
early in ths fall of 1822. averring that the bloiid of nur citi/.ens for nionev. Coii- 
they *rere written In Kentucky, sent to ccal, exphiin, and sophisticate as lie will, 
Mr.'Clay, by him directly or indirectly this was tiie tendency of the pru;ioS!tiou. 
forwarded to the Btafe of Ohio, ff pubii- which was aj^itated at Ghent. i5ut was 
cation; rtie pr.'if ofall whic!i he declared thissurprisiii'^;? Under the same auspices, 
he had at Ijsnd. iMr. Wicklift'e sunk to one of tne most fertile and extensive pro- 
his seat, overwhelmed st tliis prompt ex- ". mccs of tlie West, adav'|uate to the for- 
posure.gnd no man dared say again that niation of two States, was ;;iven to the 
.*!r.C!lay had no objections to Mr. Adams K^aniards: the ^tate of Louisiana, one 
on accoiiiit of the Ghent negotiations, of the most important and vveakcstpoinis 
These cumWrs had passed t!iroug!i the in the Union, ^fvas made a frontier, and 
hands of Mr. Clay, before, the (Vite of his, exposed to sudd-en invasion from the ad- 
lettcr to the Editors of the Intelligencer, joining; empire. Fs it a matter of deepest 
and wore at that very moment reimblish.- concern witii us to exterminate the Brii- 
iui-: in the Kentucky papers. To siiow i.sh influence among the northern and 



western Indians? Tlic blood of slaugh- 
tered friends cries aloud to t!s from the 
ground. 'It- is.' The policy of Mr. 
Adams introduces the British trader to 
their wigwam, by openintc to him, under 
th.e "-ir.rdianslapof a treatv. the naviira- 



far Mr. Clay's nets dilfcred from his 
WOT ',1, we take th- fidlowing extract from 
tiie third numbi~r of " Wayne." _ 

'• Ohio presents no cjndid'ate for the 
presidency at the approaching election. 
Now York, with w'liose interests, next to 

those of her sister St.ites in the v.'est, Ohio tion of the Mississippi. Shall we sanc- 
tion this, by sust-.iinuig him.- Is it a mat- 
ter of liie last moment to us to ivnitect 
our own navigatim of t;ie OIuo and Mis- 
si 'sij-.p;.^ Of what value is the Ohio or 
is John Quiiicy Mississippi to us, if Louisiana ha occupi- 
nt Secreiary of State, ed by art eneniy? .Yet .-.ir. Adams is <iT 
the Administration, which, in the tr^ruG 
has he showti for your roads and canals.^ 'i)f territory, has niad-A Louisiana a frontier. 

V.'ifh sucli princi'^-H's, Jo'in Qnincv 
Ad'iius can never" receive the support of 
Oliio. He is !o!> ignorant,of our interests. 



IS intMit iniimate'y connected, ofiers no 
claimant whose pr.'isj)ecis are not abso- 
l;-tely hopele>S. At the head of tliose, 
wh.ose pretfeM:;ions are entitled to our se- 
rious consideration, 
.VdaniK. tiie present Si 
Wlil Oiiio cnoosc him? ^*.'liai interest 



Can it be expecied that- he, v. ho would 
open to our rival and oi'.r enemy, the 
liavigatimi of tlmse canals, diri by tlse 
haiid of God. fiirflie use of <he Licr.-iising 
millions of Vi'cstern America, will piti- 
mi'te our trade by making artificf.d ones? 
Instead of opcii.ing new avenues for our 
commerce, is it not to be feared tiiat, in 
swine future treaty, to secure s^Mve {)aiiry 



or lie di>ve£r.rds tlieni." 

From the iVcirth number of V/ayne, we 
extract ti'.e following: 

" The imporiauce of havinga "WestrTn 
n«n in the National Councils, as well a.-^ 
in all those situations wiiere the interests 



piivilese to an Eastern interest, he would of this section of the Union are brought 
render lho^e wiiich already exist, a curse, in quesiion, was never so strongly exem- 
rather than a-blessijig? Oii'r frontiers can plHied, as in the transactions atteriding 
testify, that, we want not those meu at t!ie treaty of Ghent. It wj.s proposed 
the helm of the nation, who would, for to open tiie Mississippi, tlireugh its v.iuile 
any consideration, open new chaifneis for extent, to the navigation of British sub- 
thus giving tliem the tnost direct, 
nnmerous and wirlike 



British iuiluence among our northern and 
vestprn Indians, Tlv 



harrore of past access to thi>' 



loi 



tribes of imliuTis v. hii:]i border on our 
northerJiand \v»">t.evn fiontier. That iiny 
A:neiican statesi:\;;ii should, for a mo- 
meni, have eiitevt.iined so ta'cal a pro- 
ject, is as strange as the fact is alnrminj;. 
To the presence of an able western man, 
may v.-e attribute tlie d-jfeat and abandon- 
tueut of that atrocious proposal. But f ir 
the exertions of Henry Clay, the seeds of 
Wir might now have been sowin:i. ,>ior.g 
our northern and western borders. Wnich, 
at no dii»tant day, uould have produced 
an aiiur.dant harvest of tears and blood, 
lie found that a majority iiad resolved to 
inake t!*.' fata! proposition. V>'itha firm- 
ness which should endear him to the peo- 
]ilc of the West, he pr;>testsd that he 
Mduld sign no treaty vihich contained a 
^-tipu!ation so repugnant to his country's 
honor, aftd &o danjicroxis to her peace. 
This firmness had the desired eRect The 
illustrious and lanieated fSayard changed 
his mind, and then the West was saved. 
I'hc danger we thu5 escaped, should sink 
vieep into our hearts, and teach us a lesson 
;.s lasting as our lives." 

This was the secret langjuage of Mr. 
i 'lay, in relation to Mr. Adams. If it 
Mas not peuiied by his own hand, it puls- 
ed through that hand, was tlius adopted 
uS its own, and then cast out ujwn ihe. 
iicean of public opinion, without a name. 
He charges Mr. Adams witli '• (m ttn- 
fecNn':; poli~i/," vi'liich '^ would crimson 
•.'Ur fresh fielih uniii Ike blood ofow bor- 
der brclhri'n, and lli(ht Ik-e mldnishl Jor- 
i-tt with the fames of ikci.r Ju-ellings:" 
with •' fifing our tcives and thlldrea for 
fish, and barter'ng the b'jod of our cUi- 
ztnsfor mvnet/:" with bcin-i " i'^nonmt'^ 
of western interests, or '• disregardtni;'" 
t^'.em. The propoMtion made at Ghent, 
he declares to be a »' I'ulal projtcl,"' an 
■•afrodoiis prnposal,^' "• as 'itraiis^c as it 
fv alarming x^'' and that but for his own 
exertions, •■ the ntcds rf irar inii:>it now 
hauc been sowing, along ow northern and 
western borders, i^'hich, at no diKtant day, 
u-nidd hanc produced an ahundant harvest 
of tears and blood. " 

Mr. Clay secFclly throws out these aw- 
f'il charujt'S amoiij hiri countryni'Mi, and 
i'l a few days afierwards cnnu-s fm"vard, 
and publicly dcciares to the v/orid, with 
a;i alFected iv.eekiiess and moderation, tiwit 
he '■'regrets'^ the '^ unjortur.atc eon'rover- 
•i>: beliccen tifo of his late colleagues;''^ that 
t!ie errors of Mr. Adams are ^^ doiibtlesn 
■unintentional;'''' that he wiil not discuss 
the matter now, lest Iris " inotivei''' should 
Le misinterpreted; and that ''it would be 
■!ii''"<](fessih)y painful to him, at any tira's 



to fuul it n(H;e.ssary to enter the lield of 
disput;;t'on with either of his late col- 
leaj2;ues!" 

I5ut this is only the commencement of 
Mr. Clay's un<lcrminin2; and disingenuous 
conduct in relation to Mr. Adams. About 
the time he wrote the fore*oiag celebra- 
ted letter to the Editors of the National 
In tel!iij;encer, declining a controversy \n til 
Mr. Adams, lest his motives should be 
misconst.-ued, he called im his friend, tlie 
Editor of the Argus, published iii Frank- 
fort, Kentucky, for the purpose of cor- 
recting an error relative to the principles 
assumed at Ghent, which had brought 
upon that Editor and Mr. Clay the severe 
censure of Mr. Adams, lie gave his friend 
a narrative of tiie proccedini^a at Client, 
and convinced him of his error. The Edi- 
tor then took up the publication of Mr, 
Adams, and reviewed it in a series of Let- 
ters, addressed to John Quincy Adams, 
After these letters had been published in, 
the Argus, Mr. Clay offered tlie Editor 
fifty dollars, towards defraying the c.-c- 
poiise of their repubiication in par-ipliiel 
form. Finally, one thous:tnd copies were 
printed, in Lexingnm. by xMr. TuTiner, 
and Mr. Clay-paid one hundred dollars-— 
about one-half of the expense — out of hi* 
own poeVcf, as th.e publisher lately testi- 
fied before the Senate of Kentucky. By 
this act Mr. Clay adopted these Lettei-s, 
aTid made them \\v-> own. He made him- 
self resi>oiisibie for all f4ie statement:; they 
contain — if he be not, in substance, tlieir 
author. - ' 

From the first of this series »>f Letters 
to ^Ir. Adams, we take the following c!i- 
tract: 

•"• Agtsinst Mr. Clay you have m.adr! 
charges, wiiich., if true, must degrade j-.i:n 
in the estimation of his countrymen; and, 
if not, oujc'nt to disurac* you. [n addi- 
tion to numerous inslnuationa scattered 
thr!iu;j;hout yoijr book, you have, in the 
introduction, charged h'.m, directly, with 
having, at Ghent, 'iosisted, in prkiciple, 
upon the sacritice of an Eiisfern for thi; 
benefit of a Wes- ern interest;' at the saiU'j 
time asrertiiii. tliat the n.-ititinal intcreiii, 
Mhich Sir. Cay thus insjs-ed on ajicri- 
ficing, was, comjiared wirh tliat for whicii 
the sacrifice was intended, aa 'a millioii 
i^ainst a cent.' 

" This is a serious charge. If it bt 
true, Mr. Clay has comuromitted the in 
terests of !iis country, and does not dc. 
serve its confidence. If it be not true, 
you have borne • false witness a;^aiu< 
yotir neighbor,' and deserve universal re 
probation, Th.at it is not ti-^p-. ^v(> nr- 



!-.J.4 



'ouiii 10 iisaeit! a:iii wa will prove pur as- 
sertion by your ov,!i declarations.'! 

The same letter thus lays down the 
topics intended to be discussed in the 
publication: — 

" That you and the people may be at 
once apprized of the points whicli these 
letters are intended to embrace, we here 
itate tliem in explicit terms: 

" In Letter IL, we shall show that you 
*iave grossly depreciated the extent and 
ialue of the British ri2;ht to the naviga- 
fion of the Mississippi, before the late 
lyar: in relation to which, it will be seen 
hat your reiterated declarations a;-e con- 
radicted by factsj by the conduct of the 
Vmerican Government: andbvrour ov.n 
•onduct. 

•^' In Letter III., we shall show that 
t'ou exaggerate the extent of the fisheries 
ivhich were contested at Ghent,in a degree 
cs extravagant as you depreciate the Bri- 
Jsh right to the navigation of the Missis- 
-ippi: m relation to v/hicli, it v/ill be seen, 
hat your assertions and arguments are 
•ontradictcd by tlie British Govei^Rment, 
1)6 American Goveruincnt, aiul yourself. 

'• In Letter IV., we shall show" that you 
vcre not authorized to offer any equiva- 
ent for the fisheries, or any part of them; 
ind that you were expressly forbid to con- 
-ctle to the British. the na'vigation of the 
tlississippi, for any consideration what- 
ver: in proof of which, we shall adduce 
,our instructions; the article first oiVorcd 
>y Mr. Gallatin; (facts proving tiiat the 
tlississippi is within the exclusive juris- 
iiction of the United States,) and your 
•;A'n declarations, ' 

^ " In Letter V., we shall stww that Mr. 
?laj's opposition to Mr. Gallatin's pro- 
josition v.'as required by his instructions, 
;S well as by sound 'policy: that the 
hargeof changinj- sides, which you hava 
iiade against Kira, is utterly unfounded, 
ud may be retorted up ni you; tliat the 
!ara,graph oflercd by mm, to get rid of 
'Ir. GaJlatin's proposition, vv as notappli- 
■able to the British ri<;ht of navigating 
!ie Mississippi, either in letter or princi- 
.!e; that, nevertheless, the majority did 
pply the same principle to the navigatic;; 
f the Mississippi; that on this point you 
;laringly contradict yourself: and that 
our eflbrfs to fix tergiversation and in- 
.onsistency on Mr. Clay, by adducing 
is original signatures aseyldcnce of his 
lidividual opinions, is not only disingen'.i- 
us, uncandid, and unjust, biif, if atlmis- 
Ible, would invol'.e you in repeated con- 
radictions, and prove that you have sacri- 
!'^d iTipnrtanf. !ntfrp><<s nf yrur cmmtrv, 



'• In Letter VI., ^re sliail show that 
Mr. Gallatin's second proposition, which 
was also strenuously opnosed by Mr. Clay, 
but finally adopted, and oflered to the Bri- 
tish Commissioners, was not authorized 
by your additional instructions, as a part 
of the Status ante bellum; was unneces- 
sary to the conclusion of the peace, im- 
politic, and unjust. 

" In Letter VII., we shall show tha 
the principles on which you support onr 
right to the fishing liberties, and the Bri- 
tisli right to the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, are perfectly contradictory; the ab- 
surdities of jour positions, ant{ the dis- 
crepancies of your assertions, v»ill be 
exhibited; and it will be seen, in conclu- 
sion, that your boasted principle, insteaid 
of being supported, in the negotiation of 
1818, was virtually abandoned, in instruc- 
tions drawn by your own hand. 

'• In Letter VIII., we shall give'a short 
summary of our .irguments; inauire what 
would have been the condition of the coun- 
try, had the concessions offered by you, 
at Ghent, been accepted by oiu- enemy; 
and exhibit, both by reason and the re- 
sults, the superior wisdom of the course 
which was so zealously recominended bv 
]Mr. Clay. ^ 

" Letter IX. will be supplemental; ic 
wliich v.e shall endeavor to show, as well 
by this as by other transactions, that you 
feel a direct hostility or total indiflcrence 
to the interests of this section of the 
Union; and of course are not lit to pre* 
side over its destinies." 

The same letter thus conchides: 

'• The air of correctness, the appear- 
ance of sincerity, and the vein of sarcasm, 
v/hich pervade your writings, impel the 
admiring reader to assent to the truth of 
your assertions, without examining into 
the correctness of your premises, or the 
soundness of your conclusions. On a rc- 
perusal and strict comparison of your ar- 
guments and assertions, the delusion will 
vanish; and instead of the stern vindica- 
tor of violated truth and insulted virtue; 
you will appear onlv as an able rhetori- 
cian, an artful sophist, a clumsy negoti- 
ator, and vindictive man." 

The fnllov.ing is extracted fromflie se- 
cond letter: 

' • You have attempted to prove — not by 
facts — but by assertion and prophecy, 
that the Britisli riglit of navigating the 
Mississippi, before the late war, was a 
mere phantom, of no value to the British, 
atid no injury to us; a right of travellin"; 
a highway, a privilege merely nominau 
Enjoyed for ^'*iirtv ye?r? T^rfVurt u-n^ n 



1 5.0 



;;ai.ed ri^Ui, a iianuiers I'lgiiC to travel a 
ve.steiTi higinvay, a mere nominal right, 
harmless to us. "itc. &c. All these asser- 
tions, we are compelled to say, arc ilirect- 
ly contradicted by tacts, by the conduct 
<n our own government, and by your own 
cojiduct. 

''Could you. Sir, bcignorant of Lieut. 
Pike's tour to the soiuxes of the Missis- 
,^ippi, undertaken by the authority of our 
Government, and executed in the years 
1805 and 1806? In all yournc-2;otiations 
iTlative to the ?>Iississippi and the north- 
I'rn boundary, have you never adverted 
(a the account given, by that indefetigable 
soldier, relative to the British trading es- 
tablishments on that river? Or, have you 
confined your researches whoHy to the 
Atlantic coast, v^'ithout once deigning to 
direct your attention to the rights, tiie 
interests, and the honor of the nation, on 
(his side of the Alleghany Mountains? On 
this point, it appears to us, you are in a 
dilemma. Either you have never taken 
Oie trouble to inform yourself, relative to 
(lie great national western interests, 
which have been committed to your 
charge, or you have misrepresented and 
I'Bncealetl facts, as you knew them to ex- 
ist. It will be admitted by all, thatyour 
acknowledged habits of ir.dustry and re- 
search, leave little room for you to cover 
•\-nur errors on th.is point, witli the mantle . 
cf ignorance. 

•• M'h.at says Lieut. Pike? lie found 
no less than five British trading houses 
on the Tkiississipni and its waters, mthin 
the immediate vicinity of the river itself. 
He ftrand British traders navigating the 
! Iver, to and fro, almost from St. Louis to 
its source. He found numerous British 
medals among the Indians, distributed by 
these traders with the express obyjct of 
obtaining an unbounded infiueuce over 
their savage minds. He saw the British 
flag floating over British establishments 
on the waters of this very river. He es- 
timated the duties on the British goods 
vended on the Mississippi station, not 
one doUur of which was ever paid, atthir- 
tmn thousand dollars per annum. Tiiat 
ihese facts are not misstated, or exagge- 
rated, is proved by the following passages, 
extracted from ' IPike's Journal.' "' 

The same letter thus concludes: 

" It was natural for Mr. Clay to think 
difl'erently and feel difi'erently from what 
you pretend to think, and actually felt, 
ill relation to admitting the British to tWe. 
navigation of the Mississippi. He could 
u<7t conceal from himself the fact tliat the 
'^xi<«t»;n'rp ami 11^1? of this riijithnd h^t^ 



one of tiie cauaej v, iucii led to uw uisasier,-- 
of our arms on the northwestern fron- 
tiers, and the exposure of all our back set 
tlements to the relentless ravages of a sa- 
vage foe. He could not forget the conse- 
quent murders in Missouri, Illinois, In 
diana, and Ohio, a catalogue of enormitie.- 
at v.'hich the heart sickens. Remember 
ing all this, he could not but wish — nay, 
with his ardent and generous nature, n( 
could nc?t but urge, with much earnest 
ness — the policy and justice of excluding 
the instigators of crimes so horrible, fron 
every avenue of access to their willing in 
struments. Nor could he but feel ditier 
ently from you. In consequence of thi 
unlimited access of British emissaries t( 
ou^ Indians through the Mississippi anc 
other channels, more of Kentucky's pre 
cious blood was spilt, than could be pur 
chased with every fish that swims in Br: 
tish waters. Many dear friends, and oiii 
near connexion of Mr. Clay, had fallej 
%ictims to the Indian tomahawk, madeoi 
British anvils. When he departed fo 
Europe, he left a social circle, and evei 
a family, clothed in mournifig for thes 
victims of British influence over savag 
minds. Passing from the midst of th 
mourners and the maimed, how could h 
feel as you did, who, far distant from you 
bleeding country, engrossed ^vith tli 
.events of another hemisphere, and adnii 
ring ' the Titus of his age','* scarcely hear 
the thunder of war rouinjg over the head 
of your countrymen, below the wester 
horizon. It was surely natural thot h 
and yon should feel diiierently. \o 
ought, therefore, to have excused Mi 
Clay's zeal, against once more admittic 
the British traders among our Indian; 
and hazarding a renewal of the blood 
scenes of tlie' Pigeon Roost, the Rive 
Raisin, and Fort Meigs. He could nc 
calculate so coolly as you. If, in the e? 
citemcnt caused by recent Anglo-India 
murders, lie preferied the lives of his fe 
lovz-citizens to all the fish which miglv 
perchance, be caught within thn 
miles of the British coast, you ought 1 
have considered, that his mind was n( 
in a condition, coolly to weigh doUai 
against blood; and surely you would r 
ther have excused hiui as a generous ei 
thusiast, than censured him for compr 
mitting tho interests of his country. No\ 
at least, ou'j;ht you to excuse him, wh( 
YOU iiave adopted his omi course, whii 



• " This is a literal extract oFa letter vn'M' 
from Europe, by Mr. ,\dams, about t"!!!- T^mfe 
Hr)n;fr>!irtf-':-' first <5plhr'Tiiiirneii'''.'' 



loS 



tii'B led tu the sccuremcnt of ihe feherieri, 
aiid a total exclusion oi HhtinU h-adei's, 
mvt only from t!ic iViifloisxippi. but frofii 
all American territorj ou this sideoftbe 
Stony Mountains." 

The ti)ir(i le'ioj- thus comnienceft: 
" Your deciwaiiori!) relative to the ex- 
tent ot' the firjiuu'K's, wiiirh were coiitest- 
tei at ti-liL'ui, are no iesi iiiconsigi.ent with 
facts, than youriis.sertions relativ" to the 
use and valne oi" thf British ri^r) * to na- 
%Ta;.ite the Mississippi. In f'>llo\vinij you 
throuK;h the mazes of your vvondfrfal pub- 
tiaition, wc have been gtrut-k with asitoii- 
iihtncnt at the con'rad'.clioa and miisre- 
presi-ntatiun with wliich it abuunds, rela- 
tive to the p-jrtion of tjiix great niition.vl 
jtjteriMt, wnich was rctdly contested by 
'dii', Britinh Goveniraaiit, at Ghent, and 
Jn th« sabsiH'seat ne^^oliatson. la yaur 
repliSB to Ivlr. Russell, you have lab-.n-cJ 
to prove, that the Britisli nutific^itiofi given 
at that [jlcite, and tlieir subseqii'jiitckiins, 
«5tendc'd to a total exclusion ol'the jK-ople 
cf the Uliited SUtesiVom tli?. whole ti^h- 
cr-ie=; while it is proved by the langu^ige 
«>f your own private loiters fru^n 
Ghent, and from the docuuients relative 
fo the subse^juoiit nei-otiation, that their 
cUims extended only to an exclusion of 
oor tishermcn fram that porhon of the 
fisheric« situated within tl-jri^o miles of 
Their shores; which is the utmost extent to 
which they [wj.Jties';, or even cliiiin exclu- 

•slve jurisdiction." 

After a strou;.^ ar<>:uin»nt on the subject, 
Ibe fourtli letter comc-d to the following 
i:nnc!usir>n: 

'• By f^ct.s by the ri:;ht.* of ycnr coun- 
try, aiid by yotir o>.Vn assertions, we 
have provi'il, that at the time of the ne;^o- 
tiation at Ghent, tlie British G.)vei-aineut 
.jjosscsised no tcruitory on the Al.ssis^ippi, 
and that, con.->e(juetitiy, that river was 
within ths exclusive juriBdicfion of the 
United !3tiite-3. lu supporiingKud voting 
for Mr. Gaiiiitln's pr.rposition, vnu there- 
fore cominittcd a violation of the very 
letter of vour inslructionsj and your de- 
clanitii/its ii( the time, an well as su!)i^c- 
»jiie!!tly, to the 13rjti:~h Governmont, prore 
that yon did it k'KHi'in-Tlv." 

Th:', fifth letter conj.u-iis ths fi.'liovins;- 
''"^oicluir/e Mr. (.lay with p'ir.-'-'.ung a 
SJjr.tion.il course, with beinji; wi'dina; to 
sacrifice one irr;;>ort;iiit eastei-^, to a tri- 
lling- wcj'tern interest. Was not raor ov;n 

^ cojr.-**' wiijHy sectlontil? For who.-e im- 
rnediate. benefit are the fisheries? For 
that of the east. Who wa.^ to py the 
tribute to the Briti.«h kin;;; for then' secu- 

, j'ft'V 1''ie piriple if the y:f^^. y.-iu pro- 



pased to ta.v lae we,-,t tor the betieEt of 
tiic east; not indeed to purchase aiiy ne\i' 
ri;;ht or advantage for the enjoyn^eat of 
our eastern brethrt^u, but to buy oiV a pi- 
rate who thraitoned to capture and cou- • 
fi.scate their ships. It would have been 
wore etpailrible to have bought .security at 
the expense of the fishermen, if it must 
bj i>oui;;ht at all. What wouid they have 
said, had you otVcred a stipulation that 
their security in t.he enjoyment of an un- 
doubted right should \>^i purchased by y;iv- 
ir;^- to the liriti.sh knig, one ha: f of "die 
liiii causjht by them within hi.-> jurisdiction. 
Tuink you, they wouid have applauded 
you, and made )ou preseivis ol codu.sh, 
for \'our virisdora and patrioti!;m in tiiu.'S 
Bacunng thj lislieiiesi'' Vet titis, aithoua;h 
an lutrageon tlie tishermeu and their 
country, v/ould be luore. equitable thaa 
tiie proposition for wlsich you voted. New 
lCii2,ianu could not suiier more, and s-iie 
could ctvead lejs, by {Kiying a^ a tribute 
to tht British kia-^, one. half the iisti . 
caught witbin hw jurisdiction, than would 
the western country by the uiu-estraitie<i 
navigation of the Mississippi by Bntisti 
buiijectj. Hence, you vvjuid nototily sa- 
cri.ace a wc-tern to an easieni interest; 
bat even niakii t]\c wer^tera pciple pay an 
exclusive tax of rivalsiup, war, .lud blood, 
for t!ie security of thoise iiiehenueu wlio 
frequent British waters." 

'i'he seventh ic'ter .thus commences: 
" Throughout your publtcatioa it w curi- 
ous to observe how you alnftyour gr;nind, 
and vary your preini.ics in such manner 
aa to arrive witli certainty at any given 
couciusiuii. Give \\):i Uie p<jiiit to be prov- 
eil, and 3'our fertile mind i.s suie not to 
lack for evidence, if the facts do not 
suit your purpose, you can manufacture 
others, if an asserted principle is not 
adapte4 to tjis cud, you cxa assert its op- 
posite, if it ibe necessary to your pur- 
pose, that an important right be proved 
worthless, by the Haviaw; of your -^oom: 
fjuili it is reduced tj ."a mere pliantom." 
if it be wajited in negotiation as an equi- 
valent far another important right, in ati 
iii.staut it receives bonz and sinew, and 
muscle from your mighty incantations. 
lix}l of all your i-hlftingsi to make your 
argument aj)pe.ar to the i>est advantage bo 
fore the people, there is none more re- 
markable than those relative lo the nature, 
uf the treaty of irS.j, and the rights st>« 
curod by it.* provisiou.s." 
'i'm barae letter thus speaks: 
"• It was not without astoni3lHnsn.t, that 
\ve discovered how presumptuously, in the 
short sf. ire of el<;ht pa^,s, you havf sport- 



la> 



'.il v,~nli ytiur uA-u eiiinnver Ibr consiet- 
ency, and wifli the credulity' of jourcoiin- 
trvmrn. That one wlio Avritcs with al- 
most unexampled rapidity, should i'oigct 
in page 104 what he had said in pa-j^e 100, is 
jia/dly credible; but tliat aiiv mun who 
has the least rejcard for his own repu'a- 
tion, should, with his inemnry anu his 
senses f t.sh about iiim, Iutb the hai-di-. 
hood wiliuilv lO involve himsc!f in the 
grossest contradictions, siaij^ers all i".u- 
inan belief. Vr'e rather suppose that with 
:i vivid fancy and poweiful inieliect, you 
invent a« you pass alon^, piemi^cs .'md 
nrirumeats to suit a prcdeicrmined conclu- 
sion, on which 3-ou strike as c ert'iiniy,and 
uith a course as crooked, as the lightning 
falls npon its destined object." 

The eijihth letter thus commences: 

" In what attitu<ie do you now stand' 
bf fore the American (wop'e, and M'hat has 
become of those sfcitements of facts and 
opinions, wh'ch you i)ioudiy declare would 
"»wnd the test of humai: scruiiny, of 
talents, and of time?-' We have proved, 
that your rcpreseutaiions relative to the 
•vvorthlessness of the British rii;!it to navi- 
gate the Missisi'ippi, a:-e conuadietcd by 
tnc evidence of facts, by the cninluct of 
'he Ameriran govcmnrient, and by vour 
own conduct. 

" We have proved tliat your r<'preseii- 
tations relative to the e-jitent of tlie fishe- 
ries, from which it was the intention of 
the British government to exclucie Ame- 
rican citizens, are contradicted by ficts, 
by the lanijuajjc of the A iwrican j;o-\ern- 
ment, by the declarations of the Biilish 
^>vernment, and by your own decias-a- 
tions. 

"We have shown that the fisheries 
contested at Ghent, sveie those situated 
uithin three miles of the llrifish coasts, 
to secure which, it was proposed to .re- 
new the ri< lit of British subjects to navi- 
gate the Mississippi, with access to it 
throuj^h our northwest territoriesj that 
this offer was not only not authorised, 
but was positively prohibited by vour in- 
structions; and that it was unnecessary, 
impolitic, and unjust. 

" We have shown that, in the first in 
stance, thisofter was defeated by the 7eal 
and perseverance of Mr. Clay, by whom 
it was strenuously oppost'd, on its every 
appearance, and every shape: that the 
paragraph ofTereil by him, nnthor in kn- 
truage nor principle, was applied (irivas ap- 
plicable to the liritish ri;;'ht of navi^atimr 
tlw Mississippi; and that yoiir attempt to 
provp the contrary, by wlcJacinj; his olfi- 
,.;..! r . ,s-ff, ii^i<l;^■• - "i'iov^ •:'•-' to 



fix on him opimons which you kuow hs 
did not cntt'i tain, and acts which yon 
know he d>i net perform. 

"We have shown, tiiat Mr. Gallatia's 
second proposition, which was finally of- 
fered to (he British Commissioners, was 
not an;hori7ed nor jusbTicd by your addi- 
ti-ma! instniciions, was strenuously op- 
posed by Mr. Clay, was intpolitic, unjust, 
and not necessary to the coiiciusion of the 
peace, or the ser.urity of any right beiong- 
ini;t;i the citizens of tlie United States. 

"We have pointtvl out many of your 
inconsislen-cies and contradiftioiis, b<ith ia 
arguuient and language; have exhibited 
vour ■ concealir.ents and ptu-version of 
knowii fdCTs; have shown you vainly eB- 
dcavc.rinp; to shtlter yourself from ct?n- 
sure by testing the meanin;? cf your iii- 
struciions by the ckims of our enemy^ 
niakinj: tlie faottndaries a»d territory of 
ytur country, as well as our right to r.a^i- 
^atethe Missis-ippi, a conditional ifrant- 
the condition of which v. e have expressly 
revised to fulfil, arfjiti-v^ agviinst the riglrts 
of iiidf pendent nitions In favor of British, 
raonopolv, and jeopardising our rii^htg to 
the wliole fishenes, by makinj; them de- 
pendent on a contested principle. 

" In fine, wo lia^e shown that v©ur 
bfnis-ted publicatHins relative to the Client 
mlssioa, are full of absurdities, inconsit'- 
tencies, and c'.iiiiradictions; and that the. 
iiyustice of your denunciations ugaiast 
your colleagues of the minority, can only 
be efjualledby the eloquence and boljiaebS 
with which they are uttered." 

The same letter contains thB following 
passr^es: 

" Had yoti, Sirybeen in Frankfort dur- 
ing the last war. you would not liave 
trcited this subject so. lightly. There was 
scarcely an individual in this plnre, i.>er- 
haps no; even one who had not a hu.sband, 
father, brother, or fr!c;!ii in the north. west- 
ern army. Yet, resting in the >jiisticc 
of a gf)od cause, and the confidence OJ" 
victory, no cloud ob.'fcurtHl the serenity of 
their enjoyment, no melancholy foreb-jd- 
iligs depressed their buoyant spirits, or 
cliecked the cuiTout of their usu?.' amuse- 
ments. On the night when the news of 
the frttal catastrophe nt the Hi^er iJ^isin 
arrived in town, tbere was a performance! 
in the theatre, which was attended by the ■ 
Governor, a brilliaut assemblage of la"di(-9, 
and a large concoiu-se of the me.nibers c4" 
the LegiL-lature, citizens and strang'»is. 
An express arrived from the army; a per- 
s<jn entered tiic. theatre, .ind wriispcred 
to the Gov^rnor;^ not a word wSs saiu 
alo.;.'- 1-i't li; ■■■^■■- •'■:■■. s},:o:k, lh^?;(i- 



158 



Uig)* spread througr. ine audience; all 
arose a;^ one man. and almost in a mo- 
yient the xhcatre -VN'as empty. Nothing 
but the bloody scene itself could exceed 
ijie distresses of that night. All were 
inquiring with the eagerness of hope and 
apprehension for their husbands, fathers, 
brothers and friends; but all tiiey could 
learn was, that the amiy had been defeat- 
"etl, and most of it massacred. 

" All joy and amusement vanished, and 
months elapsed before every family knew 
<he extent of its misfortunes. Daily the 
•V . idows and orphans — made so on that fatal 
day — present theniselves in our streets; 
some of them begging the means of sub- 
sistence for their (lestitute mothers, and 
lUl of them a living caution to American 
statesmen to cut oil", as far as possible, all 
iiitercourse between British subjects and 
the savages of our wlderness. This is 
the case in which a citizen of Massachu- 
si;tts was ' above sympathy;' and' this, you 
v;ould seem indirectly to contend,, was 

* no injury to us!' 

" The repetition of such scenes, would 
have been the fruit of your policy. 

" By the past, by the present, by the 
i'cuduct of our own Government, and by 
jour own conduct, we have shown that the 
navigation of the ^Mississippi was, and 
would have continued to be, useful to Bri- 
tish subjects, and fraught with innumera- 
blo dangers to the citizens of the United 
States. We hold you as the author, at 
least in mind, of all "the evils which would 
have flowed from this disastrous conces- 
sion; and in rendering you that justice 
■svhich vou demand, from the inhabitants 
of the "West, we shall show you, by our 
voice and our vote, that we consider your 
vourse at Ghent, and still more your'vin- 
dication in \82'-2, as full proof that your 
vi&ws are too narrov,-, your feelings too 
Sectional, and yeiir temper too vindictive, 
for the Cliief Magistrate of a free people. 
Had we no interests but the fisheries; 
were the safety of our frontiers to be en- 
'"rcly lost in tlie prospect of gain by fish- 
rng in British waters; were no national in- 
rerest to be promoted but that which is 
vncouraged by a bounty; did we want a 
President who v.-ould make our uncon- 
fcsted rights in the fisheries depend on a 

• ontested principle, and zealously support 
British monopoly against the rights of in- 
dependent nations; then, indeed, might 
we bestow on you our suifrages." 

The ninth letter is supplemental, and 
attempts to prove Mr. Adams's settled 
hostility to the western coun+rv,— The 
following are evtractj^: 



>• It IS tlie object 0/ this ieti^r to ji'rU^ff, 
by j'our public acts, that you have uniform 
ly been actuated by a deadly hostility, or 
a culpable indifterence, to the interests of 
the western country. Startle not, brethren 
of the East; we are not about to adxance 
any sectional pretensions, or charge you 
in mass with partiality and injustice. It 
is a few of your statesmen, only, against 
whom we level our charge; and as you 
have done heretofore, so we trust you will 
again protect us, against their sectional 
and disastrous policy." 

Again: 

"The purchase of Louisiana was Uie 
first great incident, which gave vent, in 
public acts, to your hostile feelings to- 
wards tlie western country. Elected by 
the Federal party in Massachusetts, who 
openly avowed opposition to the extension 
of our national limits, vou then held a seat 
in the Senate of the United States. It 
would have been unnatural, had you not 
participated, in the feelings of a party of 
which you were a leader and a favoiiitev 
Accordingly, we find you, as a Senator, 
voting against a bill enabling the President 
to take possession of I/ouisiana; against 
extending the laws of the United States 
to the teiTJtorj'; against dividing it into 
two territories, for the greater conveniencR 
both of the government and the people: 
against the power of Congress to tax it. 
for purposes of government; and even 
against opening post roads to New-Or- 
leans, through the Indian country, within 
our former territories!" 

Again: 

" But we do not believe there is one 
sincere word in ail your defence, relative 
to your votes on the subject of Louisiana. 
In your pretended opinions, your absur- 
dities and contradictions, we can see no- 
thing but that hostility to the western 
countrv, and the administration of Jeffer- 
son, wnicli characterized your fellow-la- 
borers of that day — Osgoml and Parish, 
Quincy and Pickering. That you should 
now pronounce the annexationof Louisi- 
ana — that greatest and most glorious ncJt 
of Jefferson's glorious administration-— 
an assumption of constructive power more 
transccndant than ' all the other construe- 
tive pov.ers assumed by Congress, from 
the 4th of Maixh, 1789, to this day,' and 
still claim the support of republicans of 
the Jeft'erson school, is absolutely amazing. 
No ir.an but the son of John Adarns — the 
satii-ist of Mr. Jefferson — the reviler of 
Paine's Rights of l^Ian — cotild have haz<- 
arded this assertion. What! JetJei-son 
sanrtifJn .?n ris-^unuifittii df C(n&■tr^rc1,^•a 



lyM 



VmXJI ef iu(»rt; UHiii^Jeuiaui aud dangerous had '• iiyltni-nsed witavtpi/ great rtgret tLt 

than the acts of John Adams' administra- vnhappy corilrovcisi/"' about this Glien:. 

tion? An Adams says it; and a nation negotiation, declared IMr. Adams' errors 

pronounces it untrue. to be " no doubt uninteni.ional,"' and said 

"Your hostility to western interests it would be ''■inexpressibly painful" to 

a^-ain burst forth at Ghent. In your trepi- him to " enter info the field of disputation', 

dation, lest, perchance, the people of New with either of his laic colleagues,-^ botli 

Kngland lose the liberty of fishing in Bri- before and after the date of this letter— 

tisl? waters, yoa forgot the suftenngs and assuming a stand so impartial, and a beap- 

dangers of the bleeding West; the obli- ing so lofty — was using every exertion 

g^tiona which you owed to your adventu- secretly to injure the reputation and de- 

roos brethren in this section of the Union; stroy the standing of Mr. Adams. This 

andevenyourpositiveinstructions. When gcneroun man — so high-minded and ho- 

callcd on to vindicate your needless and norablc — would not state the facts under 

Unauthorized concessions,you equivocate, the responsibility of Ms name, lest hj>* 

CDnceal facts, contradict yourself, impeach 7B0/i"yes' might be misinterpreted; lest he 



(ha integrity of your colleagues, attempt should be supposed to be clcciLnceiing 
to prove°our ridit to navigate the Missis- and endeavoring to elevate himself vpo. 



I prove 



upon 




principle 

and, finally, assert ihat tlrs Western coun- aggravated charges against his rival, for 

try had no interest at stake; that the navi- the very purpose of wbich he so modestly 

"cition of our river never had been, and dreaded to be suspected! 
never could be, of anv ' injury to us' or This was the attitude in which Mr. 

' benefit to the British;' thus addinirinsult Adams and Mr. Clay stood towards each 



and mockery to abandonment and injus 
tice," 

Thus did Mr. Clay charge Mr. Adams 
\rith '■'bearing false witness against his 



other at the approach of the Ir.tc Presi- 
dential election. Sir. Clay, while main- 
taining a lofty and disinterested exterior, 
refusing; even to tell the truth in relation 



■neiglibor;" with *• falsehood" in relation to Mr. Adams, lest he should subject hi& 
to the navigation of the ^lississippi; al- motives to suspicion, was privately en- 
inost, with the massacre of one of Ins own deavoring to \iiify, degrade, and destroy 
"near fow?iex!onj;" v/ith "ifrii/tmo-t/o/- him. Mr. Adams, understanding thff 
lars against blood;" with '■'■fahehoods''' character, and watching the movements 
relative to the extent of the fisheries, con- of Mr. Clay, had denounced him to the 
tested at Ghent; with '■'laiou'ingly viola- nation, in conjunction with his coadjutor 
ting the very letter of his instructions;''^ Russell, and set him at open defiance, 
wiin pursuing " a course u holly section- Their hostility was as great as could 
al;" with attempting to '■'■make the West- arise from eager rivalry, reciprocal inju- 
cm ■people pay an exclusive tax of rived- ries, and mutual recrimination. If Mr. 
ship, war and blood, for the security of Clay believed Mr. Adams guilty of the 
those fishermen who freqiunt British tea- cliarges wliicli he circulated against him, 
ters;" ^-ith '■'■mawfucturing facts;" with he must have considered liiin one of thr 
asserting "opposite principles;" with gross basest of mankind, uniit for private trusf 
^'absurdities, inconsistencies and contra- or public station. If he did not believp 
dictions;" v;ith injustice to his colleagues them, -he must have looked on himself as 
of the minority; with a policy promoting a slanderer and libeller, as destitute of 
Indian wars and massacres; with '• a dead- truth, as the means resorted to were dis- 
(7 hostility, or a ctdpable indifference, to tant from all that was open, manly, or 
the interests of the Western country;" honorable. Whether the charges were 
vith hostility to the annexation of Louisi- true or false, what must Mr. Adams have, 
ana to the United States; with insincerity thought of Mr. Clay? How could he 
iu the defence of his votes, in relation to take to !iis bosom, one who he knew had 
i\\z'Vf^2X;\\-\i\i'''' adding insult and moeh- been plotting his niin from "the seed 
cry to abandonment and injustice;" with time of 1814, to the harvest of ISG^J," 
being "c/i c!r(/"!z/ so/)/iis/, « c/wnis!/ nf«-o- pursuing his object with a malice and 
tiator, and vindictive man;" ■Vfii:h ''■views perseverance which ."eemed ir.satiable, 
too erroneous, feelings too sectional, and except by his entire dcstiT.ction.'' Surely,, 
temper too vindictive, for the Chief Ma- ' nothing could have been more unnatural 
gistra^ of a free people!" Yes, the. same and less to be expected, t!:an that two 
/f?nrv^CiT.y, vho, in Novombw, 1825^ men thus sittwted, should, withcftt th.r 



tm 



. reJratuoa of error, or the confession of 
injury, without explanation or apolop;y, 
rush into each other's arms, embark their 
riutual fortunes in the same cause, solicit a 
common support,and seek a common fame. 
In addition to these facts, which would 
seem for ever to have barred an unior^ be- 

. Iwecn two individuals, either of whom 

i paid the least regard to his own honor, 

.tlherc was, in pRiNrii>i.E, an insuperable 
barrier between Mr. Adams aud Mr, 
Clay, had the latter been directed or re- 
strained by any such consideration. One 
of tlie principal- objections made by Mr. 

( Clay and all his frien(!s to the election of 

'. jlr, Adams, was founded in the dan- 
£;ei->* which threatened our institutions 
from a per[x>tu:ition of the cabinet suc- 

- cession, it was maintained by them, 

, that by the uniform election of the .Se- 
cretary of State to the office of Presi- 

-. dent, our gt>verument was assimilating ta 
a monarchy, ia which exich Chief Magis- 
trate appoint? his successor. This argu- 
..- went was urj;ed agnlnst Mr. Adams in 

1- every )M)ssible shape, and deservedly, with 

. cor.sidernble effect. 

Karly in 182ii, a series of numbers was 
^■published in the Arstus of Western 
America, atFr.inkfort, lieniucky, sijrned 
*'A Western C'iti/en." "VVe have good 
reason to Ijelicve, that theso essays were 
from the ren of Mr. Clay himself. The 
opinions tnev contain, and even the ex- 
pressions, almost perfectly coincide with 
tliose advanced and pramulgatod by him 
in other situations. Tne first of these num- 

. Iters continis the following tieclarations; 
"T'.':' National Intelligencer is not. 
precisely, the most titting paper to issue 
<his edict commsnding silence. It might, 
indeed, sv.it the taste of their ofiicial pa- 
trons and emp'oyers, thr.t as little as 
p<.isslble should be published m this sub- 
ject. Thej- may prefer, that the jirescrib- 
ed line of legitimacy, arconiing to which 
the heir appnrent should be translated 
'from the Department of State to the Pa- 

, ]acp, be preserved unbroken and eriiire. 
•■;,"But they ought to remember (he piac- 

. tic e of Home, by whicli tlie Casars tliem- 
. selves, to secure t!ii;t tranf;uillity \\hich 
the Editors of the Interiiger.cer so much 
ilesire, provided beforehand foV the impe- 
rial succession, has not yet been engraft- 
«'d on our Constitulion." 

The Kentucky Hcpcrtcr, edited by 
■Mr. Smith, a friend, conneyinn, aiul dc- 
>'(;ten inslrumeut of >tr. f'tny, cnnt-'iinod 
botii i:r;:\ i.ius and s';::~equcHt to ih's ce- 
r 0*1. many artit'es bitterlv oppiised to 
r^^ *-:.r-/ii:v ;.,;rcv.sio:i. \¥c fha!h-oi> 



tent ourselves with making on^- extract 
from the number of that paper, dated 
July 15tli, 1818, which is a good speci- 
men of tlie language held dnw n to the 
very moment of the election, by that pa- 
per, as well as all others devoted to the 
elevation of Mr. Clay. 'I'hc Reporter 
says: 

" Mr. Adams is designated by the Pre- 
sident and his presses as the heir appa- 
rent, th.e ucvt successor to the Presiden- 
cj'. Since the principle was introduced., 
there has been a rapid degeneracy in the 
( hief Magistrate; and the prospect of 
sfiil greater degeneracy, is stron'j; and 
alarnsTng. Admit the people should ac- 
quiesce in the Presidential ap)y>intment 
of Mr. Adams to tlsat high ollicuj. vho 
again will he choose as )m succ^sfori- 
Will it be Josl.ih Quincy, IL G. Olis, or 
Rufus King? An aristocrat, at le.tst, if 
not a TRMion, will be our portion." 

The chief object of supjjorting Mr. 
Clay in Ohio, as avowed by his friends in 
their Address of July, 1834, was to break 
up the cabinet succession. This addre.^s 
was signed by the Hon. Joseph A nnce, 
then and now a mem'oer of Con;j;ress. 
the same who vcted with Mr. Clay for the 
very " cabinet .'uccessor," a;:rilnst whont 
its dpnunci;ition was evidently directed, 
and was writlen, as wc are anthori.'.e<l to 
strife, by Charles !l;)mmoad, the subse- 
quent scurrilous reviler of Mrs. Jackson, 
and devoted partisan of Mr. Adams" 
administiation. The following is an ex- 
tract from the Address: 

" As the period approaclietl when it 
would become nocessury to select a suc- 
cessor to President Monroe, it was alto- 
gether proper that much reflection should 
be devoted to the principles upon which 
such election should be made. The 
names of at least three members of }>h\ 
Monroe's cabinet were pretty distinrdy 
presented to the public, as candidates to 
succeed him. P..e;!ecting men could nnt 
but see that a struggle for the Presidency 
between the principal Secret-Trirs, was 
fraught with much evil to the nation, in- 
asmuch as it miitt distract the harmony of 
her councils, if not endanger the intoirn- 
ty of bet- fuiictoinaries, and jecpardize 
her peace and her reputation. Besides 
these m.ischiefs, to select one of the Se- 
cretaries, was to continue the same influ- 
ence in office, which virtually wouhl be. 
a departure from the maxim, th-tt rotation 
in otficc was essentia! io the public. For, 
to change 'the man and retain the influ- 
ence, would be to repose upon the shadow 
si'd ab;in('on the substance. 

To be -MnKiiiKd in our liCTi. 



LNITED STATES' TELEGRAV R-^jExtra^. 



riiis paper will be tievotfil exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be publislied, weekh:, 
until the 15th of October next, for O71C DnUar; subject t^> newspaper postage, and no marc.' 



By GREEN ^- JARFLSy^ 



VOL. I. 



WASHINGTON, xMAY 10, ISSS. 



No. 11- 



KEPI^Y 

By the Jachsan Corrrspondm^ Committee ef the 
District of Columbia, to Mr. Clay's last .id- 
dress. 

[OOSTISUED.] 

The conaiderations here briefiy hinted, 
iletermined many of the most reflecting ci- 
tiz-tng of the country to adopt the opinion, 
that no member of the present executive ca- 
binet ought to be selected to succeed Mr. 
Monroej and this determination wp.s 
formed without any disrespect to the ta- 
lents or characters of the incumbents 
themselves. It rested unon public prin- 
ciple and upon public uuty, and upon 
these alone. In lookino; urounii tur some 
person out of the cabinet, and unconnect- 
ed with the executive administration of 
the national government, a large portion 
of the citizens of the West, naturail}' di- 
r(M;tcd thcii attention to Henry Clav, of 
Kentucky." 

In relation to the prospects before 
them, the address thus soeaKs: 

"Under the strona; persuasion that the 
public o^oA. and a due regard for the fair 
operation for t!ic republican maxim of 
"rotation in office," required that the 
jiext President should not be taken from 
the present executive cabinet, it was de- 
termined to support Mr. Clay for that 
office, as the person, combining at least as 
many qualifications, as any other tliat 
could be named^, with the same prospects 
of success. It was hoped that tnose v.-bo 
had the same general object in view, would 
Ivave sacrificed personal considerations, 
and united in effecting that object. It 
was particularly hoped, that the western 
country would have presented an undivi- 
ded phalanx, upon this great public tjues- 
«ioii, and it is deeply reuretted that an- 
other candidate should be named and sup- 
ported in the west, willi ihc same object, 
and for the same purpose. " 
A^ain, the same atldress says: 
V.'ere Mr. Clay withdrawn, the re-;nlt, 
as to the election by the electors, would 
most probably be the' same: or if it were 
not, it ifould place in IhcPrcsidenliul chnr 
me of ihc prevent cabinet; an event which 
it was the first objea r.fihefr'mids of Mr. 
Clay to prevent; not in refci-ence to the 
men, but the principle. Mr. Clay \ias 
rromirrated in the pprsu3?non tlist all his 



fellow-citizens, entertaininp; the same 
general vie« s, would unite in his support. 
Had this been the case; had this union 
taken place, his election by the electors, 
would have been certain. It is tlie clear 
conviction of his supporters, that the of^- 
ject of nominating him, can only be at- 
tained by adhering to him that to abandon 
him, is to abandon that object and under 
this conviction, the j' have adopted the re- 
solution to adhere to him, as the dictatt 
of duty and off patriotism." 

From these extracts :t appears that the 
first object of nominating and supporting 
Mr. Clay in Ohio, was to break the line 
of cabinet succession, and that it v.as the 
hope of effecting that object, which in- 
duced them to adhere to him. How would 
the 300 individuals composing the meeting 
which adopted this address, have startled, 
nad an angel spoke, and told them, that 
the very act they were then performing, 
would not only enable Mr. Clay to defeat 
their object, but that he would certainly 
do it, and tlien turn round and tauntingly 
tell them, he had but followed a "so/e //re- 
ceJentJ" Would not his very friends have 

denounced him as "a traitor .-'•'' 

After denouncing the cabinet succession, 
and stimulating the whole mass of his 
friends to electioneer on that ground, we 
repeat, that Mr. Clay could never have 
voted for Mr. Adams, if he had been i;i ' 
the least degree influenced by principle. 

■With Mr. Crawford, it hss never bee^i 
pretended that Mr. Clay's relations were 
other than friendly. During the- latter 
part of the canvass, the idea w.v certain- 
ly inculcated by Mr. Clay aiA hia lead- 
ing friends, that Mr. Crawford was tlieir 
second choice. The sVle cf his licalth 
was as well known to them then, as after 
the electoral electkn. Considering lifs 
relations with the two men, it could not 
have been anticipated that Sir. Clay would 
prefer Mr. Adams to Mr. Crawford. Had 
he voted for the .'alter, leaving his frientts 
wil'fiTat infiuence or contrtrl, to vote fur 
T.hom they thought proper.ihough it would 
I'.ave been actln;; a"ainst the !;nowii wil'. 
cf the pe;iple of Iveiitucky, Mr. CLaj 
would at least have avoided sonic of thi- 
imputations which have been indelibly 
fixed upon his character, bj his iinrfa-t;mil 
'cr-alition with Mr. .Xdam-H 



16-2 



It \i"as thought by Mr. Clay's friends, 
and the public in general, that there was 
Some degree of personal hostility between 
hira and General Jackson. It has been 
extensively urged, that the known ill will 
of the General, and particularly the in- 
dignity offered Mr. Clay at Lebanon, in 
Kentucky, made it impossible for Mr. 
Clay to vote for him without dishonor. 
Mr. Clay's late address has total!}' 
destroyed tliis argument. It appears 
by his own showing, that he never che- 
rished any personal enmity towards Ge- 
neral Jackson, and that the only breach 
between them which ever existed, was en- 
tirely healed, as early as 1823. The fol- 
lowing is his account of the reconcilia- 
tion: *' Such was the state of our relations 
at the commencement of the session of 
Congress, in 1823, the interval having 
passed without my seeing him. Soon af- 
ter his arrival here to attend that session, 
I collected from certain indications, that 
he had resolved upon a general amnesty, 
the benefit of whicli was to be extended to 
me. Hebecame suddenly reconciled witli 
Some individuals between whom & himself 
there had been a long existing enmity. The 
greateivpart of the Tenesssee delegation, 
(all 1 believe, except Mr. Eaton and Gen. 
Cocke) called on me together early in the 
session, for the express purpose, as I un- 
derstood, of prouucinga reconciliation 
between us, I related, in substance, all 
the above circumstances, including the 
meeting at Lebanon. By way of apology 
for his conduct at Lebanon, some of ihe 
gentlemen remarked, that he did not in- 
tend any disrespect of me, but that he was 
laboring under some indisposition. I stated 
that the opinions 1 h. il expressed in 
^he House of Representatives in regard to 
(jt-neral Jackson's military transactions, 
had been sincerely entertained, and were 
still heMj but that, being opinions in re- 
spect to pi?blic acts, they never had been 
supposed by irie to form any just occasion 
for private enmHy between us, and that 
none had been cherished on my part. Con- 
sequently, there was t^ obstacle on my 
side to a meeting with Uim and maintain- 
ing a respectful intercourse." He then 
proceeds to state, that he dint^fl with Gen- 
eral Jackson, and the General wijh hiin — 
that they rode in a carriage together; and 
that they " frequently met during ti;e 
<rv inter, always respectfully addressing 
each other." So entire was the reconcili- 
ation, and so cordial were Mr. Clay's 
feelings towards General Jackson, that, 
in the fall of 1824, he told several gentle- 
men,, ffriendlv to the election of General 



Jackson) in Lexington, that he had writ- 
ten to the General, inviting him to take 
Lexington in his way to ^Vashington, that 
they might accompany each other. Mr. 
Clay, in his address, does not deny having 
written this letter, but gives permission 
for its publication. It is now ascertained 
that tiie ietier, if written, was ;.ev';i re- 
ceived, and circumstances lately develop- 
ed, induce tlie ueiief that it -was part of 
the system of deception, by which Mr. 
Clay endeavored to prevent an expression 
of public opinion in kentucky, by inauc- 
ing the friends ol General Jackson m that 
State, to believe that he would vote for 
General Jackson, wiiether instructed by 
the legislature or not. 

Such was the impression produced by 
his conversatiosis with Mr. Cavneal, of the 
SunatiS of is-e:;tucky, Mr. Barry, and oth- 
ers; and his declaration <o Messrs. Wick- 
liffe, Moore, and Henry, his colleagues in 
Congress, whom he advised to hold 
theuiselves un- committed, saying that 
they could vote for either, and justify 
themselves before their constituents,clear- 
ly proves that he himself was prepared,un- 
der a contingency, to vote for Gen. Jack- 
son. ['S'ee Appendix.~\ 

It is easy to see that had Mr. Clay de- 
sired to secure the situation of Secretary 
of State, as the price of his vote, it was 
important to pi-event any expression of 
public sentiment by the people or the le- 
gislature, which bound him to prefer either , 
of the candidates. Having resolved to 
substitute his own will for that of his con- 
stituents, and having likewise resolved 
to determine his own choice by r.n ar- 
rangement subsequently to be entered in- 
to, it was important to prevent any move- 
ment on th" part of the legislature, or the 
people whit ■ 'i^-ight impede his negotiations 
or embarrass his attempts at justifica- 
tion. That he would have made terms with 
Gen. Jackson, and that our view of his 
motives is correct, is strongly coroborated 
by the manner in which he met Gen. Jack- 
soi^on his arrival atWishington.as detail- 
ed by Gen. Call. \_See Gen. Call's letter.^ 

Speaking of Geir. Jackson, Mr, Clay 
says: " Shortly after his arrival, he called 
on me, but I was ou*. I returned the visit, 
considering it, in both instances, one of 
mere ceremony." 

Although th.is narrative of the recon- 
eUiation differs from that given by Judge 
Isaaciand Mr. Blair, it proves by Mr. 
Clay's own confession, that there was no 
obstacle existing in their private relations, 
to his voting for General Jackson. He 
expressly says no enmily "had been cher- 
ished on my prut. " According to " the 



163 



laws which regulate men of honor,'* Mr. 
Clay might therefore have voted for Gen- 
eral Jackson. 

Having exhibited the attitude in which 
Mr. Clay stood towards each of the other 
candidates, let us now trace his footsteps 
through the canvass which preceded the 
election. Until the winter of 1823-4, Mr. 
Clay considered Mr. Adams iiis most for- 
midable competitor. Upon him he turned 
all the artillery of the press, which he 
could wield, and at the same time, as we 
have seen, resorted to all the stratagems 
of an artful and ambitious adversary. 
The claims set up by a portion of the 
people in behalf of General .Tackson, 
he at first considered as wholly una- 
vailing and utterly hopeless. He charg- 
ed Air. Adams and his friends with 
bringing forward the General to di-vide 
the AVest and defeat his (Mr. Clay's) 
election. Towards Mr. Crawford he 
seemed to cast an eye of friendly regard, 
and the impression was circulated through 
the Union, that, if he failed himself, that 
gentleman would be his second choice. 
Mr. Adams was the only candidate upon 
whum he waged a war of extermination, 
and the people of the United States were 
led to believe, that he would ally himself 
wth any man or any party, to prevent his 
election. — [_See Mr. liandolph^s declara- 
tion in Congress, Appendix.'] 

The progress of Jackson's popularity 
during the year 1823, and the first part 
of the year 1824, was alarming to all his 
competitors, and had deprived iMr. Clay 
of his last hope of being elected by the 
people. Under those circumstances, 
what was his obvious duty.' Had he de- 
clined the canvass, and postponed his pre- 
lensions to a more propitious period, he 
would have elevated himself in the esti- 
mation of the American people. But an 
overweening a